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Chapter V: Part 5

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First impressions of mediaeval life are usually coloured by the courtly romances of Malory and his later refiners. Chaucer brings us down to reality, but his people belong to a prosperous middle-class world, on holiday and in holiday mood. _Piers Plowman_ stands alone as a revelation of the ignorance and misery of the lower classes, whose multiplied grievances came to a head in the Peasants' Revolt of 1381. It must not be supposed that Langland idealized the labourers. Their indolence and improvidence are exposed as unsparingly as the vices of the rich; and Piers himself is not so much a representative of the English workman in the fourteenth century as a character drawn straight from the Gospels. Still, such an eager plea for humbleness, simplicity, and honest labour, could not fail to encourage the political hopes of the poor, and we see in John Ball's letter (p. 160) that 'Piers Plowman' had become a catchword among them. The poet himself rather deprecates political action. His satire is directed against the general slackening of the bonds of duty that marked the last years of an outworn system of society. For the remedy of abuses he appeals not to one class but to all: king, nobles, clergy, and workers must model their lives on the pattern of the Gospels.

A. FROM THE B-TEXT, PASSUS VI.

Bodleian MS. Laud 581 (about 1400).

'This were a wikked way, but whoso hadde a gyde
That wolde folwen vs eche a fote:' þus þis folke hem mened.
Quatȝ Perkyn þe plouman: 'Bi Seynt Peter of Rome!
I haue an half-acre to erye bi þe heigh way.
Hadde I eried þis half-acre, and sowen it after, 5
I w_o_l_de_ wende with ȝow, and þe way teche.'
'Þis were a longe lettynge,' quod a lady in a sklayre;
'What sholde we wommen worche þerewhiles?'
'Somme shal sowe <þe> sakke,' quod Piers, 'for shedyng
of þe whete;
And ȝe, louely ladyes, with ȝoure longe fyngres, 10
Þat ȝe han silke and sendal to sowe, whan tyme is,
Chesibles for chapelleynes, cherches to honoure;
Wyues and wydwes wolle and flex spynneth,
Maketh cloth, I conseille ȝow, and kenneth so
ȝowre douȝtres;
Þe nedy and þe naked, nymmeth hede how hii liggeth, 15
And casteth hem clothes, for so comaundeth Treuthe.
For I shal lene hem lyflode, but ȝif þe londe faille,
Flesshe and bred, bothe to riche and to pore,
As longe as I lyue, for þe Lordes loue of heuene.
And alle manere of men þat þorw mete and drynke lybbeth, 20
Helpith hym to worche wiȝtliche þat wynneth ȝowre fode.'
'Bi Crist!' quod a knyȝte þo, 'he kenneth vs þe best;
Ac on þe teme trewly tauȝte was I neuere.
Ac kenne me,' quod þe knyȝte, 'and, bi Cryst! I wil assaye.'
'Bi seynt Poule!' quod Perkyn, 'ȝe profre ȝow so
faire, 25
Þat I shal swynke, and swete, and sowe for vs bothe,
And oþer laboures do for þi loue al my lyf tyme,
In couenaunt þat þow kepe Holi Kirke and myselue
Fro wastoures and fro wykked men þat þis worlde struyeth;
And go hunte hardiliche to hares and to foxes, 30
To bores and to brockes þat breketh adown myne hegges,
And go affaite þe faucones wilde foules to kille,
For suche cometh to my croft, and croppeth my whete.'
Curteislich þe knyȝte þanne comsed þise wordes:
'By my power, Pieres,' quod he, 'I pliȝte þe my treuthe 35
To fulfille þis forward, þowȝ I fiȝte sholde;
Als longe as I lyue, I shal þe mayntene.'
'Ȝe, and ȝit a poynt,' quod Pieres, 'I preye ȝow
of more;
Loke ȝe tene no tenaunt, but Treuthe wil assent.
And þowgh ȝe mowe amercy hem, late Mercy be taxoure, 40
And Mekenesse þi mayster, maugré Medes chekes;
And þowgh pore men profre ȝow presentis and ȝiftis,
Nym it nauȝte, an auenture ȝe mowe it nauȝte deserue;
For þow shalt ȝelde it aȝein at one ȝeres ende
In a ful perillous place, Purgatorie it hatte. 45
And mysbede nouȝte þi bondemen, þe better may þow spede;
Þowgh he be þyn vnderlynge here, wel may happe in heuene
Þat he worth worthier sette and with more blisse:
_Amice, ascende superius_.
For in charnel atte chirche cherles ben yuel to knowe, 50
Or a kniȝte fram a knaue þere,—knowe þis in þin herte.
And þat þow be trewe of þi tonge, and tales þat þow hatie,
But if þei ben of wisdome or of witte, þi werkmen to chaste.
Holde with none harlotes, ne here nouȝte her tales,
And nameliche atte mete suche men eschue, 55
For it ben þe deueles disoures, I do þe to vnderstande.'
'I assente, bi Seynt Iame!' seyde þe kniȝte þanne,
'Forto worche bi þi wordes þe while my lyf dureth.'
'And I shal apparaille me,' quod Perkyn, 'in pilgrimes wise,
And wende with ȝow I wil til we fynde Treuthe, 60
And cast on me my clothes, yclouted and hole,
My cokeres and my coffes, for colde of my nailles,
And hange myn hoper at myn hals, in stede of a scrippe,
A busshel of bredcorne brynge me þerinne,
For I wil sowe it myself; and sitthenes wil I wende 65
To pylgrymage, as palmers don, pardoun forto haue.
Ac whoso helpeth me to erie or sowen here, ar I wende,
Shal haue leue, bi owre Lorde, to lese here in heruest,
And make hem mery þeremydde, maugré whoso bigruccheth it.
And alkyn crafty men, þat konne lyuen in treuthe, 70
I shal fynden hem fode, þat feithfulliche libbeth.'...
(Dame 'Worche-whan-tyme-is' Pieres wyf hiȝte;
His douȝter hiȝte 'Do-riȝte-so- or-þi-dame-shal-þe-bete';
His sone hiȝte 'Suffre-þi-souereynes- to-hauen-her-wille-,
Deme-hem-nouȝte-, for-, if-þow-doste-,
þow-shalt-it-dere-abugge.') 75
'Late God yworth with al, for so His worde techeth;
For now I am olde and hore, and haue of myn owen,
To penaunce and to pilgrimage I wil passe with þise other.
Forþi I wil, or I wende, do wryte my biqueste.
_In Dei nomine, amen_, I make it myseluen. 80
He shal haue my soule þat best hath yserued it,
And fro þe fende it defende, for so I bileue,
Til I come to His acountes, as my _Credo_ me telleth,
To haue a relees and a remissioun on þat rental I leue.
Þe kirke shal haue my caroigne and kepe my bones, 85
For of my corne and catel he craued þe tythe;
I payed it hym prestly, for peril of my soule,
Forthy is he holden, I hope, to haue me in his masse,
And mengen in his memorye amonge alle Crystene.
My wyf shal haue of þat I wan with treuthe, and nomore, 90
And dele amonge my douȝtres and my dere children;
For þowgh I deye todaye, my dettes ar quitte;
I bare home þat I borwed, ar I to bedde ȝede.
And with þe residue and þe remenaunte, bi þe rode of Lukes!
I wil worschip þerwith Treuthe bi my lyue, 95
And ben his pilgryme atte plow, for pore mennes sake.
My plow-fote shal be my pyk-staf, and picche atwo þe rotes,
And helpe my culter to kerue, and clense þe forwes.'
Now is Perkyn and his pilgrymes to þe plowe faren;
To erie þis halue-acre holpyn hym manye. 100
Dikeres and delueres digged vp þe balkes;
Þerewith was Perkyn apayed, and preysed hem faste.
Other werkemen þere were þat wrouȝten ful ȝerne;
Eche man in his manere made hymself to done,
And some, to plese Perkyn, piked vp þe wedes. 105
At heighe pryme Peres lete þe plowe stonde,
To ouersen hem hymself, and whoso best wrouȝte
He shulde be huyred þerafter whan heruest-tyme come.
And þanne seten somme and songen atte nale,
And hulpen erie his half-acre with 'how! trollilolli!' 110
'Now, bi þe peril of my soule!' quod Pieres, al in pure tene,
'But ȝe arise þe rather, and rape ȝow to worche,
Shal no greyne þat groweth glade ȝow at nede;
And þough ȝe deye for dole, þe deuel haue þat reccheth!'
Tho were faitoures aferde, and feyned hem blynde; 115
Somme leyde here legges aliri, as suche loseles conneth,
And made her mone to Pieres, and preyde hym of grace:
'For we haue no lymes to laboure with, lorde, ygraced be ȝe!
Ac we preye for ȝow, Pieres, and for ȝowre plow bothe,
Þat God of His grace ȝowre grayne multiplye, 120
And ȝelde ȝow of ȝowre almesse þat ȝe ȝiue
vs here;
For we may nouȝte swynke ne swete, suche sikenesse vs eyleth.'
'If it be soth,' quod Pieres, 'þat ȝe seyne, I shal it sone
asspye.
Ȝe ben wastoures, I wote wel, and Treuthe wote þe sothe,
And I am his olde hyne, and hiȝte hym to warne 125
Which þei were in þis worlde his werkemen appeyred.
Ȝe wasten þat men wynnen with trauaille and with tene,
Ac Treuthe shal teche ȝow his teme to dryue,
Or ȝe shal ete barly bred and of þe broke drynke.
But if he be blynde, _or_ broke-legged, or bolted with
yrnes, 130
He shal ete whete bred and drynke with myselue,
Tyl God of his goodnesse amendement hym sende.
Ac ȝe myȝte trauaille as Treuthe wolde, and take mete
and huyre
To kepe kyne in þe felde, þe corne fro þe bestes,
Diken, or deluen, or dyngen vppon sheues, 135
Or helpe make morter, or bere mukke afelde.
In lecherye an in losengerye ȝe lyuen, and in sleuthe,
And al is þorw suffrance þat veniaunce ȝow ne taketh.
Ac ancres and heremytes, þat eten but at nones,
And namore er morwe, myne almesse shul þei haue, 140
And of my catel to cope hem with þat han cloistres and
cherches.
Ac Robert Renne-aboute shal nouȝe haue of myne,
Ne posteles, but þey preche conne, and haue powere of þe bisschop;
They shal haue payne and potage, and make hemself at ese,
For it is an vnresonable religioun þat hath riȝte
nouȝte of certeyne.' 145
And þanne gan a Wastoure to wrath hym, and wolde haue
yfouȝte,
And to Pieres þe plowman he profered his gloue;
A Brytonere, a braggere, abosted Pieres als:—
'Wiltow or neltow, we wil haue owre wille
Of þi flowre and of þi flessche, fecche whan vs liketh, 150
And make vs myrie þermyde, maugré þi chekes!'
Thanne Pieres þe plowman pleyned hym to þe knyȝte,
To kepe hym, as couenaunte was, fram cursed shrewes,
And fro þis wastoures wolues-kynnes, þat maketh þe worlde
dere:
'For þo waste, and wynnen nouȝte, and þat ilke while 155
Worth neuere plenté amonge þe poeple þerwhile my plow
liggeth.'
Curteisly þe knyȝte þanne, as his kynde wolde,
Warned Wastoure, and wissed hym bettere,
'Or þow shalt abugge by þe lawe, by þe ordre þat I bere!'
'I was nouȝt wont to worche,' quod Wastour, 'and now
wil I nouȝt bigynne', 160
And lete liȝte of þe lawe, and lasse of þe knyȝte,
And sette Pieres at a pees, and his plow bothe,
And manaced Pieres and his men ȝif þei mette eftsone.
'Now, by þe peril of my soule!' quod Pieres, 'I shal apeyre
ȝow alle!'
And houped after Hunger, þat herd hym atte firste: 165
'Awreke me of þise wastoures,' quod he 'þat þis worlde
schendeth!'
Hunger in haste þo hent Wastour bi þe mawe,
And wronge hym so bi þe wombe þat bothe his eyen wattered.
He buffeted þe Britoner aboute þe chekes,
Þat he loked like a lanterne al his lyf after. 170
He bette hem so bothe, he barste nere here guttes;
Ne hadde Pieres with a pese-lof preyed Hunger to cesse,
They hadde ben doluen bothe, ne deme þow non other.
'Suffre hem lyue,' he seyde 'and lete hem ete with hogges,
Or elles benes and bren ybaken togideres, 175
Or elles melke and mene ale;' þus preyed Pieres for hem.
Faitoures for fere herof flowen into bernes,
And flapten on with flayles fram morwe til euen,
That Hunger was nouȝt so hardy on hem for to loke,
For a potful of peses þat Peres hadde ymaked. 180
An heep of heremites henten hem spades,
And ketten here copes, and courtpies hem made,
And wenten as werkemen with spades and with schoueles,
And doluen and dykeden to dryue aweye Hunger.
Blynde and bedreden were botened a þousande, 185
Þat seten to begge syluer; sone were þei heled.
For þat was bake for Bayarde was bote for many hungry,
And many a beggere for benes buxome was to swynke,
And eche a pore man wel apayed to haue pesen for his huyre,
And what Pieres preyed hem to do as prest as a sperhauke. 190
And þereof was Peres proude, and put hem to werke,
And ȝaf hem mete as he myȝte aforth, and mesurable
huyre.
Þanne hadde Peres pité, and preyed Hunger to wende
Home into his owne erde, and holden hym þere:
'For I am wel awroke now of wastoures, þorw þi myȝte. 195
Ac I preye þe, ar þow passe,' quod Pieres to Hunger,
'Of beggeres and of bidderes what best be <to> done?
For I wote wel, be þow went, þei wil worche ful ille;
For myschief it maketh þei beth so meke nouthe,
And for defaute of her fode þis folke is at my wille. 200
Þey are my blody bretheren,' quod Pieres, 'for God bouȝte
vs alle;
Treuthe tauȝte me ones to louye hem vchone,
And to helpen hem of alle þinge ay as hem nedeth.
And now wolde I witen of þe what were þe best,
An how I myȝte amaistrien hem, and make hem to worche.' 205
'Here now,' quod Hunger 'and holde it for a wisdome:
Bolde beggeres and bigge, þat mowe her bred biswynke,
With houndes bred and hors bred holde vp her hertis,
Abate hem with benes for bollyng of her wombe;
And ȝif þe gomes grucche, bidde hem go swynke, 210
And he shal soupe swettere whan he it hath deseruid.
And if þow fynde any freke, þat fortune hath appeyred
Or any maner fals men, fonde þow suche to cnowe;
Conforte hym with þi catel, for Crystes loue of heuene;
Loue hem and lene hem, so lawe of God techeth:— 215
_Alter alterius onera portate_.
And alle maner of men þat þow myȝte asspye
That nedy ben and nauȝty, helpe hem with þi godis;
Loue hem, and lakke hem nouȝte; late God take þe veniaunce;
Theigh þei done yuel, late þow God aworthe:— 220
_Michi vindictam, et ego retribuam_.
And if þow wil be graciouse to God, do as þe Gospel techeth,
And bilow þe amonges low men; so shaltow lacche grace:—
_Facite vobis amicos de mamona iniquitatis_.'
'I wolde nouȝt greue God,' quod Piers, 'for al þe good on
grounde; 225
Miȝte I synnelees do as þow seist?' seyde Pieres þanne.
'Ȝe, I bihote þe,' quod Hunger, 'or ellis þe Bible lieth;
Go to Genesis þe gyaunt, þe engendroure of vs alle:—
"_In sudore_ and swynke þow shalt þi mete tilye,
And laboure for þi lyflode," and so owre Lorde hyȝte. 230
And Sapience seyth þe same, I seigh it in þe Bible:—
"_Piger pro frigore_ no felde nolde tilye,
And þerfore he shal begge and bidde, and no man bete his hunger."
Mathew with mannes face mouthed þise wordis:—
Þat _seruus nequam_ had a nam, and for he wolde nouȝte
chaffare, 235
He had maugré of his maistre for euermore after,
And binam <hym> his mnam, for he ne wolde worche,
And ȝaf þat mnam to hym þat ten mnames hadde;
And with þat he seyde, þat Holi Cherche it herde,
"He þat hath shal haue, and helpe þere it nedeth, 240
And he þat nouȝt hath shal nouȝt haue, and no man hym
helpe;
And þat he weneth wel to haue, I wil it hym bireue."
Kynde Witt wolde þat eche a wyght wrouȝte,
Or in dykynge, or in deluynge, or trauaillynge in preyeres,
Contemplatyf lyf or actyf lyf, Cryst wolde men wrouȝte. 245
Þe Sauter seyth in þe psalme of _Beati omnes_,
Þe freke þat fedeth hymself with his feythful laboure,
He is blessed by þe boke, in body and in soule:—
_Labores manuum tuarum, etc._'
'Ȝet I prey ȝow,' quod Pieres, '_par charité!_ and
ȝe kunne 250
Eny leef of lechecraft, lere it me, my dere.
For somme of my seruauntȝ, and myself bothe,
Of al a wyke worche nouȝt, so owre wombe aketh.'
'I wote wel,' quod Hunger, 'what sykenesse ȝow eyleth;
Ȝe han maunged ouermoche, and þat maketh ȝow grone. 255
Ac I hote þe,' quod Hunger, 'as þow þyne hele wilnest,
That þow drynke no day ar þow dyne somwhat.
Ete nouȝte, I hote þe, ar hunger þe take,
And sende þe of his sauce to sauoure with þi lippes;
And kepe some tyl sopertyme, and sitte nouȝt to longe; 260
Arise vp ar appetit haue eten his fulle.
Lat nouȝt Sire Surfait sitten at þi borde....
And ȝif þow diete þe þus, I dar legge myne eres
Þat Phisik shal his furred hodes for his fode selle,
And his cloke of Calabre, with alle þe knappes of golde, 265
And be fayne, bi my feith, his phisik to lete,
And lerne to laboure with londe, for lyflode is swete;
For morthereres aren mony leches, Lorde hem amende!
Þei do men deye þorw here drynkes, ar Destiné it wolde.'
'By Seynt Poule!' quod Pieres, 'þise aren profitable
wordis. 270
Wende now, Hunger, whan þow wolt, þat wel be þow euere,
For this is a louely lessoun; Lorde it þe forȝelde!'
'Byhote God,' quod Hunger, 'hennes ne wil I wende,
Til I haue dyned bi þis day, and ydronke bothe.'
'I haue no peny,' quod Peres 'poletes forto bigge, 275
Ne neyther gees ne grys, but two grene cheses,
A fewe cruddes and creem, and an hauer-cake,
And two loues of benes and bran ybake for my fauntis;
And ȝet I sey, by my soule, I haue no salt bacoun
Ne no kokeney, bi Cryst, coloppes forto maken. 280
Ac I haue percil, and porettes, and many koleplantes,
And eke a cow and a kalf, and a cart-mare
To drawe afelde my donge þe while þe drought lasteth.
And bi þis lyflode we mot lyue til Lammasse tyme;
And bi þat I hope to haue heruest in my croft, 285
And þanne may I diȝte þi dyner as me dere liketh.'
Alle þe pore peple þo pesecoddes fetten,
Benes and baken apples þei brouȝte in her lappes,
Chibolles and cheruelles and ripe chiries manye,
And profred Peres þis present to plese with Hunger. 290
Al Hunger eet in hast, and axed after more.
Þanne pore folke for fere fedde Hunger ȝerne
With grene poret and pesen—to poysoun Hunger þei þouȝte.
By þat it neighed nere heruest, newe corne cam to chepynge;
Þanne was folke fayne, and fedde Hunger with þe best, 295
With good ale, as Glotoun tauȝte, and gerte Hunger go
slepe.
And þo wolde Wastour nouȝt werche, but wandren aboute,
Ne no begger ete bred that benes inne were,
But of coket, or clerematyn, or elles of clene whete,
Ne none halpeny ale in none wise drynke, 300
But of þe best and of þe brounest þat in borgh is to selle.
Laboreres þat haue no lande to lyue on but her handes,
Deyned nouȝt to dyne aday nyȝt-olde wortes;
May no peny-ale hem paye, ne no pece of bakoun,
But if it be fresch flesch, other fische, fryed other bake, 305
And that _chaude_ or _plus chaud_, for chillyng of here mawe.
And but if he be heighlich huyred, ellis wil he chyde,
And þat he was werkman wrouȝt waille þe tyme;
Aȝeines Catones conseille comseth he to iangle:—
_Paupertatis onus pacienter ferre memento_. 310
He greueth hym aȝeines God, and gruccheth aȝeines resoun,
And þanne curseth he þe kynge, and al his conseille after,
Suche lawes to loke, laboreres to greue.
Ac whiles Hunger was her maister, þere wolde none of hem
chyde,
Ne stryue aȝeines his statut, so sterneliche he loked. 315
Ac I warne ȝow, werkemen, wynneth while ȝe mowe,
For Hunger hide<r>ward hasteth hym faste,
He shal awake with water wastoures to chaste.
Ar fyue <ȝere> be fulfilled suche famyn shal aryse,
Thorwgh flodes and þourgh foule wederes frutes shul faille; 320
And so sayde Saturne, and sent ȝow to warne:
Whan ȝe se þe sonne amys, and two monkes hedes,
And a mayde haue þe maistrie, and multiplied bi eight,
Þanne shal Deth withdrawe, and Derthe be Iustice,
And Dawe þe Dyker deye for hunger, 325
But if God of his goodnesse graunt vs a trewe.

[Foot-note: 6 wolde] wil _MS._]

[Foot-note: 130 or] and _MS._]

B. FROM THE C-TEXT, PASSUS VI, ll. 1-104.

MS. Phillips 8231 (about 1400).

Thus ich awaked, wot God, wanne ich wonede on Cornehulle,
Kytte and ich in a cote, cloþed as a lollere,
And lytel _ylete_ by, leyue me for soþe,
Among lollares of London and lewede heremytes;
For ich made of þo men as Reson me tauhte. 5
For as ich cam by Conscience, wit Reson ich mette,
In an hote heruest, wenne ich hadde myn hele,
And lymes to labore with, and louede wel fare,
And no dede to do bote drynke and to slepe:
In hele and in vnité on me aposede, 10
Romynge in remembraunce, thus Reson me aratede:—
'Canstow seruen,' he seide, 'oþer syngen in a churche,
Oþer coke for my cokers, oþer to þe cart picche,
Mowe, oþer mowen, oþer make bond to sheues,
Repe, oþer be a repereyue, and aryse erliche, 15
Oþer haue an horne and be haywarde, and liggen oute a nyghtes,
And kepe my corn in my croft fro pykers and þeeues?
Oþer shappe shon oþer cloþes, oþer shep oþer kyn kepe,
<H>eggen oþer harwen, oþer swyn oþer gees dryue,
Oþer eny kyns craft þat to þe comune nudeþ, 20
Hem þat bedreden be bylyue to fynde?'
'Certes,' ich seyde, 'and so me God helpe,
Ich am to waik to worche with sykel oþer with sythe,
And to long, leyf me, lowe for to stoupe,
To worchen as a workeman eny wyle to dure.' 25
'Thenne hauest þow londes to lyue by,' quath Reson, 'oþer
lynage riche
That fynden þe þy fode? For an hydel man þow semest,
A spendour þat spende mot, oþer a spille-tyme,
Oþer beggest þy bylyue aboute ate menne hacches,
Oþer faitest vpon Frydays oþer feste-dayes in churches, 30
The wiche is lollarene lyf, þat lytel ys preysed
Þer Ryghtfulnesse rewardeþ ryght as men deserueþ:—
_Reddit unicuique iuxta opera sua_.
Oþer þow ert broke, so may be, in body oþer in membre,
Oþer ymaymed þorw som myshap werby þow myȝt be excused?' 35
'Wanne ich ȝong was,' quath ich, 'meny ȝer hennes,
My fader and my frendes founden me to scole,
Tyl ich wiste wyterliche wat Holy Wryt menede,
And wat is best for þe body, as þe Bok telleþ,
And sykerest for þe soule, by so ich wolle continue. 40
And ȝut fond ich neuere, in faith, sytthen my frendes
deyden,
Lyf þat me lyked, bote in þes longe clothes.
Hyf ich by laboure sholde lyue and lyflode deseruen,
That labour þat ich lerned best þer_with_ lyue ich sholde:—
_In eadem uocatione qua uocati estis_. 45
And ich lyue in Londene and on Londen bothe;
The lomes þat ich laboure with and lyflode deserue
Ys _Paternoster_, and my Prymer, _Placebo_ and _Dirige_,
And my Sauter som tyme, and my Seuene Psalmes.
Thus ich synge for hure soules of suche as me helpen, 50
And þo þat fynden me my fode vochen saf, ich trowe,
To be wolcome wanne ich come oþerwyle in a monthe,
Now with hym and now with hure; and þusgate ich begge
Withoute bagge oþer botel bote my wombe one.
And also, moreouer, me þynkeþ, syre Reson, 55
Men sholde constreyne no clerke to knauene werkes;
For by lawe of _Leuitici_, þat oure Lord ordeynede,
Clerkes þat aren crouned, of kynde vnderstondyng,
Sholde noþer swynke, ne swete, ne swere at enquestes,
Ne fyghte in no vauntwarde, ne hus fo greue:— 60
_Non reddas malum pro malo_.
For it ben aires of heuene alle þat ben crounede,
And in queer in churches Cristes owene mynestres:—
_Dominus pars hereditatis mee_; & alibi: _Clementia non
constringit_.
Hit bycomeþ for clerkus Crist for to seruen, 65
And knaues vncrouned to cart and to worche.
For shold no clerk be crouned bote yf he ycome were
Of franklens and free men, and of folke yweddede.
Bondmen and bastardes and beggers children,
Thuse bylongeþ to labour, and lordes children sholde seruen, 70
Bothe God and good men, as here degree askeþ;
Some to synge masses, oþer sitten and wryte,
Rede and receyue þat Reson ouhte spende;
And sith bondemenne barnes han be mad bisshopes,
And barnes bastardes han ben archidekenes, 75
And sopers and here sones for seluer han be knyghtes,
And lordene sones here laborers, and leid here rentes to wedde,
For þe ryght of þes reame ryden aȝens oure enemys,
In confort of þe comune and þe kynges worshep,
And monkes and moniales, þat mendinauns sholden fynde, 80
Han mad here kyn knyghtes, and knyghtfees purchase<d>,
Popes and patrones poure gentil blod refuseþ,
And taken Symondes sone seyntewarie to kepe.
Lyf-holynesse and loue han ben longe hennes,
And wole, til hit be wered out, or oþerwise ychaunged. 85
Forþy rebuke me ryght nouht, Reson, ich ȝow praye;
For in my conscience ich knowe what Crist wolde þat ich wrouhte.
Preyers of <a> parfyt man and penaunce discret
Ys þe leueste labour þat oure Lord pleseþ.
_Non de solo_,' ich seide, 'for soþe _uiuit homo, 90
Nec in pane et pabulo_, þe _Paternoster_ witnesseþ:
_Fiat uoluntas tua_ fynt ous alle þynges.'
Quath Conscience, 'By Crist! ich can nat see this lyeþ;
Ac it semeth nouht parfytnesse in cytees for to begge,
Bote he be obediencer to pryour oþer to mynstre.' 95
'That ys soth,' ich seide 'and so ich byknowe
That ich haue tynt tyme, and tyme mysspended;
And ȝut, ich hope, as he þat ofte haueþ chaffared,
Þat ay hath lost and lost, and at þe laste hym happed
He bouhte suche a bargayn he was þe bet euere, 100
And sette hus lost at a lef at þe laste ende,
Suche a wynnynge hym warth þorw wyrdes of hus grace:—
_Simile est regnum celorum thesauro abscondito in agro, et
cetera_;
_Mulier que inuenit dragmam, et cetera_;
So hope ich to haue of Hym þat his almyghty 105
A gobet of Hus grace, and bygynne a tyme
Þat alle tymes of my tyme to profit shal turne.'
'Ich rede þe,' quath Reson þo 'rape þe to bygynne
Þe lyf þat ys lowable and leel to þe soule'—
'Ȝe, and continue,' quath Conscience; and to þe churche
ich wente. 110

[Foot-note: 3 And a lytel ich let by _MS._]

[Foot-note: 19 Heggen] Eggen _MS._]

[Foot-note: 44 þerwith] þerhwit _MS._]

[Foot-note: 62 alle] and alle _MS._]

[Foot-note: 63 in churches] and in kirkes _Ilchester MS._]

[Foot-note: 92 tua] tuas _MS._]

[Foot-note: 99 laste] latiste _MS._]

IX

MANDEVILLE'S TRAVELS

_Mandeville's Travels_ were originally written in French, perhaps in 1356 or 1357. Their popularity was immediate, and Latin and English translations soon appeared. The English texts published show three forms. The first, imperfect, is the text of the early prints. The second, from Cotton MS. Titus C xvi (about 1400-25), was first printed in 1725, and is followed in the editions by Halliwell, 1839 and 1866, and by Hamelius, 1919. The third, from Egerton MS. 1982 (about 1400-25), has been edited for the Roxburghe Club by G. F. Warner, with the French text, and an excellent apparatus. Our selections follow the Cotton MS.

The _Travels_ fall into two parts: (i) a description of the routes to the Holy Land, and an account of the Holy Places; (ii) a narrative of travel in the more distant parts of Asia. Throughout the author poses as an eyewitness. But in fact the book is a compilation, made without much regard to time or place. For the first part William de Boldensele, who wrote in 1336 an account of a visit to the Holy Land, is the main source. The second part follows the description of an Eastern voyage written by Friar Odoric of Pordenone in 1330. Other materials from the mediaeval encyclopaedists are woven in, and there is so little trace of original observation that it is doubtful whether the author travelled far beyond his library.

In the preface he claims to be Sir John Mandeville, an Englishman born at St. Albans. The people of St. Albans were driven to desperate shifts to explain the absence of his tomb from their abbey; but until 1798 it was actually to be seen at the church of the Guillemins, Liège, with this inscription:

'Hic iacet vir nobilis Dom Ioannes de Mandeville, alias dictus ad Barbam, Miles, Dominus de Campdi, natus de Anglia, medicinae professor, devotissimus orator, et bonorum suorum largissimus pauperibus erogator, qui, toto quasi orbe lustrato, Leodii diem vitae suae clausit extremum A.D. MCCCLXXII, mensis Nov. die xvii.'

A Liège chronicler, Jean d'Outremeuse (d. 1399), who claims the invidious position of his confidant and literary executor, gives further details: Mandeville was 'chevalier de Montfort en Angleterre'; he was obliged to leave England because he had slain a nobleman; he came to Liège in 1343; and was content to be known as 'Jean de Bourgogne dit à la Barbe'.

Now Jean de Bourgogne, with whom Sir John Mandeville is identified by d'Outremeuse, is known as the writer of a tract on the Plague, written at Liège in 1365. Further, the Latin text of the _Travels_ mentions that the author met at Liège a certain 'Johannes ad Barbam', recognized him as a former physician at the court of the Sultan of Egypt, and took his advice and help in the writing of the _Travels_.

Again, in 1322, the year in which Sir John Mandeville claims to have left England, a Johan de Burgoyne was given good reason to flee the country, because a pardon, granted to him the previous year for his actions against the Despensers, was then withdrawn. Curiously enough, a John Mandeville was also of the party opposed to the Despensers.

Nothing has come of the attempts to attach the clues—St. Albans, Montfort, Campdi, the arms on the tomb at Liège—to the English family of Mandeville. It seems likely that 'Sir John Mandeville' was an alias adopted by Jean de Bourgogne, unless both names cover Jean d'Outremeuse. The Epilogue to the Cotton version shows how early the plausible fictions of the text had infected the history of its composition.

It is clear that the English versions do not come from the hand of the writer of the _Travels_, who could not have been guilty of such absurdities as the translation of _montaignes_ by 'þe hille of Aygnes' in the Cotton MS. But whoever the author was, he shows a courtesy and modesty worthy of a knight, begging those with more recent experience to correct the lapses of his memory, and remembering always the interests of later travellers, who might wish to glean some marvels still untold. He might well have pleaded in the fourteenth century that the time had not come when prose fiction could afford to throw off the disguise of truth.

[THE VOIAGE AND TRAVAILE OF SIR IOHN MAUNDEVILE, KT.]

British Museum MS. Cotton Titus C xvi (about 1400-25).

From chap. xiv (xviii), f. 65 b.

Ethiope is departed in two princypall parties; and þat is in the Est partie, and in the Meridionall partie, the whiche partie meridionall is clept Moretane. And the folk of þat contree ben blake ynow, and more blake þan in the toþer partie; and þei ben clept Mowres. In þat partie is a well, {5} þat in the day it is so cold þat no man may drynke þereoffe; and in the nyght it is so hoot þat no man may suffre hys hond þerein. And beȝonde þat partie, toward the South, to passe by the See Occean, is a gret lond and a gret contrey. But men may not duell þere, for the feruent brennynge of the {10} sonne, so is it passynge hoot in þat contrey.

In Ethiope all the ryueres and all the watres ben trouble, and þei ben somdell salte, for the gret hete þat is þere. And the folk of þat contree ben lyghtly dronken, and han but litill appetyt to mete.... {15}

In Ethiope ben many dyuerse folk, and Ethiope is clept 'Cusis.' In þat contree ben folk þat han but o foot; and þei gon so blyue þat it is meruaylle; and the foot is so large þat it schadeweth all the body aȝen the sonne, whanne þei wole lye and reste hem. {20}

In Ethiope, whan the children ben ȝonge and lytill, þei ben all ȝalowe; and whan þat þei wexen of age, þat ȝalownesse turneth to ben all blak. In Ethiope is the cytee of Saba, and the lond of the whiche on of the þre Kynges, þat presented oure Lord in Bethleem, was kyng offe. {25}

Fro Ethiope men gon into Ynde be manye dyuerse contreyes. And men clepen the high Ynde 'Emlak'. And Ynde is devyded in þre princypall parties; þat is: the more, þat is a full hoot contree; and Ynde the lesse, þat is a full atempree contrey, þat streccheth to the lond of Medé; and the þridde {30} part, toward the Septentrion, is full cold, so þat for pure cold and contynuell frost the water becometh cristall.

And vpon tho roches of cristall growen the gode dyamandes, þat ben of trouble colour. Ȝalow cristall draweth <to> colour lyke oylle. And þei ben so harde þat no man may pollysch {35} hem; and men clepen hem 'dyamandes' in þat contree, and 'hamese' in anoþer contree. Othere dyamandes men fynden in Arabye, þat ben not so gode; and þei ben more broun and more tendre. And oþer dyamandes also men fynden in the Ile of Cipre, þat ben ȝit more tendre; and hem men may wel {40} pollische. And in the lond of Macedoyne men fynden dyamaundes also. But the beste and the moste precyiouse ben in Ynde.

And men fynden many tyme harde dyamandes in a masse, þat cometh out of gold, whan men puren it and fynen it out {45} of the myne, whan men breken þat masse in smale peces. And sum tyme it happeneth þat men fynden summe as grete as a pese, and summe lasse; and þei ben als harde as þo of Ynde.

And all be it þat men fynden gode dyamandes in Ynde, {50} ȝit natheles men fynden hem more comounly vpon the roches in the see, and vpon hilles where the myne of gold is. And þei growen many togedre, on lytill, another gret. And þer ben summe of the gretnesse of a bene, and summe als grete as an hasell-note. And þei ben square and poynted of here owne {55} kynde, boþe abouen and benethen, withouten worchinge of mannes hond.

And þei growen togedre, male and femele. And þei ben norysscht with the dew of heuene. And þei engendren comounly, and bryngen forth smale children, þat multiplyen {60} and growen all the ȝeer. I haue often tymes assayed þat ȝif a man kepe hem with a lityll of the roche, and wete hem with May dew oftesithes, þei schull growe eueryche ȝeer; and the smale wole wexen grete. For right as the fyn perl congeleth and wexeth gret of the dew of heuene, right so doth the verray {65} dyamand; and right as the perl, of his owne kynde, taketh roundnesse, right so the dyamand, be vertu of God, taketh squarenesse.

And men schall bere the dyamaund on his left syde; for it is of grettere vertue þanne, þan on the right syde. For the {70} strengthe of here growynge is toward the North, þat is the left syde of the world, and the left partie of man is, whan he turneth his face toward the Est.

And ȝif ȝou lyke to knowe the vertues of þe dyamand, as men may fynden in þe Lapidarye, þat many men knowen {75} noght, I schall telle ȝou, as þei beȝonde the see seyn and affermen, of whom all science and all philosophie cometh from.

He þat bereth the dyamand vpon him, it ȝeueth him hardynesse and manhode, and it kepeth the lemes of his body hole. {80} It ȝeueth him victorye of his enemyes, in plee and in werre, ȝif his cause be rightfull; and it kepeth him þat bereth it in gode wytt; and it kepeth him fro strif and ryot, fro euyll sweuenes, from sorwes, and from enchauntementes, and from fantasyes and illusiouns of wykked spirites. And ȝif ony cursed wycche {85} or enchauntour wolde bewycche him þat bereth the dyamand, all þat sorwe and myschance schall turne to himself, þorgh vertue of þat ston. And also no wylde best dar assaylle the man þat bereth it on him. Also the dyamand scholde ben ȝouen frely, withouten coueytynge, and withouten byggynge; {90} and þan it is of grettere vertue. And it maketh a man more strong and more sad aȝenst his enemyes. And it heleth him þat is lunatyk, and hem þat the fend pursueth or trauayleth. And ȝif venym or poysoun be brought in presence of the dyamand, anon it begynneth to wexe moyst, and for to {95} swete.

Þere ben also dyamandes in Ynde þat ben clept 'violastres',—for here colour is liche vyolet, or more browne þan the violettes,—þat ben full harde and full precyous. But ȝit sum men loue not hem so wel as the oþere. But in soth to {100} me, I wolde louen hem als moche as þe oþere; for I haue seen hem assayed. Also þere is anoþer maner of dyamandes þat ben als white as cristall, but þei ben a lityll more trouble; and þei ben gode and of gret vertue, and all þei ben square and poynted of here owne kynde. And summe {105} ben six squared, summe four squared, and summe þre, as nature schapeth hem.

And þerfore whan grete lordes and knyghtes gon to seche worschipe in armes, þei beren gladly the dyamaund vpon hem. I schal speke a litill more of the dyamandes, allþough {110} I tarye my matere for a tyme, to þat ende þat þei þat knowen hem not be not disceyued be gabberes þat gon be the contree, þat sellen hem. For whoso wil bye the dyamand, it is nedefull to him þat he knowe hem, because þat men counterfeten hem often of cristall þat is ȝalow; and of saphires of cytryne {115} colour, þat is ȝalow also; and of the saphire loupe; and of many oþer stones. But, I tell ȝou, theise contrefetes ben not so harde; and also the poyntes wil breken lightly; and men may esily pollissche hem. But summe werkmen, for malice, wil not pollische hem, to þat entent to maken men beleue þat þei may {120} not ben pollisscht. But men may assaye hem in this manere: First schere with hem, or write with hem, in saphires, in cristall, or in oþer precious stones. After þat men taken the ademand, þat is the schipmannes ston, þat draweth the nedle to him, and men leyn the dyamand vpon the ademand, and leyn the nedle {125} before the ademand; and ȝif the dyamand be gode and vertuous, the ademand draweth not the nedle to him, whils the dyamand is þere present. And this is the preef þat þei beȝonde the see maken. Natheles it befalleth often tyme þat the gode dyamand leseth his vertue, be synne and for incontynence of him þat {130} bereth it. And þanne is it nedfull to make it to recoueren his vertue aȝen, or ell it is of litill value.

Chap. xxvi (xxx), f. 112 a.

Now schall I seye ȝou sewyngly of contrees and yles þat ben beȝonde the contrees þat I haue spoken of. Wherfore {135} I seye ȝou, in passynge be the lond of Cathaye toward the high Ynde, and toward Bacharye, men passen be a kyngdom þat men clepen 'Caldilhe', þat is a full fair contré. And þere groweth a maner of fruyt, as þough it weren gowrdes; and whan þei ben rype, men kutten hem ato, and men fynden {140} withinne a lytyll best, in flesch, in bon, and blode as þough it were a lytill lomb, withouten wolle. And men eten bothe the frut and the best: and þat is a gret merueylle. Of þat frute I haue eten, allþough it were wondirfull: but þat I knowe wel, þat God is merueyllous in his werkes. And natheles I tolde {145} hem of als gret a merueyle to hem, þat is amonges vs: and þat was of the Bernakes. For I tolde hem þat in oure contree weren trees þat baren a fruyt þat becomen briddes fleeynge; and þo þat fellen in the water lyuen; and þei þat fallen on the erthe dyen anon; and þei ben right gode to mannes mete. And hereof {150} had þei als gret meruaylle þat summe of hem trowed it were an inpossible thing to be. In þat contré ben longe apples of gode sauour, whereof ben mo þan an hundred in a clustre, and als manye in another: and þei han grete longe leves and large, of two fote long or more. And in þat contree, and in {155} oþer contrees þere abouten, growen many trees, þat beren clowe gylofres, and notemuges, and grete notes of Ynde, and of canell, and of many oþer spices. And þere ben vynes þat beren so grete grapes þat a strong man scholde haue ynow to done for to bere o clustre with all the grapes. In {160} þat same regioun ben the mountaynes of Caspye þat men clepen 'Vber' in the contree. Betwene þo mountaynes the Iewes of ten lynages ben enclosed, þat men clepen Goth and Magoth; and þei mowe not gon out on no syde. Þere weren enclosed twenty two kynges with hire peple, þat dwelleden {165} betwene the mountaynes of Sy_t_hye. Þere Kyng Alisandre chacede hem betwene þo mountaynes; and þere he thoughte for to enclose hem þorgh werk of his men. But whan he saugh þat he myghte not don it, ne bryng it to an ende, he preyed to God of Nature þat He wolde parforme þat þat he {170} had begonne. And all were it so þat he was a payneme, and not worthi to ben herd, ȝit God of His grace closed the mountaynes togydre; so þat þei dwellen þere, all faste ylokked and enclosed with high mountaynes alle aboute, saf only on o syde; and on þat syde is the See of Caspye. Now {175} may sum men asken: sith þat the see is on þat o syde, wherfore go þei not out on the see syde, for to go where þat hem lyketh? But to this questioun I schal answere: þat See of Caspye goth out be londe, vnder the mountaynes, and renneth be the desert at o syde of the contree; and after it streccheth vnto the endes {180} of Persie. And allþough it be clept a see, it is no see, ne it toucheth to non oþer see; but it is a lake, the grettest of the world. And þough þei wolden putten hem into þat see, þei ne wysten neuer where þat þei scholde arryuen. And also þei conen no langage but only hire owne, þat no man {185} knoweth but þei: and þerfore mowe þei not gon out. And also ȝee schull vnderstonde þat the Iewes han no propre lond of hire owne, for to dwellen inne, in all the world, but only þat lond betwene the mountaynes. And ȝit þei ȝelden tribute for þat lond to the queen of Amazoine, the whiche þat {190} maketh hem to ben kept in cloos full diligently, þat þei schull not gon out on no syde, but be the cost of hire lond. For hire lond marcheth to þo mountaynes. And often it hath befallen þat summe of þe Iewes han gon vp the mountaynes, and avaled down to the valeyes: but gret nombre of folk ne {195} may not do so. For the mountaynes ben so hye, and so streght vp, þat þei moste abyde þere, maugree hire myght. For þei mowe not gon out, but be a litill issue þat was made be strengthe of men; and it lasteth wel a four grete myle. And after is þere ȝit a lond all desert, where men {200} may fynde no water, ne for dyggynge, ne for non other þing: wherfore men may not dwellen in þat place. So is it full of dragounes, of serpentes, and of oþer venymous bestes, þat no man dar not passe, but ȝif it be be strong wynter. And þat streyt passage men clepen in þat contree 'Clyron'. And þat {205} is the passage þat the Queen of Amazoine maketh to ben kept. And þogh it happene sum of hem, be fortune, to gon out, þei conen no maner of langage but Ebrew, so þat þei can not speke to the peple. And ȝit natheles, men seyn þei schull gon out in the tyme of Antecrist, and þat þei schull maken {210} gret slaughter of Cristene men. And þerfore all the Iewes þat dwellen in all londes lernen allweys to speken Ebrew, in hope þat whan the oþer Iewes schull gon out, þat þei may vnderstonden hire speche, and to leden hem into Cristendom, for to destroye the Cristene peple. For the Iewes seyn þat {215} þei knowen wel be hire prophecyes þat þei of Caspye schull gon out and spreden þorghout all the world; and þat the Cristene men schull ben vnder hire subieccioun als longe as þei han ben in subieccioun of hem. And ȝif þat ȝee wil wyte how þat þei schull fynden hire weye, after þat I haue herd {220} seye, I schall tell ȝou. In the tyme of Antecrist, a fox schall make þere his †trayne†, and mynen an hole, where Kyng Alisandre leet make the ȝates: and so longe he schall mynen and percen the erthe, til þat he schall passe þorgh towardes þat folk. And whan þei seen the fox, they schull {225} haue gret merueylle of him, because þat þei saugh neuer such a best. For of all oþere bestes þei han enclosed amonges hem, saf only the fox. And þanne þei schulle chacen him and pursuen him so streyte, till þat he come to the same place þat he cam fro. And þanne þei schulle {230} dyggen and mynen so strongly, till þat þei fynden the ȝates þat King Alisandre leet make of grete stones and passynge huge, wel symented and made stronge for the maystrie. And þo ȝates þei schull breken, and so gon out, be fyndynge of þat issue. {235}

Fro þat lond gon men toward the lond of Bacharie, where ben full yuele folk and full cruell. In þat lond ben trees þat beren wolle, as þogh it were of scheep; whereof men maken clothes, and all þing þat may ben made of wolle. In þat contree ben many ipotaynes, þat dwellen som tyme in the {240} water, and somtyme on the lond: and þei ben half man and half hors, as I haue seyd before; and þei eten men, whan þei may take hem. And þere ben ryueres and watres þat ben fulle byttere, þree sithes more þan is the water of the see. In þat contré ben many griffounes, more plentee þan in ony {245} other contree. Sum men seyn þat þei han the body vpward as an egle, and benethe as a lyoun: and treuly þei seyn soth þat þei ben of þat schapp. But o griffoun hath the body more gret, and is more strong, þanne eight lyouns, of suche lyouns as ben o this half; and more gret and strongere þan an {250} hundred egles, suche as we han amonges vs. For o griffoun þere wil bere fleynge to his nest a gret hors, ȝif he may fynde him at the poynt, or two oxen ȝoked togidere, as þei gon at the plowgh. For he hath his talouns so longe and so large and grete vpon his feet, as þough þei weren hornes of grete oxen, or of {255} bugles, or of kyȝn; so þat men maken cuppes of hem, to drynken of. And of hire ribbes, and of the pennes of hire wenges, men maken bowes full stronge, to schote with arwes and quarell.

From þens gon men be many iourneyes þorgh the lond of Prestre Iohn, the grete emperour of Ynde. And men clepen {260} his roialme the Yle of Pentexoire.

EPILOGUE.

Þere ben manye oþer dyuerse contrees and many oþer merueyles beȝonde, þat I haue not seen: wherfore of hem I can not speke propurly, to tell ȝou the manere of hem. And also in the contrees where I haue ben, ben manye {265} mo dyuersitees of many wondirfull thinges þanne I make mencioun of, for it were to longe thing to deuyse ȝou the manere. And þerfore þat þat I haue deuysed ȝou of certeyn contrees, þat I haue spoken of before, I beseche ȝoure worthi and excellent noblesse þat i_t_ suffise to ȝou at this tyme. For {270} ȝif þat I deuysed ȝou all þat is beȝonde the see, another man peraunter, þat wolde peynen him and trauaylle his body for to go into þo marches for to encerche þo contrees, myghte ben blamed be my wordes, in rehercynge manye straunge thinges; for he myghte not seye no thing of newe, in the {275} whiche the hereres myghten hauen ouþer solace or desport or lust or lykyng in the herynge. For men seyn allweys þat newe thinges and newe tydynges ben plesant to here. Wherfore I wole holde me stille, withouten ony more rehercyng of dyuersiteeȝ or of meruaylles þat ben beȝonde, to þat entent {280} and ende þat whoso wil gon into þo contrees, he schall fynde ynowe to speke of, þat I haue not touched of in no wyse.

And ȝee schull vndirstonde, ȝif it lyke ȝou, þat at myn hom comynge I cam to Rome, and schewed my lif to oure {285} holy fadir the Pope, and was assoylled of all þat lay in my conscience, of many a dyuerse gr_e_uous poynt, as men mosten nedes þat ben in company, dwellyng amonges so many a dyuerse folk of dyuerse secte and of beleeve, as I haue ben. And amonges all, I schewed hym this tretys, þat I had made {290} after informacioun of men þat knewen of thinges þat I had not seen myself; and also of merueyles and customes þat I hadde seen myself, as fer as God wolde ȝeue me grace: and besoughte his holy fadirhode þat my boke myghte ben examyned and corrected be avys of his wyse and discreet {295} conseill. And oure holy fader, of his special grace, remytted my boke to ben examyned and preued be the avys of his seyd conseill. Be the whiche my boke was preeued for trewe; in so moche þat þei schewed me a boke, þat my boke was examynde by, þat comprehended full moche more be an {300} hundred part; be the whiche the _Mappa Mundi_ was made after. And so my boke (all be it þat many men ne list not to ȝeue credence to no þing, but to þat þat þei seen with hire eye, ne be the auctour ne the persone neuer so trewe) is affermed and preued be oure holy fader, in maner and forme {305} as I haue seyd.

And I Iohn Maundevyll knyght aboueseyd, (allþough I be vnworthi) þat departed from oure contrees and passed the see the ȝeer of grace 1322, þat haue passed many londes and manye yles and contrees, and cerched manye full {310} strange places, and haue ben in many a full gode honourable companye, and at many a faire dede of armes, all be it þat I dide none myself, for myn vnable insuffisance; and now I am comen hom, mawgree myself, to reste, for gowtes artetykes þat me distreynen, þat diffynen the ende of my labour, aȝenst {315} my will, God knoweth. And þus takynge solace in my wrechched reste, recordynge the tyme passed, I haue fulfilled þeise thinges and putte hem wryten in this boke, as it wolde come into my mynde, the ȝeer of grace 1356 in the 34th ȝeer þat I departede from oure contrees. Wherfore I preye to all {320} the rederes and hereres of this boke, ȝif it plese hem, þat þei wolde preyen to God for me, and I schall preye for hem. And alle þo þat seyn for me a _Paternoster_, with an _Aue Maria_, þat God forȝeue me my synnes, I make hem parteneres and graunte hem part of all the gode pilgrymages, {325} and of all the gode dedes þat I haue don, ȝif ony ben to his plesance; and noght only of þo, but of all þat euere I schall do vnto my lyfes ende. And I beseche Almyghty God, fro whom all godenesse and grace cometh fro, þat He vouchesaf of His excellent mercy and habundant grace to {330} fullfylle hire soules with inspiracioun of the Holy Gost, in makynge defence of all hire gostly enemyes here in erthe, to hire saluacioun, bothe of body and soule; to worschipe and thankynge of Him þat is þree and on, withouten begynnynge and withouten endyng; þat is withouten qualitee good, {335} withouten quantytee gret; þat in alle places is present, and all thinges conteynynge; the whiche þat no goodnesse may amende, ne non euell empeyre; þat in perfyte Trynytee lyueth and regneth God, be alle worldes and be all tymes. Amen, Amen, Amen. {340}

X

THE BRUCE

WRITTEN IN 1375 BY JOHN BARBOUR.

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Fourteenth Century Verse & ProseChapter V: Part 5

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