Chapter II: Part 2

As Elmendorf and I have already pointed out, the vocabulary may be assigned conclusively to the Coast Miwok language.[105] _Cheepe_, "bread," is equivalent to modern Coast Miwok _tcipa_, "acorn bread." This word alone is the clearest possible evidence that Drake's Indian acquaintances were Coast Miwok. _Huchee kecharoh_, "sit down," probably is an incorrect translation of the phrase. The closest approximation in modern Coast Miwok is _atci kotcato_, "step into the house," and _hoki kotcado_, "go into the house" (_tc_ is phonetically equivalent to the sound _ch_ as in chin). It is possible to explain these differently stated meanings of these phonetically similar phrases as owing to incorrect inductions of meaning under specific circumstances. Kelly's Coast Miwok ethnographic informants stated that, according to old custom, whenever people came to a house they were asked to walk in and were offered a seat in the rear of the house, and food was placed before them. In some such situation, particularly if the English had occasion to be often in the Indian village, they may have repeatedly heard the invitation, "step into the house." Likewise, the phrase _Nocharo mu_, "touch me not," may have been translated by Madox (or his informant) only vaguely, since it represents a situation rather than a concrete object, which would be less liable to misinterpretation. Modern Coast Miwok offers a close parallel in the form of _notcato mu_, which may be literally translated "stay over there," or "stay away" (_notca_, "farther," "yonder").

Madox's word for king, _Hioghe_, is similar to that given by Fletcher (_Hioh_ or _Hyoh_), except that the _ghe_ ending is unusual. From the words of the Indian song given by Madox (see below), in which _heigh_ (i.e., _hai_) appears, it might be suspected that the _gh_ is silent; yet why is the terminal _e_ present? It may be that if _Hioghe_ were exactly similar phonetically to _Hioh_, there would not be a terminal _e_ in _Hioghe_. Thus Madox's' _Hioghe_ may indicate a terminal sound (short or weak _e_?) and therefore be close to modern Coast Miwok _hoipa_ (and Sierra Miwok _haiapo_). That the _gh_ might be an indication of the _p_ sound is possible, or, again, it could represent Madox's attempt to render a weak or indefinite labial sound which was imperfectly remembered by his informant. Too close a phonetic transcription of an Indian language by Elizabethan Englishmen should not be expected--there was little standardization in English spelling[106] at that time. The foregoing is not advanced as an argument to show that the terminal "e" was sounded, but is merely presented as a possibility. Elizabethan English commonly used an unpronounced terminal "e." The song of the Indians "when they worship god" is given by Madox as _Hodeli oh heigh oh heigh ho hodali oh_. No Coast Miwok or Pomo song on record accords exactly with that given by Madox, although some are quite similar. For example, a Coast Miwok _Suya_ song transcribed by Kelly is a repetitive line _Yo ya he yo he o_. Other examples from the Coast Miwok are not available, but some Pomo ceremonial songs may be cited. Stephen Powers[107] gives a Sanel Pomo song:

_Hel-lel-li-ley
Hel-lel-lo
Hel-lel-lu_

E. M. Loeb[108] gives several Pomo songs which are associated with the Kuksu or ghost ceremony:

1. _He yo he yo he yo
He yoha eheya ye
To ya he yo ho ho_

2. _Tali, tali, yo yo weya yo, weya yo,
ha hi he ya he hotsaii ya hi ho._

3. _He ha le me, le lu hi ma humane, hu ..._

Other Pomo songs used in ceremonies are given by Loeb:[109]

1. _=U =u hulai leli ha ha._

2. _He he la le ha hi hi hi, ya ya ya, hu wa!_

3. _Yo yo hale e he na gagoya =o he he!_

4. _Ho yu ko, he he, a ha a a. Hi ye ko, lai ye ko, He tsi ye._

5. _Yo ho yo ho yaho, he yo ho waha._

These examples show how generally similar are the Coast Miwok[110] and Pomo ceremonial songs of today to the song of 1579 given by Madox. Here again an exact correspondence should not be expected, since it is not known whether the song given by Madox was one associated with a particular ceremonial occurrence, nor is it known how changeable these songs are. And again, in the time that has passed and in the changing course of circumstances since 1579, some exactness has almost inevitably been sacrificed. Madox's statement that the natives sang "one dauncing first wh his handes up, and al ye rest after lyke ye prest and people" verifies Fletcher's description of the singing and dancing at the time of the great ceremony of June 26.

SUPPOSED INDIAN TRADITIONS OF DRAKE'S VISIT

Professor George Davidson was the second investigator to use an Indian tradition as evidence of the Drake's Bay location of the 1579 visit.[111] The source of the tradition is in J. P. Munro-Fraser's _History of Marin County_,[112] and is stated as follows:

First of all comes an old Indian legend which comes down
through the Nicasios to the effect that Drake did land at this
place [Drake's Bay]. Although they have been an interior tribe
ever since the occupation by the Spaniards and doubtless were
at that time, it still stands to reason that they would know
all about the matter. If the ship remained in the bay
thirty-six days it is reasonable to suppose that a knowledge of
its presence reached every tribe within an area of one hundred
miles and that the major portion of them paid a visit to the
bay to see the "envoys of the Great Spirit," as they regarded
the white seamen. One of these Indians named Theognis who is
reputed to have been one hundred and thirty years old when he
made the statement, says that Drake presented the Indians with
a dog, some young pigs, and seeds of several species of
grain.... The Indians also state that some of Drake's men
deserted him here, and, making their way into the country,
became amalgamated with the aboriginals to such an extent that
all traces of them were lost, except possibly a few names
[Nicasio, Novato] which are to be found among the Indians.

Wagner feels that there is no reason or evidence to indicate that the Nicasio Indian tradition refers to Drake,[113] a conclusion with which I agree. If any early expedition did leave pigs with the Coast Miwok, it could have been the Spanish one of 1793, which attempted unsuccessfully to form a settlement at Bodega Bay. Felipe Goycoechea, in 1793 specifically mentions seeing some pigs and chickens which the Spanish had left earlier in the year with the Indians at that place.[114] With Wagner's statement that, if any credit can be given to the pig episode, Cermeno may have been the donor,[115] I cannot agree, mainly for the reason that Cermeno's crew were hungry and would not have given the Indians any pigs if they had had them. The story of the dog is interesting since neither the Pomo nor Coast Miwok had dogs in pre-Spanish times, and the evidence indicates that dogs were introduced shortly after 1800.[116] Aside from these facts, the supposed Nicasio tradition does not have a true ring--it is not the type of story that Indians are accustomed to tell.

A belief among the Coast Miwok[117] and some Pomo[118] tribes that the home of the dead is associated with Point Reyes should perhaps be taken into account. The belief is that this seaward projection is associated with the dead, who follow a string leading out through the surf to the land of the dead. It is barely possible that this belief, which is quite clearly of Coast Miwok origin, is a legendary reminiscence of Drake's visit which seems to have been, in part at least, interpreted by the Indians as the return of the dead. It may be superfluous to mention that no Indian has ever stated his idea of the origin of this legend,[119] or of its association with the visit of Drake's party; yet there remains the possibility that the occurrence made an impression so deep that Point Reyes became in this way associated with the home of the dead in the west, from which the English were supposed to have come and gone. If this tradition were associated with Drake, it would, of course, signify that his anchorage was behind Point Reyes in Drake's Bay. On the other hand, this remarkable point which juts far out into the ocean is a prominent feature of Coast Miwok territory, and by reason of its unique topography might have been associated with local ceremonial beliefs.[120]

I may conclude this discussion by saying that no direct evidence of Drake's visit in 1579 is to be found in recorded local Indian traditions. In view of the long time that has intervened, no native legendary evidence is to be expected. Euhemerism is ordinarily rather an unproductive and hazardous approach for the historian.

RECAPITULATION AND CONCLUSION

The results of this survey can now be weighed and a solution to the problem of the location of Drake's California anchorage suggested.

It has been shown that there is not a scrap of ethnographic evidence to suggest that Drake landed in Trinidad Bay and saw the Yurok Indians. The Hondius _Portus Novae Albionis_ might apply equally to Bodega Bay or Drake's Bay, and by itself can only rise to the level of supporting, rather than primary, evidence. Thus, in reference to the Trinidad Bay theory, the map cannot alone and unaided prove the point against the overwhelming evidence to the contrary.

The ethnographic evidence indicates strongly, indeed almost conclusively, that Drake landed in territory occupied by Coast Miwok Indians.[121] Since Pomo culture and Coast Miwok Indian culture were so similar as to be almost indistinguishable, the culture described by Fletcher might refer to either Coast Miwok or Pomo, and no solution would be forthcoming were it not for the additional fact that _all_ the unquestionably native words (_Hioh_, _Gnaah_, _Huchee kecharo_, _Nocharo mu_, _Cheepe_) are of Coast Miwok derivation. It may therefore be concluded that Drake had contact mainly with the Coast Miwok. Any effort to prove that the customs described point expressly to the Pomo as Drake's visitors would have to deny the linguistic proofs and rest upon the unlikely assumption that Pomo and Coast Miwok culture were markedly divergent in 1579.[122] The Pomo ethnographic data cited here are therefore to be looked upon not as unique Pomo cultural traits, but as supplementary, comparative material which is at a premium for the Coast Miwok. But there are two bays in Coast Miwok territory to which Drake might have brought his ship. These are Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay.

No internal evidence points specifically to either Drake's or Bodega Bay--the accounts lack geographical detail,[123] the ethnographic Coast Miwok culture was in operation in both bays, and contemporary maps are so inaccurate and open to variable interpretation that nothing definite can be ascertained from their inspection. What is needed, therefore, is some hint or lead which will break this stalemate. There are two such leads. The first is the plate of brass left by Drake and recently found at Drake's Bay. Granted the authenticity of the Drake plate, it now does not rank as an isolated find, however spectacular, but rather as good supporting evidence of the conclusion based upon my ethnographic analysis. The second point of evidence is Fletcher's statement that "this country our generall named _Albion_, and that for two causes; the one in respect of the white bancks and cliffes, which lie toward the sea: the other, that it might have some affinity, euen in name also, with our owne country, which was sometime so called." The _Famous Voyage_ version says almost the same, except that the country was named _Nova Albion_, which agrees more closely with the wording of the Drake plate. Wagner has discussed the white cliffs,[124] but his argument is unconvincing. There is no good reason to doubt that the cliffs mentioned were at the bay, since Fletcher implies that the naming took place before the departure.[125] And it must be remembered that white cliffs which face toward the sea[126] are at Drake's Bay and _not at Bodega_.

In June, 1579, then, Drake probably landed in what is now known as Drake's Bay. He remained there for five weeks repairing his ship, and found the Indians the most remarkable objects of interest with which he came in contact. From a comparative analysis of the detailed descriptions of the native ceremonies, artifacts, and language I conclude that in the fullest authentic account, _The World Encompassed_, it is the Coast Miwok Indians that are referred to.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Alfred L. Kroeber, _Handbook of the Indians of California_, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 78 (Washington, D.C., 1925).

[2] Robert F. Heizer and William W. Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's California Anchorage in the Light of the Indian Language Spoken There," _Pacific Historical Review_, XI (1942), 213-217.

[3] George C. Davidson, "Directory for the Pacific Coast of the United States," _Report of the Superintendent of the Coast Survey ... 1858_ (Washington, D.C., 1859). App. 44, pp. 297-458.

[4] George C. Davidson, "An Examination of Some of the Early Voyages of Discovery and Exploration on the Northwest Coast of America from 1539 to 1603," _Report of the U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey ... June, 1886_ (Washington, D.C., 1887), App. 7, pp. 155-253; and _Identification of Sir Francis Drake's Anchorage on the Coast of California in the Year 1579_, California Historical Society Publications (San Francisco, 1890).

[5] George C. Davidson, "Francis Drake on the Northwest Coast of America in the Year 1579. The Golden Hinde Did Not Anchor in the Bay of San Francisco," _Transactions and Proceedings of the Geographical Society of the Pacific_, ser. 2, Bull. 5.

[6] Henry R. Wagner, "George Davidson, Geographer of the Northwest Coast of America," _California Historical Society Quarterly_, XI (1932), 299-320. The idea that Drake entered San Francisco Bay was held by others than Davidson. See, for example, J. D. B. Stillman, "Did Drake Discover San Francisco Bay?" _Overland Monthly_, I (1868), 332-337. See also Henry R. Wagner, _Sir Francis Drake's Voyage around the World_ (San Francisco, 1926), chaps. vii and viii, and notes on pp. 488-499, esp. pp. 495-496.

[7] J. W. Robertson, _The Harbor of St. Francis_ (San Francisco, 1926).

[8] Hubert Howe Bancroft, _History of California_, Vol. I: _1542-1800_ (San Francisco, 1884), pp. 81-94.

[9] Edward Everett Hale, in Justin Winsor, _Narrative and Critical History of the United States_, Vol. III, pp. 74-78.

[10] Alexander G. McAdie, "Nova Albion--1579," _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, n. s., XXVIII (1918), 189-198. R. P. Bishop, "Drake's Course in the North Pacific," _British Columbia Historical Quarterly_, III (1939), 151-182.

[11] F. P. Sprent, _Sir Francis Drake's Voyage round the World, 1577-1580, Two Contemporary Maps_ (London, 1927), pp. 10-11, map 2.

[12] Samuel A. Barrett, _The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring Indians_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. 6, No. 1 (Berkeley, 1908), pp. 28-37.

[13] _Ibid._, n. 7, pp. 36-37.

[14] Kroeber, _Handbook_, pp. 275-278.

[15] J. W. Robertson (_Francis Drake and Other Early Explorers along the Pacific Coast_, San Francisco, 1927), in discussing Kroeber's analysis of the Fletcher account (_op. cit._, p. 177), says: "There seems to be no proof either that Drake landed at any particular harbor, or that anything can be adduced so specific as to establish his residence on this coast." The latter part of this statement cannot be maintained seriously in the face of Kroeber's presentation of direct evidence to the contrary.

[16] Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's California Anchorage."

[17] The words recorded by Fletcher are in _The World Encompassed_. The Madox vocabulary was printed by E. G. R. Taylor, "Francis Drake and the Pacific," _Pacific Historical Review_, I (1932), 360-369. Madox's account has been further discussed by Wagner in the _California Historical Society Quarterly_, XI (1932), 309-311.

[18] See Barrett, _Ethno-Geography_, map facing p. 332, and Kroeber, _Handbook_, fig. 22, p. 274, for the area held by the Coast Miwok.

[19] For details see _California Historical Society Quarterly_, XVI (1937), 192.

[20] For particulars see _Drake's Plate of Brass: Evidence of His Visit to California in 1579_, California Historical Society, Special Publication No. 13 (San Francisco, 1937).

[21] See R. B. Haselden, "Is the Drake Plate of Brass Genuine?" _California Historical Society Quarterly_, XVI (1937), 271-274. Haselden's queries have been answered already. W. Hume-Rotherby (review of _Drake's Plate of Brass Authenticated_, in _Geographical Journal_, CXIV [1939], 54-55) points out that the letters engraved on the plate (B, N, M) are not paralleled by other sixteenth-century inscriptions, and that the form of the numeral 5 is suspect. These and other problems which he poses have the effect of creating a smokescreen of doubt without contributing anything new. Wagner is skeptical of the date on the plate (June 17) and of the fact that the plate is of brass rather than lead ("Creation of Rights of Sovereignty through Symbolic Acts," _Pacific Historical Review_, VII [1938], 297-326).

[22] Allen L. Chickering, "Some Notes with Regard to Drake's Plate of Brass," _California Historical Society Quarterly_, XVI (1937), 275-281, and "Further Notes on the Drake Plate," _ibid._, XVIII (1939), 251-253.

[23] Herbert E. Bolton, "Francis Drake's Plate of Brass," in _Drake's Plate of Brass_, California Historical Society, Special Publication No. 13 (San Francisco, 1937).

[24] C. G. Fink and E. P. Polushkin, _Drake's Plate of Brass Authenticated_ ... California Historical Society, Special Publication No. 14 (San Francisco, 1938).

[25] Wagner's theory is not stated explicitly in any one place, hence specific reference is impossible. See his _Sir Francis Drake's Voyage around the World_ (San Francisco, 1926), pp. 156-158, 169.

[26] This is shown even more clearly on the Hezeta map of 1775 reproduced by Herbert E. Bolton, _Historical Memoirs of New California by Fray Francisco Palou_, 4 vols. (Berkeley, 1926), Vol. IV, facing p. 16. George C. Davidson in his _Identification_ (pp. 17-18, 34, 39) made a similar identification of the Indian village site at the Limantour Estero in Drake's Bay.

[27] Bolton, _op. cit._, n. 19. See also L. L. Loud, _Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. 14, No. 3 (Berkeley, 1918), p. 243.

[28] H. R. Wagner, _Spanish Voyages to the Northwest Coast of America_, California Historical Society, Special Publication No. 4 (San Francisco, 1929), p. 158.

[29] For details see Kroeber, _Handbook_, pp. 78-79, pl. 9; and Loud, _Ethnogeography_, pp. 243, 244.

[30] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, pp. 157, 158.

[31] "Fray Benito de la Sierra's Account of the Hezeta Expedition to the Northwest Coast in 1775," trans. by A. J. Baker, introd. and notes by H. R. Wagner, _California Historical Society Quarterly_, IX (1930), 218.

[32] See T. A. Rickard, "The Use of Iron and Copper by the Indians of British Columbia," _British Columbia Historical Quarterly_, III (1939), 26-27, where the Hezeta finds are expressly discussed. Rickard's opinion also differs from Wagner's.

[33] Francisco Eliza in 1793 said: "The Puerto de Trinidad is quite small; no vessel can be moored so as to turn with the wind or tide. The bottom for the most part is rock. The land consists of quite high and extended hills full of pines and oaks" (H. R. Wagner, "The Last Spanish Exploration of the Northwest Coast and the Attempt to Colonize Bodega Bay," _California Historical Society Quarterly_, X [1931], 335). For photographic views of Trinidad Bay see Thomas T. Waterman, _Yurok Geography_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XVI, No. 5 (Berkeley, 1920), pls. 1, 16.

[34] Kroeber, _Handbook_, p. 278, inferentially concurs with this conclusion.

[35] Reprinted in _Drake's Plate of Brass_, pp. 32-46.

[36] Reprinted in _Drake's Plate of Brass_, pp. 27-30, and by Wagner in _Drake's Voyage_, pp. 274-277.

[37] Printed in Zelia Nuttall, _New Light on Drake_, Hakluyt Society, ser. 2, Vol. 34 (London, 1914), pp. 50-51.

[38] As Barrett (_Ethno-Geography_, map at end), Kroeber (_Handbook_, pp. 272-275), and C. H. Merriam ("Distribution and Classification of the Mewan Stock in California," _American Anthropologist_, IX [1907], 338-357), show, the Coast Miwok inhabited both Bodega Bay and Drake's Bay territory. Thus the language (except for minor dialectic differentiation) and culture are undoubtedly very similar at both bays. This makes the problem of exclusive selection somewhat difficult. The Madox vocabulary (see below, p. 282) was first presented in E. G. R. Taylor, "Francis Drake and the Pacific: Two Fragments," _Pacific Historical Review_, I (1932), 360-369.

[39] The Fletcher-Madox vocabulary list does not resemble the Yurok words for the same items or phrases.

[40] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 147. B. Aginsky ("Psychopathic Trends in Culture," _Character and Personality_, VII [1939], 331-343) quotes Fletcher's description of Indian weeping and self-laceration, and calls them Pomo, asserting that Drake landed in their territory and that the ceremonies given in honor of the English exemplify the "Dionysian" phase of Pomo culture.

[41] Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, p. 158.

[42] Don Francisco Mourelle, "Journal of a Voyage in 1775 to explore the Coast of America, Northward of California ...," in _Miscellanies of the Honorable Daines Barrington_ (London, 1781), pp. 471*-534*. See also Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 158.

[43] Kroeber. _Handbook_, fig. 21.

[44] Roland B. Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," _Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History_, Vol. XVII, Pt. III (1905), fig. 19.

[45] John P. Harrington, "Tobacco among the Karuk Indians," Bureau of American Ethnology, Bull. 94 (1932), 17-18, 40.

[46] The Coast Miwok word for tobacco is _kaiyau_. For the North, Central, Eastern, and Northeastern Pomo it is _saxa_, _saka_, _sako_: for the Southern, Southwestern, and Southeastern Pomo it is _kawa_, _tom-kawa_ (Roland B. Dixon, "Words for Tobacco in American Indian Languages," _American Anthropologist_, XXIII [1921], 30).

[47] See discussion in Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's California Anchorage."

[48] Berthold Laufer, "Introduction of Tobacco into Europe," Field Museum of Natural History Anthropological Leaflet No. 19 (1924), pp. 6 ff.

[49] _Handbook_, p. 277.

[50] Compare Fletcher's statements of the attitude of the Indians with that of Cermeno, who was in Drake's Bay in 1595 and said, "... the other Indians approached in an humble manner and as if terrorized, and yielded peacefully" (Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, p. 159).

[51] This custom is a general central Californian cultural feature. See E. M. Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XIX, No. 2 (Berkeley, 1926), pp. 286, 287, 291; R. B. Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," pp. 242, 252; A. L. Kroeber, _The Patwin and their Neighbors_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XXIX, No. 4 (Berkeley, 1932) p. 272; C. Purdy, "The Pomo Indian Baskets and Their Makers," _Overland Monthly_, XV (1901), 449. See also below, notes 56 and 57.

[52] Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," fig. 33.

[53] Fritz Krause, _Die Kultur der Kalifornischen Indianer_ (Leipzig, 1921), map 4.

[54] A rather lengthy digression must be made here since the details are involved. S. A. Barrett ("Pomo Buildings," _Holmes Anniversary Volume_, Washington, D.C., 1916, p. 7) states that semisubterranean, earth-covered houses were used about 1900 by men of means (chiefs, good hunters, lucky gamblers, and medicine men). This house was a small edition of the larger dance house (described by Barrett, _Ethno-Geography_, p. 10). Fletcher's description says that in the majority of houses the combined roof entrance and smoke hole was present. This qualification does not exclude the possibility that some houses had the ground-level tunnel entrance which should be expected in the area. In historic times the Pomo seem, in large part, to have given up making these permanent dwellings in favor of less permanent mat- or grass-covered houses, which were inexpensive and more convenient to erect. The same process of loss seems to have occurred among the Coast Miwok, since Dr. Kelly's informants did not remember such houses. Archaeological sites in the Point Reyes-Drake's Bay region show numerous circular depressions which are clearly the remains of such houses. A further indication of their presence at an earlier time can be gained from "linguistic archaeology." The Sierra (Interior) Miwok use the word _kotca_ for the earth-covered, underground house with combined roof entrance and smoke hole (S. A. Barrett and E. W. Gifford, "Miwok Material Culture," _Bulletin of the Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee_, Vol. II, No. 4 [1933], p. 198). The same word for house (i.e., dwelling) is present among the Coast Miwok (Barrett, _Ethno-Geography_, word no. 64, p. 71), who once had a similar house, as is shown by archaeological remains, but abandoned it in ethnographic times. It is not unreasonable on these grounds to assume the presence in Coast Miwok territory of the type of house described by Fletcher.

[55] Wagner, "The Last Spanish Exploration of the Northwest Coast and the Attempt to Colonize Bodega Bay," _California Historical Society Quarterly_, X (1931), 331.

[56] Bolton, _Historical Memoirs of New California by Fray Francisco Palou_, Vol. IV, p. 48.

[57] I. T. Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." (MS).

[58] Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, p. 158. J. Broughton, in his _Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean ... in the Years 1795 ... 1798_ (London, 1804), said that the Drake's Bay Indian men whom he saw were naked, but that the women were clothed "in some degree."

[59] "Menzies' California Journal," ed. by Alice Eastwood, _California Historical Society Quarterly_, II (1924), 302-303.

[60] Wagner, "The Last Spanish Exploration," p. 331.

[61] James Colnett, _The Journal of Captain James Colnett aboard the "Argonaut" from April 26, 1789 to November 3, 1791_, ed. by F. N. Howay, Champlain Society, Publ. No. 26 (Toronto, 1940), p. 175.

[62] Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, p. 159.

[63] Exact documentation is impossible here, but such an explanation would fit the facts, and the custom of sending a messenger to announce a visit was a feature of the whole area (Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 49).

[64] See E. W. Gifford and A. L. Kroeber. _Culture Element Distributions, IV: Pomo_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XXXVII, No. 4 (Berkeley, 1937), elements nos. 805-807, p. 154.

[65] Barrett, _Ethno-Geography_, p. 415.

[66] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography."

[67] Stephen Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, D.C., 1877), pp. 165, 169, 170, 181; Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, pp. 286, 287; Barrett, "Pomo Buildings," p. 11. See also above, p. 261, n. 42. I can see no possible relationship between the clear account by Fletcher of self-laceration and Wagner's discussion of tattooing (_Drake's Voyage_, p. 494, n. 49). As the comparative notes cited clearly show, the tearing of the flesh by the California Indians is no "story" which needs an involved, roundabout, and improbable explanation.

[68] For the Coast Miwok and Pomo words for "sing" see Barrett, _Ethno-Geography_, word no. 265, pp. 67, 79. The Pomo words are totally unlike _Gnaah_ or _koya_. See also Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's California Anchorage," pp. 214, 216. There is a logical possibility of a copying error in _Gnaah_ from Fletcher's manuscript notes. If it had originally been written _Guaah_ or _Gyaah_, it would be very close indeed to _koya_.

[69] E. M. Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XXXIII, No. 1 (Berkeley, 1932), p. 49, and _Pomo Folkways_, p. 192; S. A. Barrett, _Ceremonies of the Pomo Indians_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch, and Ethn., Vol. XII, No. 10 (Berkeley, 1917), p. 402, and "Pomo Buildings," p. 11.

[70] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 403.

[71] Gifford and Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions, IV: Pomo_, pp. 207-208; Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 366; Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 425. The Kuksu staff was feathered on the end, whereas that of Calnis was somewhat shorter and did not have the feather tuft. Kroeber, _Handbook_, pp. 261-262; Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_, pp. 110, 128.

[72] They were manufactured chiefly by the Pomo and Northern Coast Miwok. See E. W. Gifford, _Clear Lake Pomo Society_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XVIII, No. 2 (Berkeley, 1926), pp. 377-388; Kroeber, _Handbook_, p. 248; Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography"; Gifford and Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions, IV: Pomo_, (pp. 186-187).

[73] Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," figs. 29, 30, Pl. XLIX.

[74] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography."

[75] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 433; Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 178.

[76] Cf. Barrett, _Ceremonies_, pp. 405, 438-439.

[77] Illustrated in Kroeber, _Handbook_, fig. 20. See also Gifford and Kroeber, elements 88, 89; Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 432; Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." And see Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," Pl. XLVIII, fig. 25.

[78] Gifford and Kroeber, element no. 4. Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography."

[79] Illustrated and described by Kroeber, _Handbook_, pl. 55, _a_, and pp. 264, 269, 388, and illustrated by Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," fig. 33. See also Gifford and Kroeber, elements nos. 81 ff.; Barrett, _Ceremonies_, pp. 407, 432; Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 200. The down-filled net cap was used by the Coast Miwok in the Kuksu and other ceremonial performances.

[80] Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," figs. 19-21.

[81] Kroeber, _Handbook_, fig. 21.

[82] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 407, n. 12.

[83] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography"; Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, pp. 158, 159 (Drake's Bay).

[84] Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 158; Barrett, _Ceremonies_, pp. 407, 433; Gifford and Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions: IV, Pomo_, element no. 96, pp. 207-208.

[85] I can find no record that the down of milkweed (or of any other plant) was used. Most ethnographic accounts (see n. 79) above list the use of eagle down. That Fletcher was probably correct in attributing the source of the downy substance to a plant is shown by his reference to the seeds of the same plant. There is also the probability that he saw the plant itself on the journey into the interior. From my own observation I know that at least three different plants producing such down grow on Point Reyes.

[86] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." Dr. Kelly's informants at Bodega in describing just such baskets said, "They were just for show"--i.e., had no practical or utilitarian use. Her San Rafael informant also knew of such baskets.

[87] For illustrations and description see J. W. Hudson, "Pomo Basket Makers," _Overland Monthly_, ser. 2, XXI (1893), 571, and C. Purdy, "The Pomo Indian Baskets and Their Makers," _ibid._, XV (1901), 438, 446. O. M. Dalton ("Notes on an Ethnographical Collection from the West Coast of North America ... Formed during the Voyage of Captain Vancouver, 1790-1795," _Internationale Archiv fuer Ethnographie_, Vol. X [Leiden, 1897]), shows (fig. f, p. 232; Pl. XV, fig. 4) several Pomo baskets which might as well have been the ones described by Fletcher. It seems possible that these were collected at Bodega Bay, since some of the Vancouver party visited there, but this is not certain. In Mission times many Coast Miwok and even some Pomo were brought to San Francisco and San Jose as neophytes. These individuals might well account for the Pomo-Coast Miwok type of feathered baskets collected there in the early nineteenth century by von Langsdorff or Chamisso, both of whom illustrate such pieces in their published accounts. Barrett, _Pomo Indian Basketry_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. VII, No. 3 (Berkeley, 1908), discusses at length (pp. 141-145, 168) feather and shell materials used in the manufacture of these decorated baskets. A number of examples are shown in Barrett's plate 21. The same anthropologist ("Pomo Buildings," pp. 1-17) mentions the use of feather-decorated baskets among the Pomo as sacrifices to the dead.

[88] Kroeber, _Handbook_, p. 245.

[89] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography."

[90] Gifford and Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions, IV: Pomo_, element no. 807, p. 197, n.

[91] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 400, mentions a principal singer who started and led the air of the songs, but does not indicate whether he might be identifiable with the "scepter bearer."

[92] See Barrett, _Ceremonies_, _passim_; Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_ and _Pomo Folkways_, _passim_; Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography" _passim_.

[93] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 492, n. 37. Wagner says that this word "sounds" to him like an exclamation. To Elmendorf and me it "sounds" like the Coast Miwok word for chief or friend. The latter proposal rests upon both phonetic and semantic resemblances.

[94] For the Coast Miwok words for "chief" and "friend" see Barrett, _The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo Indians_, words nos. 62, 64, pp. 70, 71. The Pomo words (p. 58) are totally unlike those of the Coast Miwok. Barrett, _Ceremonies_, mentions a Kuksu curing call, _hyo_, which was repeated four times. Although the call is phonetically similar, the context is so unlike, that a correspondence with Fletcher's word for chief or king is improbable.

[95] Taylor, _loc. cit._, p. 369.

[96] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, pp. 412, 431; Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_, p. 118.

[97] Kroeber, _Handbook_, table 10, p. 876.

[98] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography."

[99] The ground squirrel and Point Reyes mountain beaver have been variously identified as Fletcher's "conies." See Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 492-493, n. 42.

[100] See photograph in McAdie, "Nova Albion--1579," fig. 1.

[101] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography."

[102] Kroeber, _Handbook_, p. 277.

[103] These "burnt offerings" are ascribed to the Trinidad Bay Yurok by Wagner (_Drake's Voyage_, p. 157), but there is no need to look so far afield for parallels when the Coast Miwok-Pomo area fits the case so well.

[104] Memorial ceremonies for the dead are a characteristic feature of central California culture; see Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_, p. 117 (Coast Miwok).

[105] Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's California Anchorage."

[106] For evidence of this, using the words on Drake's plate of brass, see Allen Chickering, "Some Notes with Regard to Drake's Plate of Brass" and "Further Notes on the Drake Plate."

[107] Powers, _Tribes of California_, p. 171. Cf. the Huchnom song facing p. 144.

[108] Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_, pp. 103, 127, 128.

[109] Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, pp. 374, 392, 393. See also Barrett, _Ceremonies_, pp. 409, 413.

[110] Because of the high degree of similarity between all phases of Pomo and Coast Miwok ceremonies, a close correspondence, or even identity, in the songs connected with these ceremonies may safely be assumed.

[111] Davidson, "Identification of Sir Francis Drake's Anchorage," p. 35.

[112] J. P. Munro-Fraser, _History of Marin County_ (San Francisco, 1880), pp. 96-97.

[113] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, pp. 148, 167, 494.

[114] Wagner, "The Last Spanish Exploration," p. 334.

[115] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 167.

[116] A. L. Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions, XV: Salt, Dogs, Tobacco_, Univ. Calif. Anthro. Rec., Vol. VI, No. 1 (Berkeley, 1941), pp. 6 ff., map 5.

[117] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography."

[118] Powers, _Tribes of California_, p. 200.

[119] Kelly's informant did say that "before steamers used to travel along the coast" certain occurrences in connection with this belief in the land of the dead took place. This may be a memory of an incident which once was more specifically remembered. At best, however, it is improbable that there would be any tradition of Drake's visit per se.

[120] Such incidents are not uncommon in California. Note, for example, the legendary significance of Mount Diablo to the Indian tribes of central California.

[121] I disagree with Wagner's statement (_Drake's Voyage_, p. 169): "The truth probably is that Drake stopped at two or three different places on the coast [Trinidad Bay, Bodega Bay] and the writer of the original narrative or the compilers who worked on it embodied in one description those of all the Indians he met." The part of the _World Encompassed_ account treated here has shown itself to be a homogeneous description, interspersed with some naive interpretation of west-central California coast Indian culture, and cannot be looked upon as a composite description. To believe otherwise would seriously distort the facts. This conclusion I submit as one of the most important results of the present inquiry.

[122] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, pp. 492-495, does select the Pomo as having the customs and manners described by Fletcher. In this he was inevitably guided by the more abundant Pomo data. Kroeber's selection of Drake's Bay as the site of the anchorage (_Handbook_, p. 278) rests upon the same grounds as my conclusion. Wagner (_Drake's Voyage_, p. 497, n. 10) takes issue with Kroeber and raises several objections without answering them satisfactorily.

[123] Wagner is concerned over this fact. He says (_Drake's Voyage_, p. 498, n. 24) that a reference to Drake's Estero should have been included in the narrative "since the Indian villages were almost entirely located upon it." In answer it may be observed that the Indian villages of Drake's time were situated sporadically around the shore of Drake's Bay as well as on the estero. One might as well ask at the same time why Fletcher did not mention Tomales Bay if Drake were at Bodega?

[124] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 151.

[125] And, significantly, the Drake plate of brass uses the words "Nova Albion." This is independently attested by John Drake in his first declaration.

[126] See Francisco de Bolanos' explicit mention of the white cliffs in Drake's Bay as prominent landmarks (Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 498, n. 19). See also Davidson, "Identification of Sir Francis Drake's Anchorage," p. 31. Richard Madox refers to the California anchorage as "Ships Land," perhaps the name given to the place by the sailors themselves.

APPENDIX I

THE SOURCES

There are in existence at least three useful independent accounts of Sir Francis Drake's California visit in 1579. These are: (1) the _World Encompassed_ and the similar _Famous Voyage_ accounts; (2) the second deposition of John Drake, and (3) the valuable notes of Richard Madox.

_The Famous Voyage and The World Encompassed._--The _Famous Voyage_, first printed in 1589, was compiled by Richard Hakluyt from three sources--John Cooke's manuscript, the _Anonymous Narrative_, and the Francis Fletcher manuscript.[A-1] _The World Encompassed_, which probably was in manuscript form a few years after Drake's return to England, did not appear in print until 1628. The sources of this account are the Fletcher manuscript, the Edward Cliffe account, and the relations of Nuno da Silva and Lopez de Vaz.[A-2] It is obvious to any reader that the _Famous Voyage_ and _World Encompassed_ accounts of the California Indians are closely similar in wording, the chief difference between the two being that the latter account is fuller than the former.[A-3] The richer detail does not indicate literary padding, since the additional information is ethnographically sound. One gets the impression that the _Famous Voyage_ version is an abridgement of _The World Encompassed_ account itself, or perhaps its source, though if this is so in fact only the bibliographers can tell. Henry R. Wagner has carefully analyzed the various accounts of the Drake voyage,[A-4] and is inclined, no doubt with good reason, to treat the _World Encompassed_ version as "untrustworthy"; yet this characterization hardly holds for what it tells of the California Indians, which, within limits of interpretation, is a straightforward, detailed ethnographic record, of convincing authenticity.

It is fairly certain that Francis Fletcher's "Notes" was the source of the description of California Indian manners and customs, since, as Wagner points out, the descriptions of the Patagonians and Fuegians in the first half of the Fletcher manuscript (the second half is now lost) agree very closely in wording with the descriptions of the California coast Indians.[A-5]

Of Francis Fletcher, chaplain and diarist of the Drake expedition, O. M. Dalton says:

... it may ... be suggested that Fletcher was not such a
romancer as has sometimes been supposed. There is really a
large amount of information condensed in his few pages,--as
much, or perhaps more, than is to be found in many chapters of
later and more diffuse historians or travellers. That he should
have seen strange and unprecedented occurrences in the light of
his own limited knowledge and of the narrow experience of his
time, was after all a psychological necessity. His narrative,
like the sea-god Glaucus in Plato's Republic, is obscured by
strange incrustations; nevertheless with a little patience the
fictitious shell may be removed and the solid fact discovered
intact beneath it.... It is apparent that the whole passage
describing Drake's interview with the "King," on which some
ridicule has been cast, is chiefly absurd because the narrator
inevitably reads into the social conditions of an uncultured
tribe something of the European etiquette of the day.... It was
only natural that a difficulty should have been experienced by
minds, not scientifically trained, in finding an appropriate
terminology by which to describe unfamiliar objects.... Other
instances might be quoted, but the above are sufficient to show
that Fletcher described scenes that actually passed before his
eyes, while the inferences he drew from them were erroneous. It
is only fair, if small things may be compared with great, that
the humble chronicler of a later day should be accorded the
same liberal method of interpretation which has long been
granted to classical authors.[A-6]

_John Drake's Second Declaration._--John Drake was the orphan son of Robert Drake, who was the uncle of Francis Drake. John Drake accompanied his cousin on the voyage round the world, and subsequently went along on the Edward Fenton expedition, was shipwrecked in the River Plate (1582), taken captive by the Indians, and escaped only to fall into the hands of the Spanish. John Drake was questioned by the authorities, and in his second deposition there is a brief account of the occurrences in California, 1579.[A-7]

There he [Francis Drake] landed and built huts and remained a
month and a half, caulking his vessel. The victuals they found
were mussels and sea-lions. During that time many Indians came
there and when they saw the Englishmen they wept and scratched
their faces with their nails until they drew blood, as though
this were an act of homage or adoration. By signs Captain
Francis told them not to do that, for the Englishmen were not
God. These people were peaceful and did no harm to the English,
but gave them no food. They are of the colour of the Indians
here [Peru] and are comely. They carry bows and arrows and go
naked. The climate is temperate, more cold than hot. To all
appearance it is a very good country. Here he caulked his large
ship and left the ship he had taken in Nicaragua. He departed,
leaving the Indians, to all appearances, sad.[A-8]

_Richard Madox's Account of California._--In 1932, Miss E. G. R. Taylor discovered in the diary of Richard Madox, Chaplain aboard Edward Fenton's ship in 1582, some remarks on Drake's visit on the California coast in 1579.[A-9] Madox was not a member of the Drake expedition, and it is safe to assume that his notes consist of information received in conversation with some of Fenton's crew who had accompanied Drake. These could have been William Hawkins, John Drake, Thomas Hood, and Thomas Blackcollar.[A-10] Miss Taylor notes Madox's categorical statement that "Syr Frances Drake graved and bremd his ship at 48 degrees to ye north" together with evidence from other sources, and concludes that "it would appear that Drake's anchorage must be sought in Oregon rather than in California, perhaps in Gray's Bay, or at the mouth of the Raft River." Miss Taylor had hoped to get a clue from the Madox vocabulary, but was unsuccessful. Henry Wagner has answered Miss Taylor's Oregon claim effectively,[A-11] and the identification of the Madox vocabulary as Coast Miwok is further proof that the statement "at 48 degrees" is an error. The log raft depicted by Madox and discussed by Miss Taylor and Mr. Wagner is a typical Peruvian sailing raft, as reference to S. K. Lothrop's detailed paper will demonstrate;[A-12] it has no relation whatsoever to California.

The relevant portion of Madox's account is as follows:

In ships land wh is ye back syde of Labradore and as Mr. Haul
[Christopher Hall] supposeth nye thereunto Syr Frances Drake
graved and bremd his ship at 48 degrees to ye north. Ye people
ar for feature color apparel diet and holo speach lyke to those
of Labradore and is thowght kyngles for they crowned Syr
Frances Drake. Ther language is thus.

_Cheepe_ bread
_Huchee kecharoh_ sit downe
_Nocharo mu_ tuch me not
_Hioghe_ a king

Ther song when they worship god is thus--one dauncing first wh
his handes up, and al ye rest after lyke ye prest and people
_Hodeli oh heigh oh heigh ho hodali oh_

Yt is thowght yt they of Labradore [do] worship ye son and ye
moon but [whether they] do of calphurnia I kno not....[A-13]

FOOTNOTES:

[A-1] Henry R. Wagner, _Sir Francis Drake's Voyage around the World_ (San Francisco, 1926), p. 241.

[A-2] _Ibid._, pp. 287, 289.

[A-3] _The World Encompassed_ account of Drake in California is reprinted in Appendix II, below. It is printed in full in Volume XVI of the Hakluyt Society publications (ed. W. S. Vaux; London, 1854). The _Famous Voyage_ is easily accessible in _Drake's Plate of Brass_, California Historical Society, Special Publication No. 13 (San Francisco, 1937), pp. 27-30.

[A-4] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, pp. 229 ff., n. 1.

[A-5] _Ibid._, pp. 61, 147, 245, 290.

[A-6] O. M. Dalton, "Notes on an Ethnographical Collection ... Formed during the Voyage of Captain Vancouver, 1790-1795," _Internationale Archiv fuer Ethnographie_, Vol. X. (Leiden, 1897), p. 235. A. L. Kroeber says, "The passage is a somewhat prolix mixture of narration and depiction...." (_Handbook of the Indians of California_, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bull. 78 [Washington, D. C., 1925], pp. 275-276).

[A-7] For details see Zelia Nuttall, _New Light on Drake_, Hakluyt Society, ser. 2, Vol. 34 (London, 1914), pp. 18-23. See also Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, pp. 328-334.

[A-8] Nuttall, _New Light on Drake_, pp. 50-51.

[A-9] For details see E. G. R. Taylor, "Francis Drake and the Pacific: Two Fragments," _Pacific Historical Review_, I (1932), 360-369.

[A-10] For details see _ibid._, pp. 363-365; Henry R. Wagner, "George Davidson, Geographer of the Northwest Coast," _California Historical Society Quarterly_, XI (1932), 309-311; and Nuttall, _New Light on Drake_, pp. 19-20.

[A-11] Wagner, "George Davidson," pp. 310-311.

[A-12] S. K. Lothrop, "Aboriginal Navigation off the West Coast of South America," _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, LXII (1932), 235-238, figs. 9_a_, 9_b_, 10.

[A-13] Reprinted from Taylor, _loc. cit._, p. 369.

APPENDIX II

EXTRACT FROM "THE WORLD ENCOMPASSED BY SIR FRANCIS DRAKE"

London: Printed for Nicholas Bovrne, 1628. "Carefully collected
out of the Notes of Master Francis Fletcher _Preacher in this
employment, and diuers others his followers in the same_."
(Pp. 64-81.)[B-1]

In 38 deg. 30 min. we fell with a conuenient and fit harborough, and Iune 17. came to anchor therein: where we continued till the 23. day of Iuly following. During all which time, notwithstanding it was in the height of Summer, and so neere the Sunne; yet were wee continually visited with like nipping colds, as we had felt before; insomuch that if violent exercises of our bodies, and busie imployment about our necessarie labours, had not sometimes compeld vs to the contrary, we could very well haue beene contented to haue kept about vs still our Winter clothes; yea (had not necessities suffered vs) to haue kept our beds; neither could we at any time in whole fourteene dayes together, find the aire so cleare as to be able to take the height of Sunne or starre.... [Omitted here is a lengthy discourse on the weather.]

The next day after our comming to anchor in the aforesaid harbour, the people of the countrey shewed themselues; sending off a man with great expedition to vs in a canow. Who being yet but a little from the shoare, and a great way from our ship, spake to vs continually as he came rowing on. And at last at a reasonable distance staying himselfe, he began more solemnely a long and tedious oration, after his manner: vsing in the deliuerie thereof, many gestures and signes, mouing his hands, turning his head and body many wayes; and after his oration ended, with great shew of reuerence and submission, returned back to shoare againe. He shortly came againe the second time in like manner, and so the third time: When he brought with him (as a present from the rest) a bunch of feathers, much like the feathers of a blacke crow, very neatly and artificially gathered vpon a string, and drawne together into a round bundle; being verie cleane and finely cut, and bearing in length an equall proportion one with another; a speciall cognizance (as wee afterwards obserued) which they that guard their kings person, weare on their heads. With this also he brought a little basket made of rushes, and filled with an herb which they called _Tabah_. Both which being tyed to a short rodde, he cast into our boate. Our Generall intended to haue recompenced him immediately with many good things, he would haue bestowed vpon him: but entring into the boate to deliuer the same, he could not be drawne to receiue them by any means: saue one hat, which being cast into the water out of the ship, he tooke vp (refusing vtterly to meddle with any other thing, though it were vpon a board put off vnto him) and so presently made his returne. After which time, our boate could row no way, but wondring at vs as at gods, they would follow the same with admiration.

The 3. day following, viz. the 21. our ship hauing receiued a leake at sea, was brought to anchor neerer the shoare, that her goods being landed, she might be repaired: but for that we were to preuent any danger, that might chance against our safety, our generall first of all landed his men, with all necessary prouision, to build tents and make a fort for the defence of our selues and goods: and that wee might vnder the shelter of it, with more safety (what euer should befall) end our businesse; which when the people of the country perceiued vs doing, as men set on fire to war, in defence of their countrie, in great hast and companies, with such weapons as they had, they came downe vnto vs; and yet with no hostile meaning, or intent to hurt vs: standing when they drew neare, as men rauished in their mindes, with the sight of such things as they neuer had seene, or heard of before that time: their errand being rather with submission and feare to worship vs as Gods, then to haue any warre with vs as with mortall men. Which thing is it did partly shew it selfe at that instant, so did it more and more manifest it selfe afterwards, during the whole time of our abode amongst them. At this time, being willed by signes to lay from them their bowes and arrowes, they did as they were directed, and so did all the rest, as they came more and more by companies vnto them, growing in a little while, to a great number both of men and women.

To the intent therefore, that this peace which they themselues so willingly sought, might without any cause of breach thereof, on our part giuen, be continued; and that wee might with more safety and expedition, end our businesses in quiet; our Generall with all his company, vsed all meanes possible, gently to intreate them, bestowing vpon each of them liberally, good and necessary things to couer their nakednesse, withall signifying vnto them, we were no Gods but men, and had neede of such things to couer our owne shame; teaching them to vse them to the same ends: for which cause also wee did eate and drinke in their presence, giuing them to vnderstand, that without that wee could not liue, and therefore were but men as well as they.

Notwithstanding nothing could perswade them, nor remoue that opinion, which they had conceiued of vs, that wee should be Gods.

In recompence of those things which they had receiued of vs, as shirts linnen cloth, &c. they betsowed vpon our generall, and diuerse of our company, diuerse things, as feathers, cawles of networke, the quiuers of their arrowes, made of fawne-skins, and the very skins of beasts that their women wore vpon their bodies. Hauing thus had their fill of this times visiting and beholding of vs, they departed with ioy to their houses, which houses are digged round within the earth, and haue from the vppermost brimmes of the circle, clefts of wood set vp, and ioyned close together at the top, like our spires on the steeple of a church: which being couered with earth, suffer no water to enter, and are very warme, the doore in the most part of them, performes the office of a chimney, to let out the smoake: its made in bignesse and fashion, like to an ordinary scuttle in a ship, and standing slopewise: their beds are the hard ground, onely with rushes strewed vpon it, and lying round about the house, haue their fire in the middest, which by reason that the house is but low vaulted, round and close, giueth a maruelous reflexion to their bodies to heate the same.

Their men for the most part goe naked, the women take a kinde of bulrushes, and kembing it after the manner of hempe, make themselues thereof a loose garment, which being knitte about their middles, hanges downe about their hippes, and so affordes to them a couering of that, which nature teaches should be hidden: about their shoulders, they weare also the skin of a deere, with the haire vpon it. They are very obedient to their husbands, and exceeding ready in all seruices: yet of themselues offring to do nothing, without the consents, or being called of the men.