Chapter II: Part 2

_Francis Hotoman_ (one of the most learned Lawyers of that Age) was Born at _Paris_ the 23d of _August_, 1524. His Family was an Ancient and Noble one, originally of _Breslaw_, the Capital of _Silesia_. _Lambert Hotoman_, his Grandfather, bore Arms in the Service of _Lewis_ the 11th of _France_, and married a rich Heiress at _Paris_, by whom he had 18 Children; the Eldest of which (_John Hotoman_) had so plentiful an Estate, that he laid down the Ransom-Money for King _Francis_ the First, taken at the Battel of _Pavia_: _Summo galliæ bono, summâ cum suâ laude_, says _Neveletus_, _Peter Hotoman_ his 18th Child, and [Footnote: _Maistre des Eaux & Forrests._] _Master of the Waters and Forests_ of _France_ (afterwards a Counsellor in the Parliament of _Paris_) was Father to _Francis_, the _Author_ of this Book. He sent his Son, at 15 Years of Age, to _Orleans_ to study the _Common Law_; which he did with so great Applause, that at Three Years End he merited the Degree of Doctor. His Father designing to surrender to him his Place of Counsellor of _Parliament_, sent for him home: But the young Gentleman was soon tired with the Chicane of the Bar, and plung'd himself deep in the Studies of [Footnote: _Les belles Lettres._] _Humanity_ and the _Roman Laws_; for which he had a wonderful Inclination. He happen'd to be a frequent Spectator of the Protestants Sufferings, who, about that Time, had their Tongues cut out, were otherwise tormented, and burnt for their Religion. This made him curious to dive into those Opinions, which inspired so much Constancy, Resignation and Contempt of Death; which brought him by degrees to a liking of them, so that he turn'd Protestant. And this put him in Disgrace with his father, who thereupon disinherited him; which forced him at last to quit _France_, and to retire to _Lausanne_ in _Swisserland_ by _Calvin_'s and _Beza_'s Advice; where his great Merit and Piety promoted him to the Humanity-Professor's Chair, which he accepted of for a Livelihood, having no Subsistance from his Father. There he married a young _French_ Lady, who had fled her Country upon the Score of Religion: He afterwards remov'd to _Strasburg_, where he also had a Professor's Chair. The Fame of his great Worth was so blown about, that he was invited by all the great Princes to their several Countries, particularly by the _Landgrave_ of _Hesse_, the _Duke_ of _Prussia_, and the _King_ of _Navarre_; and he actually went to this last about the Beginning of the Troubles. Twice he was sent as Ambassador from the Princes of the Blood of _France_, and the Queen-Mother, to demand Assistance of the Emperor _Ferdinand:_ The Speech that he made at the Diet of _Francfort_ is still extant. Afterwards he returned to _Strasburg_; but _Jean de Monluc_, the Bishop of _Valence_, over-persuaded him to accept of the Professorship of Civil Law at _Valence_; of which he acquitted himself so well, that he very much heighten'd the Reputation of that University. Here he received two Invitations from _Margaret_ Dutchess of _Berry_, and Sister to _Henry_ the Second of _France_, and accepted a Professor's Chair at _Bourges_; but continued in it no longer than five Months, by reason of the intervening Troubles. Afterwards he returned to it, and was there at the time of the great _Parisian_ Massacre, having much-a-do to escape with his Life; but having once got out of _France_ (with a firm Resolution never to return thither again) he took Sanctuary in the House of _Calvin_ at _Geneva_, and publish'd Books against the Persecution, so full of Spirit and good Reasoning, that the Heads of the contrary Party made him great Offers in case he wou'd forbear Writing against them; but he refused them all, and said, The Truth shou'd never be betray'd or forsaken by him. _Neveletus_ says, "That his Reply to those that wou'd have tempted him, was this: _Nunquam sibi propugnatam causam quæ iniqua esset: Nunquam quæ jure & legibus niteretur desertam præmiorum spe vel metu periculi._"--He afterwards went to _Basel_ in _Swisserland_, and from thence (being driven away by the Plague) to _Mountbelliard_, where he buried his Wife. He returned then to _Basel_ (after having refused a Professor's Chair at _Leyden_) and there he died of a Dropsy in the 65th Year of his Age, the 12th of _February_, 1590.

He writ a great many learned Books, which were all of them in great Esteem; and among them an excellent Book _de Consolatione_. His _Francogallia_ was his own Favourite; tho' blamed by several others, who were of the contrary Opinion: Yet even these who wrote against him do unanimously agree, that he had a World of Learning, and a profound Erudition. He had a thorough Knowledge of the Civil Law, which he managed with all the Eloquence imaginable; and was, without dispute, one of the ablest Civilians that _France_ had ever produced: This is _Thuanus_ and _Barthius_'s Testimony of him. Mr. _Bayle_ indeed passes his Censure of this Work in the Text of his Dictionary, in these Words: "_Sa Francogallia dont il faisoit grand etat est celuy de tous ses ecrits que l'on aprouve le moins:_"--and in his Commentary adds, "_C'est un Ouvrage recommendable du costè de l'Erudition; mais tres indigne d'un jurisconsulte Francois, si l'on en croit mesme plusieurs Protestants._" I wou'd not do any Injury to so great a Man as Monsieur _Bayle_; but every one that is acquainted with his Character, knows that he is more a Friend to Tyranny and Tyrants, than seems to be consistent with so free a Spirit. He has been extremely ill used, which sowres him to such a degree, that it even perverts his Judgment in some measure; and he seems resolved to be against Monsieur _Jurieu_, and that Party, in every thing, right or wrong. Whoever reads his Works, may trace throughout all Parts of them this Disposition of Mind, and see what sticks most at his Heart. So that he not only loses no Occasion, but often forces one where it seems improper and unseasonable, to vent his Resentments upon his Enemies; who surely did themselves a great deal more wrong in making him so, than they did him. 'Tis too true, that they did all they cou'd to starve him; and this great Man was forced to write in haste for Bread; which has been the Cause that some of his Works are shorter than he design'd them; and consequently, that the World is deprived of so much Benefit, as otherwise it might have reap'd from his prodigious Learning, and Force of Judgment. One may see by the first Volume of his Dictionary, which goes through but two Letters of the Alphabet, that he forecasted to make that Work three times as large as it is, cou'd he have waited for the Printer's Money so long as was requisite to the finishing it according to his first Design. Thus much I thought fit to say, in order to abate the Edge of what he seems to speak hardly of the _Francogallia_; tho' in several other Places he makes my Author amends: And one may without scruple believe him, when he commends a Man, whose Opinion he condemns. For this is the Character he gives of this Work: _"C'est au fond un bel Ouvrage, bien ecrit, & bien rempli d'erudition: Et d'autant plus incommode au partie contraire que l'Auteur se contente de citer des faits."_ Can any thing in the World be a greater Commendation of a Work of this Nature, than to say it contains only pure Matter of Fact? Now if this be so, Monsieur _Bayle_ wou'd do well to tell us what he means by those Words, _Tres indigne d'un jurisconsulte Francois_. Whether a _French_ Civilian be debarr'd telling of Truth (when that Truth exposes Tyranny) more than a Civilian of any other Nation? This agrees, in some measure, with Monsieur _Teissier_'s Judgment of the _Francogallia_, and shews, that Monsieur _Bayle_, and Monsieur _Teissier_ and _Bongars_, were _Bons Francois_ in one and the same Sense. "_Son Livre intitulè, Francogallia, luy attira AVEC RAISON_ (and this he puts in great Letters) _les blame des bons Francois_. For (says he) therein he endeavours to prove, That _France_, the most flourishing Kingdom in _Christendom_, is not successive, like the Estates of particular Persons; but that anciently the Kings came to the Crown by the Choice and Suffrages of the Nobility and People; insomuch, that as in former Times the Power and Authority of _Electing_ their Kings belonged to the _Estates of the Kingdom_, so likewise did the Right of _Deposing_ their _Princes_ from their Government. And hereupon he quotes the Examples of _Philip de Valois_, of _King John_, _Charles the Fifth_, and _Charles the Sixth_, and _Lewis the Eleventh_: But what he principally insists on, is to show, That as from Times Immemorial, the _French_ judg'd Women incapable of Governing; So likewise ought they to be debarr'd from all Administration of the Publick Affairs."

This is Mr. _Boyle_'s Quotation of _Teissier_, by which it appears how far _Hotoman_ ought to be blamed by all _true Frenchmen, AVEC RAISON_. But provided that _Hotoman_ proves irrefragably all that he says (as not only Monsieur _Bayle_ himself, but every body else that writes of him allows) I think it will be a hard matter to persuade a disinteress'd Person, or any other but a _bon Francois_, (which, in good _English_, is a _Lover of his Chains_) that here is any just Reason shewn why _Hotoman_ shou'd be blam'd.

Monsieur _Teissier_, altho' very much prejudiced against him, was (as one may see by the Tenor of the above Quotation, and his leaving it thus uncommented on) in his Heart convinc'd of the Truth of it; but no _bon Francois_ dares own so much. He was a little too careless when he wrote against _Hotoman_, mistaking one of his Books for another; _viz._ his Commentary _ad titulum institutionum de Actionibus_, for his little Book _de gradibus cognationis_; both extremely esteemed by all learned Men, especially the first: Of which Monsieur _Bayle_ gives this Testimony: "_La beauté du Stile, & la connoissance des antiquités Romaines eclatoient dans cet Ouvrage, & le firent fort estimer._"

_Thuanus_, that celebrated disinteress'd Historian, gives this Character in general of his Writings. "He composed (says he) several Works very profitable towards the explaining of the Civil Law, Antiquity, and all Sorts of fine Literature; which have been collected and publish'd by _James Lectius_, a famous Lawyer, after they had been review'd and corrected by the Author. _Barthius_ says, that he excelled in the Knowledge of the Civil Law, and of all genteel Learning [Footnote: _Belles Literature_] _Ceux la mesmes qui ont ecrits contre luy_ (says _Neveletus_) _tombent d'accord quil avoit beaucoup de lecture & une profonde Erudition_."

The Author of the _Monitoriale adversus Italogalliam_, which some take to be _Hotoman_ himself, has this Passage relating to the _Francogallia_: "Quomodo potest aliquis ei succensere qui est tantum relator & narrator facti? _Francogallista_ enim tantum narrationi & relationi simplici vacat, quod si aliena dicta delerentur, charta remaneret alba."

It was objected to him, that he unawares furnish'd the Duke of _Guise_ and the _League_ at _Paris_ with Arguments to make good their Attempts against their Kings. This cannot be deny'd; but at the same time it cannot be imputed to _Hotoman_ as any Crime: Texts of Scripture themselves have been made use of for different Purposes, according to the Passion or the Interests of Parties. Arguments do not lose their native Force for being wrong apply'd: If the Three _Estates of France_ had such a fundamental Power lodg'd in them; who can help it, if the Writers for the _League_ made use of Hotoman's Arguments to support a wrong Cause? And this may suffice to remove this Imputation from his Memory.

He was a Man of a very handsome Person and Shape, tall and comely; his Eyes were blewish, his Nose long, and his Countenance venerable: He joined a most exemplary Piety and Probity to an eminent Degree of Knowledge and Learning. No Day pass'd over his Head, wherein he employ'd not several Hours in the Exercise of Prayer, and reading of the Scriptures. He wou'd never permit his Picture to be drawn, tho' much intreated by his Friends; however (when he was at his last Gasp, and cou'd not hinder it) they got a Painter to his Bed's-side, who took his Likeness as well as 'twas possible at such a time. _Basilius Amerbachius_ assisted him during his last Sickness, and _James Grinæus_ made his Funeral-Sermon. He left two Sons behind him, _John_ and _Daniel_; besides a great Reputation, and Desire of him, not only among his Friends and Acquaintance, but all the Men of Learning and Probity all over _Europe_.

* * * * *

Explication of the _Roman_ Names mention'd by _Hotoman_.

_Ædui_, People of _Chalons_ and _Nevers_, of _Autun_
and _Mascon_.

_Agrippina Colonia_, _Cologn_.

_Arverni_, P. of _Auvergne_ and _Bourbonnais_.

_Armorica_, _Bretagne_ and _Normandy_.

_Aquitani_, P. of _Guienne_ and _Gascogn_.

_Atrebates_, P. of _Artois_.

_Attuarii_, P. of _Aire_ in _Gascogn_.

_Augustodunum_, _Autun_.

_Aureliani_, P. of _Orleans_.

_Aquisgranum_, _Aix la Chapelle_.

_Ambiani_, P. of _Amiens_.

_Alsaciones_, P. of _Alsace_.

_Bigargium_, _Bigorre forté_.

_Bibracte_, _Bavray_, in the Diocese of _Rheims_.

_Bituriges_, P. of _Bourges_.

_Carisiacum_, _Crecy_.

_Cinnesates_, P. on the Sea-Coast, between the _Elb_ and
the _Rhine_.

_Carnutes_, P. of _Chartres_ and _Orleans_.

_Ceutrones_, P. of _Liege_.

_Ceutones_, P. of _Tarentaise_ in _Savoy_.

_Condrusii_, P. of the _Condros_ in _Flanders_.

_Dusiacum_, _non liquet_.

_Eburones_, P. of the Diocese of _Liege_, and of _Namur_.

_Gorduni_, P. about _Ghent_ and _Courtray_.

_Grudii_, P. of _Lovain_.

_Hetrusci_, P. of _Tuscany_.

_Laudunum_, _Laon_.

_Lexovium_, _Lisieux_.

_Lentiates_, People about _Lens_.

_Levaci_, P. of _Hainault_.

_Leuci_, P. of _Metz_, _Toul_ and _Verdun_.

_Lingones_, P. of _Langres_.

_Lugdunum_, _Lyons_.

_Lutetia_, _Paris_.

_Massilia_, _Marseilles_.

_Marsua_, _non liquet_.

_Nervii_, P. of _Hainault_ and _Cambray_.

_Nitiobriges_, P. of _Agenois_.

_Novemopulonia_, _Gascony_.

_Noviomagum_, _Nimeguen_.

_Pannonia_, _Hungary_.

_Pleumosii_, P. of _Tornay_ and _Lisle_.

_Rhatia_, _Swisserland_.

_Rhemi_, P. of _Rheims_.

_Senones_, P. of _Sens_ and _Auxerre_.

_Sequani_, P. of _Franche Comté_.

_Sequana_, the River _Seine_.

_Suessiones_, P. of _Soissons_.

_Trecassini_, P. of _Tricasses_ in _Champagne_.

_Treviri_, P. of _Triers_, and Part of _Luxemburg_.

_Toxandri_, P. of _Zealand_.

_Tolbiacum_, _non liquet_.

_Vencti_, P. of _Vannes_.

_Vesontini_, P. of _Besançon_.

_Ulbanesses_, _non liquet_.

_Witmarium_, _non liquet_.

* * * * *

The Author's Preface.

To the most Illustrious and Potent Prince _FREDERICK_,
Count Palatine of the _Rhine_, Duke of _Bavaria_, &c.
First Elector of the _Roman_ Empire, His most Gracious
Lord, _Francis Hotoman_, wishes all Health and Prosperity.

_'Tis an old Saying, of which_ Teucer _the Son of_ Telamon _is the supposed Author, and which has been approved of these many Ages_, A Man's Country is, where-ever he lives at Ease. [Footnote: _Patria est ubicunq; est bene._] _For to bear even Banishment it self with an unconcern'd Temper of Mind like other Misfortunes and Inconveniences, and to despise the Injuries of an ungrateful Country, which uses one more like a Stepmother than a true Mother, seems to be the Indication of a great Soul. But I am of a quite different Opinion: For if it be a great Crime, and almost an Impiety not to live under and suffer patiently the Humours and harsh Usage of our Natural Parents; 'tis sure a much greater, not to endure those of our Country, which wise Men have unanimously preferr'd to their_ Parents. _'Tis indeed the Property of a wary self-interested Man, to measure his Kindness for his Country by his own particular Advantages: But such a sort of Carelesness and Indifferency seems a Part of that Barbarity which was attributed to the_ Cynicks _and_ Epicureans; _whence that detestable Saying proceeded_, When I am dead, let the whole World be a Fire. _Which is not unlike the Old Tyrannical Axiom_; Let my Friends perish, so my Enemies fall along with them. [Footnote: _Me mortuo terra misceatur incendio. Pereant amici dum una inimici intercidant._] _But in gentle Dispositions, there is a certain inbred Love of their Country, which they can no more divest themselves of, than of Humanity it self. Such a Love as_ Homer _describes in_ Ulysses, _who preferred_ Ithaca, _tho' no better than a Bird's Nest fix'd to a craggy Rock in the Sea, to all the Delights of the Kingdom which_ Calypso _offer'd him_.

Nescio quâ natale Solum dulcedine cunctos
Ducit, & immemores non finit esse sui:

_Was very truly said by the Ancient Poet; When we think of that Air we first suck'd in, that Earth we first trod on, those Relations, Neighbours and Acquaintance to whose Conversation we have been accustomed._

_But a Man may sometimes say, My_ Country _is grown_ mad _or_ foolish, _(as_ Plato _said of his) sometimes that it rages and cruelly tears out its own Bowels.--We are to take care in the first Place, that we do not ascribe_ other Folks _Faults to our innocent_ Country. _There have been may cruel_ Tyrants _in_ Rome _and in other Places; these not only tormented innocent good Men, but even the best deserving Citizens, with all manner of Severities: Does it therefore follow, that the Madness of these Tyrants must be imputed to their Country? The Cruelty of the Emperor_ Macrinus _is particularly memorable; who as_ Julius Capitolinus _writes, was nicknamed_ Macellinus, _because his House was stained with the Blood of Men, as a Shambles is with that of Beasts. Many such others are mention'd by Historians, who for the like Cruelty (as the same_ Capitolinus _tells us) were stil'd, one_ Cyclops, _another_ Busiris, _a 3d_ Sciron, _a 4th_ Tryphon, _a 5th_ Gyges. _These were firmly persuaded, that Kingdoms and Empires cou'd not be secur'd without Cruelty: Wou'd it be therefore reasonable, that good Patriots shou'd lay aside all Care and Solicitude for their Country? Certainly they ought rather to succour her, when like a miserable oppressed Mother, she implores her Childrens Help, and to seek all proper Remedies for the Mischiefs that afflict her._

_But how fortunate are those Countries that have good and mild Princes! how happy are those Subjects, who, thro' the Benignity of their Rulers may quietly grow old on their Paternal Seats, in the sweet Society of their Wives and Children! For very often it happens, that the Remedies which are made use of prove worse than the Evils themselves. 'Tis now, most Illustrious Prince, about Sixteen Years since God Almighty has committed to your Rule and Government a considerable Part of_ Germany _situate on the_ Rhine. _During which time, 'tis scarce conceivable what a general Tranquility, what a Calm (as in a smooth Sea) has reigned in the whole_ Palatinate; _how peaceable and quiet all things have continued: How piously and religiously they have been governed: Go on most Gracious Prince in the same Meekness of Spirit, which I to the utmost of my Power must always extol. Proceed in the same Course of gentle and peaceable Virtue_; Macte Virtute; _not in the Sense which_ Seneca _tells us the_ Romans _used this Exclamation in, to salute their Generals when they return'd all stain'd with Gore Blood from the Field of Battel, who were rather true_ Macellinus's: _But do you proceed in that Moderation of Mind, Clemency, Piety, Justice, Affability, which have occasion'd the Tranquility of your Territories. And because the present Condition of your_ Germany _is such as we see it, Men now-a-days run away from Countries infested with Plunderers and Oppressors, to take Sanctuary in those that are quiet and peaceable; as Mariners, who undertake a Voyage, forecast to avoid Streights, &c. and Rocky Seas, and chase to sail a calm and open Course._

_There was indeed a Time, when young Gentlemen, desirous of Improvement, flock'd from all Parts to the Schools and Academies of our_ Francogallia, _as to the publick Marts of good Literature. Now they dread them as Men do Seas infested with Pyrates, and detest their Tyrannous Barbarity. The Remembrance of this wounds me to the very Soul; when I consider my unfortunate miserable Country has been for almost twelve Years, burning in the Flames of Civil War. But much more am I griev'd, when I reflect that so many have not only been idle Spectators of these dreadful Fires (as_ Nero _was of flaming_ Rome_) but have endeavour'd by their wicked Speeches and Libels to blow the Bellows, whilst few or none have contributed their Assistance towards the extinguishing them._

_I am not ignorant how mean and inconsiderable a Man I am; nevertheless as in a general Conflagration every Man's Help is acceptable, who is able to fling on but a Bucket of Water, so I hope the Endeavours of any Person that offers at a Remedy will be well taken by every Lover of his Country. Being very intent for several Months past on the Thoughts of these great Calamities, I have perused all the old_ French _and_ German _Historians that treat of our_ Francogallia, _and collected out of their Works a true State of our_ Commonwealth; _in the Condition (wherein they agree) it flourished for above a Thousand Years. And indeed the great Wisdom of our Ancestors in the first framing of our Constitution, is almost incredible; so that I no longer doubted, that the most certain Remedy for so great Evils must be deduced from their Maxims._

_For as I more attentively enquired into the Source of these Calamities, it seemed to me, that even as human Bodies decay and perish, either by some outward Violence, or some inward Corruption of Humours, or lastly, thro' Old Age: So Commonwealths are brought to their Period, sometimes by Foreign Force, sometimes by Civil Dissentions, at other Times by being worn out and neglected. Now tho' the Misfortunes that have befallen our Commonwealth are commonly attributed to our Civil Dissentions, I found, upon Enquiry, these are not so properly to be called the_ Cause _as the_ Beginning _of our Mischiefs. And_ Polybius, _that grave judicious Historian, teaches us, in the first place, to distinguish the_ Beginning _from the_ Cause _of any Accident. Now I affirm the_ Cause _to have been that great Blow which our Constitution received about 100 Years ago from that_ [Footnote: Lewis _the_ XI.] _Prince, who ('tis manifest) first of all broke in upon the noble and solid Institutions of our Ancestors. And as our natural Bodies when put out of joint by Violence, can never be recover'd but by replacing and restoring every Member to its true Position; so neither can we reasonably hope our Commonwealth shou'd be restor'd to Health, till through Divine Assistance it shall be put into its true and natural State again._

_And because your Highness has always approv'd your self a true Friend to our Country; I though it my Duty to inscribe, or, as it were, to consecrate this Abstract of our History to your Patronage. That being guarded by so powerful a Protection, it might with greater Authority and Safety come abroad in the World. Farewel, most illustrious_ Prince; _May the great God Almighty for ever bless and prosper your most noble Family._

Your Highness's most Obedient,

_Francis Hotoman_.

12 Kal. Sep. 1574.

* * * * *

Francogallia.

* * * * *

CHAP. I.

_The State of_ Gaul, _before it was reduced into a_
Province _by the_ Romans.

My Design being to give an Account of the Laws and Ordinances of our _Francogallia_, as far as it may tend to the Service of our _Commonwealth_, in its present Circumstances; I think it proper, in the first place, to set forth the State of _Gaul_, before it was reduced into the Form of a _Province_ by the _Romans_: For what _Cæsar, Polybius, Strabo, Ammianus_, and other Writers have told us concerning the _Origin, Antiquity_ and _Valour_ of that People, the Nature and Situation of their Country, and their private Customs, is sufficiently known to all Men, tho' but indifferently learned.

We are therefore to understand, that the State of _Gaul_ was such at that time, that neither was the _whole_ under the Government of a _single Person_: Nor were the particular [Footnote: _Civitas_, a Commonwealth.] _Commonwealths_ under the Dominion of the _Populace_, or the _Nobles_ only; but all _Gaul_ was so divided into _Commonwealths_, that the most Part were govern'd by the _Advice_ of the _Nobles_; and these were called _Free_; the rest had _Kings_. But every one of them agreed in this _Institute_, that at a certain Time of the Year a _publick Council_ of the whole Nation should be held; in which _Council_, whatever seem'd to relate to the whole _Body_ of the _Commonwealth_ was appointed and establish'd. _Cornelius Tacitus_, in his 3d Book, reckons Sixty-four _Croitates_; by which is meant (as _Cæsar_ explains it) so many Regions or Districts; in each of which, not only the same _Language, Manners_ and _Laws_, but also the same _Magistrates_ were made use of. Such, in many Places of his History, he principally mentions the Cities of the _Ædui_, the _Rhemi_ and _Arverni_ to have been. And therefore _Dumnorix_ the _Æduan_, when _Cæsar_ sent to have him slain, began to resist, and to defend himself, and to implore the Assistance of his _Fellow Citizens_; often crying out, That he was a _Freeman_, and Member of a _Free Commonwealth_, lib. 5. cap. 3.

To the like purpose Strabo writes in his Fourth Book: [Footnote: [Greek: Aristokratikai d' êsan hai pleious tôn politeiôs, ena d' hêgemona hêrounto kat eniauton to palaion hôs d' hautôs eis polemon heis hupo tou plêthous apedeiknuto stratêgos.]] "_Most_ of the _Commonwealths_ (says he) were govern'd by the _Advice_ of the _Nobles_: but every _Year_ they anciently chose a _Magistrate_; as also the People chose a _General_ to manage their Wars." The like _Cæsar_, lib. 6. Cap. 4. writes in these Words: "Those _Commonwealths_ which are esteem'd to be under the best Administration, have made a Law, that if any Man chance to hear a Rumour or Report abroad among the Bordering People, which concerned the _Commonwealth_, he ought to inform the _Magistrates_ of it, and communicate it to no body else. The _Magistrates_ conceal what they think proper, and acquaint the Multitude with the rest: For of Matters relating to the _Community_, it was not permitted to any Person to talk or discourse, but in _Council_".--Now concerning this _Common Council_ of the whole Nation, we shall quote these few Passages out of _Cæsar_. "They demanded, (says he) _lib._ 1. _cap._ 12. a _General Council_ of _all Gallia_ to be summon'd; and that this might be done by _Cæsar_'s Consent." Also, _lib._ 7. _cap._ 12.--"a _Council_ of all _Gallia_ was summon'd to meet at _Bibracte_; and there was a vast Concourse from all Parts to that Town."--And _lib._ 6. _cap._ 1--"_Cæsar_ having summon'd the _Council_ of _Gaul_ to meet early in the Spring, as he had before determin'd: Finding that the _Senenes, Carnates_ and _Treviri_ came not when all the rest came, he adjourned the _Council_ to Paris."--And, _lib_ 7. _cap._ 6. speaking of _Vercingetorix_,--"He promis'd himself, that he shou'd be able by his Diligence to unite such _Commonwealths_ to him as dissented from the rest of the Cities of _Gaul_, and to form a _General Council_ of all _Gallia_; the Power of which, the whole World should not be able to withstand."

Now concerning the _Kings_ which ruled over certain Cities in _Gallia_ the same Author makes mention of them in very many Places; Out of which this is particularly worthy our Observation: That it was the _Romans_ Custom to caress all those _Reguli_ whom they found proper for their turns: That is, such as were busy men, apt to embroil Affairs, and to sow Dissentions or Animosities between the several _Commonwealths_. These they joined with in Friendship and Society, and by most honourable publick Decrees called them their _Friends_ and _Confederates_: And many of these _Kings_ purchased, at a great Expence, this Verbal Honour from the _Chief Men_ of _Rome_. Now the _Gauls_ called such, _Reges_, or rather _Reguli_, which were chosen, not for a certain Term, (as the Magistrates of the Free Cities were) but for their Lives; tho' their Territories were never so small and inconsiderable: And these, when Customs came to be changed by Time, were afterwards called by the Names of _Dukes, Earls_, and _Marquisses_.

Of the _Commonwealths_ or _Cities_, some were much more potent than others; and upon these the lesser _Commonwealths_ depended; these they put themselves under for Protection: Such weak Cities _Cæsar_ sometimes calls the _Tributaries_ and _Subjects_ of the former; but, for the most part he says, they were in _Confederacy_ with them. _Livius_ writes, _lib. 5._ that when _Tarquinius Priscus_ reigned in _Rome_, the _Bituriges_ had the principal Authority among the _Celtæ_, and gave a _King_ to them. When _Cæsar_ first enter'd _Gaul_, A.U.C. 695. he found it divided into Two Factions; the _Ædui_ were at the Head of the one, the _Arverni_ of the other, who many Years contended for the Superiority: But that which greatly increas'd this Contention, was, Because the _Bituriges_, who were next Neighbours to the _Arverni_, were yet _in file & imperio_ that is, Subjects and Allies to the _Ædui_. On the other hand, the _Sequani_ (tho' Borderers on the _Ædui_) were under the Protection of the _Arverni_, lib. 1. Cap. 12. lib. 6. cap. 4. The _Romans_ finding such-like Dissention; to be for their Interest; that is, proper Opportunities to enlarge their own Power, did all they cou'd to foment them: And therefore made a League with the _Ædui_, whom (with a great many Compliments) they titled _Brothers and Friends of the People of Rome_. Under the Protection and League of the _Ædui_, I find to have been first the _Senones_, with whom some time before the _Parisians_ had join'd their _Commonwealth_ in League and Amity. Next, the _Bellouaci_, who had nevertheless a great City of their own, abounding in Numbers of People, and were of principal Authority and Repute among the _Belgæ_, lib. 2. cap. 4. and lib. 7. cap. 7. _Cæsar_ reckons the _Centrones_, _Grudii_, _Levaci_, _Pleumosii_, _Gordunni_, under the Dominion of the _Nervii_, lib. 5. cap. 11. He names the _Eburones_ and _Condrasii_ as Clients of the _Treviri_, lib. 4. cap. 2. And of the _Commonwealth_ of the _Veneti_ (these are in _Armorica_ or _Brittanny_) he writes, that their Domination extended over all those Maritime Regions; and that almost all that frequented those Seas were their Tributaries, _lib._ 3. _cap._ 2. But the Power of the _Arverni_ was so great, that it not only equall'd that of the Ædui, but a little before _Cæsar_'s Arrival, had got most of their Clients and Dependents from them, _lib._ 6 _cap._ 4. _lib._ 7. _cap._ 10. Whereupon, as Strabo writes in his 4th Book, they made War against _Cæsar_ with Four hundred thousand Men under the Conduct of their General _Vercingetorix_. These were very averse to Kingly Government: So that _Celtillus_, Father to _Vercingetorix_, a Man of great Power and Reputation (reckon'd the first Man in all _Gaul_,) was put to Death, by _Order_ of his _Commonwealth_, for aspiring to the _Kingdom_. The _Sequani_, on the other hand, had a King, one _Catamantales_, to whom the _Romans_ gave the Title of their _Friend_ and _Ally_, lib. 1. cap. 2. Also the _Suessiones_, who were Masters of most large and fertile Territories, with 12 great Cities, and cou'd muster Fifty thousand fighting Men, had a little before that time _Divitiacus_, the most potent Prince of all _Gallia_ for their King; he had not only the Command of the greatest Part of _Belgæ_, but even of _Britanny_. At _Cæsar_'s Arrival they had one _Galba_ for their King, _lib._ 2. _cap._ 1. In _Aquitania_, the _Grandfather_ of one _Piso_ an _Aquitanian_ reigned, and was called _Friend_ by the People of _Rome_, lib. 4. cap. 3. The _Senones_, a People of great Strength and Authority among the _Gauls_, had for some time _Moritasgus_ their King; whose Ancestors had also been Kings in the same Place, _lib._ 5. _cap._ 13. The _Nitiobriges_ or _Agenois_, had _Olovico_ for their King; and he also had the Appellation given him of _Friend_ by the _Senate_ of _Rome_, lib. 7. cap. 6.

But concerning all these Kingdoms, one thing is remarkable, and must not lightly be past by; which is That _they were not hereditary_, but _conferr'd_ by the _People_ upon such as had the Reputation of being just Men. Secondly, That they had no _arbitrary_ or _unlimited Authority_, but were bound and _circumscribed_ by _Laws_; so that they were no less accountable to, and subject to the Power of the People, than the People was to theirs; insomuch that those _Kingdoms_ seem'd nothing else but _Magistracies for Life_. For Cæsar makes mention of several _private Men_, whose _Ancestors_ had formerly been _such Kings_; among these he reckons _Casticus_, the Son of _Catamantales_, whose Father had been King of the _Sequani_ many Years, _lib._ 1. _cap._ 2. and _Piso_ the _Aquitanian_, lib. 4. cap. 3. also _Tasgetius_, whose Ancestors had been Kings among the _Carnutes_, lib. 5. cap. 8.

Now concerning the Extent of their _Power_ and _Jurisdiction_, he brings in _Ambiorix_, King of the _Eburones_, giving an account of it, _lib._ 5. _cap._ 8. "The Constitution of our Government is such (says he) that the People have no less Power and Authority over me than I have over the People. _Non minus habet in me juris multitudo, quam ipse in multitudinem._" Which Form of Government, _Plato, Aristotle, Polybius_ and _Cicero_ have for this Reason determined to be the _best_ and _most Excellent_: "Because (says _Plato_) shou'd Kingly Government be left without a Bridle, when it has attained to supreme Power, as if it stood upon a slippery Place, it easily falls into Tyranny: And therefore it ought to be restrained as with a Curb, by the Authority of the Nobles; and such chosen men as the People have empower'd to that End and Purpose."

* * * * *

CHAP. II.

_Probable Conjectures concerning the_ ancient Language _of
the_ Gauls.

In this Place it seems proper to handle a Question much disputed and canvass'd by Learned Men; _viz._ What was the Language of the Gauls in those old Times? For as to what belongs to their Religion, Laws, and the Customs of the People, _Cæsar_, as I said before, has at large given us an account. In the first place we ought to take notice, that _Cæsar_, in the Beginning of his Commentaries, where he divides the Gauls into Three Nations, the _Belgæ_, the _Aquitanæ_, and the _Celtæ_, tells us they all differ'd, not only in their _Customs_, but in their _Language_ [Footnote: [Greek: all enious micron parallattontas tais glôttais]]: Which also _Strabo_ confirms, _lib._ 4. where he says they were not [Greek: homolhôttous], of one Language, but a little differing in their Languages. And the same thing _Ammianus Marcellinus_ testifies in his 15th Book. But what many Learned Men (especially of our own Country) have maintain'd, _viz._ That the _Gauls_ commonly used the _Greek Tongue_, may be refuted by this single Instance which _Cæsar_ takes notice of _lib._ 5. _cap._ 12. That when _Q. Cicero_ was besieged in his Camp, he dispatched Letters written in the _Greek_ Language, "_Lest (if they were intercepted) his Designs shou'd be discover'd by the_ Gauls." But to this some object, what _Strabo_ writes, _lib._ 4. _viz._ "That all Sorts of good Literature (and especially that of the _Greek Language_) flourish'd at _Marseilles_ to such a degree, that the _Gauls_, by the Example of the _Massilians_, were mightily delighted with the _Greek_ Tongue, insomuch that they began to write their very Bargains and Contracts in it." Now to this there is a short and ready Reply: For, in the first place, if the _Gauls_ learnt _Greek_ by the Example of the _Massilians_, 'tis plain, 'twas none of their Mother-tongue. Secondly, _Strabo_ in the same place clearly shows us, that the Fashion of writing their Contracts in _Greek_ began but in his Time, when all _Gallia_ was in Subjection to the _Romans_. Besides, he speaks precisely only of those _Gauls_ who were Borderers and next Neighbours to the _Massilians_, of whom he says, that not only many of their private Men, but even their Cities (by publick Decrees, and proposing great Rewards) invited several Learned Men of _Massilia_ to instruct their Youth.

It remains that we shou'd clear that place in _Cæsar_, where he tells us the _Gauls_, in their publick and private Reckonings, _Græcis literis usos fuisse_. But let us see whether the word _Græcis_ in that place ought not to be left out, not only as _unnecessary_ but _surreptitious_. Since it was sufficient to express _Cæsar_'s Meaning to have said, that the _Gauls_ made no use of _Letters_ or _Writing_ in the Learning of the _Druids_, but in all other Matters, and in publick and private Accounts, they did make use of _Writing_: For _uti litteris, to use Letters_, is a frequent Expression for _Writing_ among Latin Authors. Besides, it had been a Contradiction to say the _Gauls_ were unskill'd in the _Greek_ Tongue, as _Cæsar_ had averr'd a little before; and afterwards to say, that they wrote all their publick and private Accounts in _Greek_. As to what many suppose, that the words _literis Græcis_ in that place, are not to be taken for _Writing Greek_, but only for the _Characters_ of the _Letters_; I can less approve of this Explanation than the former; because though many ancient Writers (as we just now said) frequently used the Expression, _Uti litteris_ for _Scribere_; yet I never observ'd, that any of them ever used it to signify the _Forms_ and _Fashions_ of the _Characters_. Neither does it make at all for their Opinion, what _Cæsar_ says in the First Book of his Commentaries, _viz._ That there were found in the _Helvetian_ Camp, Tablets, _literis Græcis conscriptas_; as if the same Person, who had learnt to make use of the _Greek Forms_ of _Characters_, might not as easily have learnt the _Greek Language_; or as if there might not be among the _Helvetii_, _Priests_ or _Gentlemens Sons_, who might then have learnt _Greek_, as our's now learn _Latin_; _Greek_ being at that Time a Language in Vogue and Esteem. The very Neighbourhood of the School of _Massilia_ is sufficient to confute that Opinion: And therefore _Cæsar_, when he speaks of his own Letter to _Cicero_, tells us, he sent that Letter written in _Greek Characters_, lest (in case it were intercepted) his Designs shou'd be discover'd by the Enemy. _Justinius_, lib. 20. says, there was a Decree of the Senate made, that no _Carthaginian_, after that Time, shou'd study the [Footnote: _Græcis literas._] _Greek Language_ or _Writing_, lest he shou'd be able to speak or write to the Enemy without an Interpreter. _Tacitus_, in his Book _de moribus Germanorum_, tells us, that several Tombs and Monuments were yet to be seen in the Confines of _Germany_ and _Swisserland_ with _Greek_ Inscriptions on them. _Livius_, lib. 9. says, The _Roman_ Boys formerly studied the _Tuscan_ Language, as now they do the _Greek_. And in his 28th Book,--"_Hanibal_ erected an Altar, and dedicated it with a large Inscription of all his Atchievements, in the _Greek_ and _Punick_ Tongues. _Idem Lib._ 40. Both Altars and Inscriptions on them in the _Greek_ and _Latin_ Tongues." Lastly, I cannot imagine, that _Cæsar_ wou'd have expressed himself (if he had meant, as these wou'd have him) _Græcis literis scribere_; but rather, _Græcarum literarum formâ_, as we see in _Tacitus_, Lib. 11. "_Novas literarum formas addidit._" He added new Characters of Letters: Having found, that the _Greek_ Literature was not begun and perfected at once. And again,--"_Et forme literis latinis quæ veterrimis Græcorum_, &c."

Now lest any body shou'd wonder, how the Word _Græcis_ crept into _Cæsar_'s Text, I will instance you the like Mischance in _Pliny_, _lib._ 7. _cap._ 57. where 'tis thus written,--"_Gentium consensus tacitus primum omnium conspiravit ut_ IONUM _literis uterentur_." And afterwards,--"_Sequens gentium consensus in tonsoribus fuit._" And again,--"_Tertius consensus est in Horarum observatione._" Now who is there that sees not plainly the Word IONUM ought to be left out, as well because 'tis apparently unnecessary, (for _Pliny_ had no farther Design than to let us know, that Men first of all consented in the Writing and Form of their Letters) as because 'tis false, that the _Ionian_ Letters were the first invented; as _Pliny_ himself in his foregoing Chapter, and _Tacitus_, _lib._ 11. have told us? I have observed however two Places, (_Gregorius Turonensis_, lib. 5. and _Aimoinus_, lib. 3. cap. 41.) wherein 'tis intimated, that the _Gauls_ used the _Forms_ of the _Greek_ Letters: For where they speak of King _Chilperick_,--"_He added_ (say they) _some Letters to our Letters_; and those were, [Greek: o, ps, z, ph]; and sent Epistles to the several Schools in his Kingdom, that the Boys should be so taught." _Aimoinus_ mentions only three Letters, [Greek: ch, th, ph]. But we must understand, that these were _Franks_, not _Gauls_; or rather _Franco-gauls_, who made use of their own native Language, the _German_ Tongue; not that ancient Language of the _Gauls_, which had grown out of use under the _Roman_ Government: Besides, if the _Francogalli_ had made use of the _Greek_ Letters, how came they at first to except these, when they made use of all the rest? But we have said enough, and too much of this Matter. As for their Opinion who believe that the _Gauls_ spoke the _German_ Language, _Cæsar_ confutes it in that single place, wherein he tells us, that _Ariovistus_, by Reason of his long Conversation in _Gallia_, spoke the _Gallick_ Tongue.

Now for two Reasons their Opinion seems to me to be most probable, who write, that the _Ancient Gauls_ had a peculiar Language of their own, not much differing from the _British_: First, because _Cæsar_ tells us it was the Custom for these _Gauls_ who had a mind to be thoroughly instructed in the Learning of the _Druyds_, to pass over into _Britain_; and since the _Druyds_ made no use of Books, 'tis agreeable to Reason, that they taught in the same Language which was used in _Gallia_. Secondly, because _Tacitus_ in his Life of _Agricola_, writes, that the Language of the _Gauls_ and _Britains_ differ'd but very little: neither does that Conjecture of _Beatus Rhenanus_ seem unlikely to me, who believes the Language which is now made use of in _Basse Bretayne_ [_Britones Britonantes_] to be the Remains of our ancient Tongue. His Reasons for this Opinion may be better learn'd from his own Commentaries, than told in this Place. The Language which we at present make use of, may easily be known to be a Compound of the several Tongues of divers Nations. And (to speak plainly and briefly) may be divided into four Parts. One half of it we have from the _Romans_, as every one that understands _Latin_ ever so little, may observe: For besides, that the _Gauls_ being subject to the _Romans_, wou'd naturally fall into their Customs and Language, 'tis manifest that the _Romans_ were very industrious to propagate their Tongue, and to make it universal, and (as it were) venerable among all Nations. And to that End settled Publick Schools up and down, at _Autan, Besancon, Lyons_, &c. as _Valerius Maximus, Tacitus_, and _Ausonius_ tell us. The other half of it may be subdivided thus. One third of it we hold from the _Ancient Gauls_, another from the _Franks_, and the last from the _Greek_ Language: For it has been demonstrated long since by many Authors, that we find innumerable _Frank_ (that is, _German_) Words (as we shall hereafter prove) in our daily Speech. And several learned Men have shewn us, that many _Greek_ Words are adapted to our common Use, which we do not owe to the Learning and Schools of the _Druyds_, (who I believe spoke no _Greek_); but to the Schools and Conversation of the _Massilians_, whom we formerly mentioned.

* * * * *

CHAP. III.

_The State of_ Gaul, _after it was reduced into the form
of a_ Province _by the_ Romans.

'Tis very well known to all learned Men, that _Gaul_, after having been often attempted with various Success, during a ten Years War, and many Battels, was at last totally subdued by _Cæsar_ and reduced into the Form of a Province. It was the Misfortune of this most valiant and warlike People, to submit at length to the _Great Beast_, as it is called in Scripture, with which however they so strove for Empire for eight hundred Years, (as _Josephus_ informs us) that no Wars with any other Nation, so much terrified _Rome_. And _Plutarch_ in his Lives of _Marcellus_ and _Camillus; Appian_ in his 2d Book of the Civil Wars; _Livius, lib._ 8. & 10. have recorded, that the _Romans_ were so afraid of the _Gauls_, that they made a Law, whereby all the Dispensations (formerly granted to Priests and old Men, from serving in their Armies) were made void, in Case of any Tumult or Danger arising from the _Gauls_; which _Cicero_ takes notice of in his 2d _Philippick_. _Cæsar_ himself in his 6th Book, and after him _Tacitus_, lib. _de moribus Germanorum_, do testify, That there was a time wherein the _Gauls_ excell'd the _Germans_ in Valour, and carried the War into their Territories, settling Colonies (by reason of their _great_ Multitudes of People) beyond the _Rhine_.

Now _Tacitus_ in his Life of _Agricola_, attributes, the _Loss_ of this their so remarkable _Valour_, to the _Loss_ of their Liberty. _"Gallos in bellis floruisse accepimus, mox segnities cum otio intravit, amissa_ Virtute _pariter ac_ Libertate--." And I hope the Reader will excuse me, if the Love of my Country makes me add that remarkable Testimony of the Valour of the _Gauls_, mentioned by _Justin, lib._ 24.--"The _Gauls_ (says he) finding their Multitudes to increase so fast, that their Lands cou'd not afford them sufficient Sustenance, sent out Three hundred thousand Souls to seek for new Habitations. Part of these: seated themselves in _Italy_; who both took and burnt the City of _Rome_. Another part penetrated as far as the Shores of _Dalmatia_, destroying infinite Numbers of the _Barbarians_, and settled themselves at last in _Pannonia_. A hardy bold and warlike Nation; who ventured next after _Hercules_, (to whom the like Attempt gave a Reputation of extraordinary Valour, and a Title to Immortality) to cross those almost inaccessible Rocks of the _Alps_, and Places scarce passable by Reason of the Cold: Where after having totally subdued the _Pannonians_ they waged War with the bordering Provinces for many Years.--And afterwards--being encouraged by their Success, subdivided their Parties; when some took their Way to _Græcia_ some to _Macedonia_, destroying all before them with Fire and Sword. And so great was the Terror of the Name of the _Gauls_, that several Kings (not in the least threatned by them) of their own accord, purchased their Peace with large Sums of Money--. And in the following Book, he says,--So great was the Fruitfulness of the _Gauls_ at that time, that like a Swarm they fill'd all _Asia_. So that none of the _Eastern_ Kings either ventured to make War without a mercenary Army of _Gauls_, or fled for Refuge to other than the _Gauls_, when they were driven out of their Kingdoms." And thus much may suffice concerning their warlike Praises and Fortitude, which (as _Tacitus_ tells us) was quite _gone, as soon as they lost their Liberty_. Yet some Cities, or _Commonwealths_, (as _Phnius, lib. 4. cap. 11._ tells us) were permitted to continue free, after the _Romans_ had reduced _Gallia_ to the Form of a Province. Such were the _Nervii_, _Ulbanesses_, _Suessiones_ and _Leuci_. Also some of the Confederates: and among these he reckons the _Lingones_, _Rhemi_, _Carnutes_ and _Ædui_.

But we may easily learn from these Words of _Critegnatus_ the _Arvernian_, mentioned by _Cæsar, lib. 7._ what the Condition was of those _Commonwealths_, which had the Misfortune to be reduced into the Form of a _Province_. "If" (says he) "you are ignorant after what manner far distant Nations are used by the _Romans_, you have no more to do, but to look at our neighbouring _Gallia_, now reduced into the Form of a Province: Which having its Laws and Customs chang'd, and being subjected to the Power of the _Axes_, is oppress'd with perpetual Slavery."

We are to understand, there were three kinds of Servitude, or Slavery. First, _To have a Garison of Soldiers imposed upon them, to keep them in Awe_; yet such Provinces as seemed peaceable and quiet, had no great Armies maintained in them. For _Josephus_ writes in his 2d Book of the Hist. of the _Jews_, "That in the Emperor _Titus's_ time, the _Romans_ had but 1200 Soldiers in Garison in all _Gaul_, altho'" (says he) "they had fought with the _Romans_ for their Liberty, almost 800 Years, and had near as many Cities, as the _Romans_ had Garison-Soldiers." A Second Sort of Servitude was, when any Province was made Tributary, and compelled to pay Taxes; and to that End were forced to endure a Number of Tax-gatherers, that is, _Harpies_ and _Leeches_, which suck'd out the very Blood of the _Provincials_. _Eutropius_ tells us, in his 6th Book, That _Cæsar_, as soon as he had subdued _Gaul_, impos'd a Tax upon it, by the Name of a Tribute, which amounted to _H. S. Quadringenties:_ which is about a Million of our Crowns. A Third Sort of Servitude was, when the Provinces were not permitted to be govern'd by their _own Laws_; but had Magistrates and Judges, with full Power and Authority (_cum imperio & securibus_) over Life and Estate, sent them by the People of _Rome_. This Threefold Slavery not only our _Gallia_, but all the other Provinces, took most bitterly to heart; and therefore in _Tiberius's_ Reign, not long after _Cæsar's_ Conquest, _Tacitus_ tells us, That the Cities of _Gaul_ rebell'd, because of the Continuance of Taxes, the Extortions of Usurers, and Insolence of the Soldiery. And afterwards in _Nero's_ Reign, _Suetonius_ writes, "That the _Gauls_ being weary of his Tyranny, revolted. The World" (says he) "having for near 13 Years, endured such a Sort of Prince, at last shook him off: The _Gauls_ beginning the Defection." Now all _Gallia_ was divided by the _Romans_ into 16 Provinces, _viz. Viennensis, Narbonensis prima, Narbonensis secunda, Aquitania prima, Aquitania secunda, Novempopulana, Alpes maritimæ, Belgica prima, Belgica secunda, Germania prima, Germania secunda, Lugdunensis prima, Lugdunensis secunda, Lugdunensis tertia, Maxima Sequanorum, & Alpes Græcas_, as _Antoninus_ in his _Itinerary_, and _Sextus Rufus_, give an Account of them. But _Ammianus Marcellinus_ treats of them more particularly.

But to return to what we were speaking of: 'Tis not to be imagined how grievously, and with what Indignation the _Gauls_ bore the Indecencies and Plunderings of the _Romans_; nor how frequently they revolted upon that Account and because they were not strong enough of themselves to shake off the _Roman_ Tyranny, 'twas common Custom with them, to hire _German_ Auxiliaries. These were the first beginnings of the Colonies of the _Franks_; For those _Germans_, whether they were beaten by the _Romans_, or (which is more likely) were bought off by them, began by little and little, to settle themselves in the borders of _Gallia_. This gave to _Suetonius_, in his Life of _Augustus_, to say,--"He drove the _Germans_ beyond the River _Elb_; but the _Suevi_ and _Sicambri_ (submitting themselves); he transplanted into _Gallia_ where he assign'd them Lands near the river _Rhine_."--Also in his Life of _Therius_,--"He brought (says he) forty thousand of those that had surrendred themselves in the _German_ War, over into _Gallia_, and allotted them Settlements upon the Banks of the _Rhine_."--Neither must we omit what _Flavius Vepiseus_ records, concerning the Reign of _Probus_ the Emperor; in whose time almost all _Gallia_, that is, sixty Cities, revolted from the _Romans_; and with common Consent, took up Arms for the Recovery of' their Liberty:--"Having done these things (says he) he march'd with a vast Army into _Gaul_, which after _Posthumus's_ Death was all in Commotion, and when _Aurelianus_ was kill'd, was In a Manner possessed by the _Germans_; there he gain'd so many Victories, that he recover'd from the _Barbarians_ sixty of the most noble Cities of _Gallia_: And whereas they had overspread all _Gallia_ without Controul, he slew near four hundred thousand of those that had seated themselves within the _Roman_ Territories, and transplanted the Remainders of them beyond the Rivers _Neckar_, and _Elb_."

But how cruel and inhuman the Domination of the _Romans_ was in _Gallia_: How intolerable their Exactions were: What horrible and wicked Lives they led; and with how great Inveteracy and Bitterness they were hated upon that Account by the _Gauls_, (especially by the _Christians_) may best be learn'd from the Works of _Salvianus_, Bishop of _Marseilles_, which treat of Providence: Therefore 'tis incredible to tell, what Multitudes of _Germans_ pour'd themselves into _Gallia_; the _Gauls_ not only not hindring, but even favouring and calling them in. _Latinus Pacatus_, in his Speech to _Theodesius_, has this Passage; "From whence shou'd I begin my Discourse, but from thy Mischiefs, O _Gallia_! who may'st justly challenge a Superiority in Sufferings, above all the Nations of the Earth, that have been vexed with this Plague?"--Now 'tis most plain both from _Sidonius Apollinaris_, and especially from the above-mentioned _Salvianus_, in many Places of his Writings, that our _Franks_ were a Part of those _German_ Nations, who thus entred into _Gallia_.

* * * * *

CHAP. IV.

_Of the Original of the_ Franks; _who having possessed
themselves of_ Gallia, _changed its Name, into that of_
Francia, _or_ Francogallia.