Chapter III: Introduction: To the Galatea (3)

The expedient of the magic water, to which Cervantes refers once more in the _Coloquio de los Perros_ (see vol. viii. of the present edition (Glasgow, 1902), p. 163), seems to be as old as most things in literature. Scherillo, in his valuable commentary to the _Arcadia_ cites a parallel from Pliny, _Naturalis Historia_, lib. xxxi., cap. 16: "Cyzici fons Cupidinis vocatur, ex quo potantes amorem deponere Mucianus credit."

[52] It is just possible, however, that Cervantes may have omitted the _Habidas_ deliberately; for though Ticknor (_op. cit._, vol. iii., p. 99, _n._ 18), on the authority of Gayangos, quotes the book as "among the earliest imitations of the Diana," so excellent a scholar as Professor Rennert (_op. cit._, p. 111) inclines to think "that it is rather a 'Novela Caballeresca.'"

[53] This seems to follow from the references in the _Viaje del Parnaso_:

El fiero general de la atrevida
Gente, que trae un cuervo en su estandarte,
Es ARBOLANCHES, muso por la vida (cap. vii., ter. 81).

And

En esto, del tamaño de un breviario
Volando un libro por el aire vino.
De prosa y verso que arrojó el contrario.
De verso y prosa el puro desatino
Nos dió á entender que de ARBOLANCHES eran
_Las Avidas_ pesadas de contino (cap. vii., ter. 60-61).

These sallies have brought down on Cervantes the displeasure of implacable bibliographers. Salvá y Mallen (_op. cit._, vol. ii., pp. 19-20, no. 1518) drily observes that, as the book is almost wholly in verse, it does not at all correspond to Cervantes's description of it, and he gives us to understand (what most readers have realised for themselves) that, in criticism of his contemporaries, Cervantes--like the rest of the world--is prone to err.

See also _Cervantes vascófilo ó sea Cervantes vindicado de su supuesto antivizcainismo por Julián Apráiz y Sáenz del Burgo, Natural de Vitoria y vizcaino, alavés y guipuzcoano por todos sus abolengos_. Nueva edición considerablemente aumentada (Vitoria, 1895), pp. 270-274. In a note (p. 274) to his letter addressed (April 23, 1884), to Sr. D. José Colá y Goiti, Dr. Apráiz--who courageously sets himself to prove that Cervantes, so far from disliking the Basques as has been generally supposed, had in fact the highest opinion of them--points out that _Los nueve libros de las Habidas_ take no more space than a 16mo. volume. "Y una vez leída la obra del poeta navarro insisto, tanto en que no hay más prosa que brevísimos renglones del argumento de la obra, como acerca del mérito que le reconocen Rosell, Gayangos y Vedia, y Gallardo, mucho más habida cuenta de la temprana edad de 20 años que tenía el poeta al escribir su poema, según el mismo dice al dirigirse á la señora (_i.e._ Doña Adriana de Egues y de Biamonte), á quien lo dedica. Parece que había muerto 3 años antes de la publicación de su poema."

If Arbolanche (or Arbolanches) really died in 1563, it is almost impossible that Cervantes can have had--as has been insinuated--any personal grudge against him. Perhaps he had read the _Habidas_ when he was a lad, was bored, and in his old age exaggerated his impression, without remembering very clearly the contents of the book. Or, it may be, as Dr. Apráiz suggests (_op. cit._, pp. 273-274), that Cervantes mistook Arbolanche (or Arbolanches) for the author of some dull pastoral whose name escaped him. If this be so, it is exceedingly regrettable that he should twice have made the same blunder: for the consequence has been that the name of Arbolanche (or Arbolanches), a poet of distinct merit, has become--among those who have not read him and who follow Cervantes blindly--a synonym for a ridiculous prose writer. Cp. the lines in the celebrated _Sátira contra los malos escritores de su tiempo_ by Jorge Pitillas (_i.e._ José Gerardo de Hervás y Cobo de la Torre):--

De Arbolanches descubre el genio tonto,
Nombra á Pedrosa novelero infando
Y en criticar á entrambos está pronto.

[54] See cap. iii., ter. 81-89.

Miren si puede en la galera hallarse
Algún poeta desdichado acaso,
Que á las fieras gargantas puede darse.--
Buscáronle, y hallaron á LOFRASO,
Poeta militar, sardo, que estaba
Desmayado á un rincón marchito y laso:
Que á sus _diez libros de Fortuna_ andaba
Añadiendo otros diez, y el tiempo escoge,
Que más desocupado se mostraba.
Gritó la chusma toda: Al mar se arroje,
Vaya LOFRASO al mar sin resistencia.
--Por Dios, dijo Mercurio, que me enoje.
¿Cómo? ¿y no será cargo de conciencia,
Y grande, echar al mar tanta poesía,
Puesto que aquí nos hunda su inclemencia?
Viva _Lofraso_, en tanto que dé al día
Apolo luz, y en tanto que los hombres
Tengan discreta alegre fantasía.
Tocante á tí, o _Lofraso_, los renombres,
Y epítetos de agudo y de sincero,
Y gusto que mi cómitre te nombres.--
Esto dijo Mercurio al caballero,
El cual en la crujía en pie se puso
Con un rebenque despiadado y fiero.
Creo que de sus versos le compuso,
Y no sé cómo fué, que en un momento
Ó ya el cielo, ó _Lofraso_ lo dispuso,
Salimos del estrecho á salvamento,
Sin arrojar al mar poeta alguno:
Tanto del sardo fué el merecimiento.

[55] Salvá y Mallen (_op. cit._, vol. ii., p. 143, no. 1817) states that the _Pastor de Fílida_ was reprinted at Lisbon in 1589. at Madrid in 1590, at Barcelona in 1613, and at Valencia in 1792: and there may be other editions.

[56] Sannazaro's _Arcadia_ was translated into French by Jean Martin in 1644; see Heinrich Koerting, _Geschichte des französischen Romans im XVII Jahrhundert_ (Oppeln und Leipzig, 1891), vol. i., p. 64. Montemôr's _Diana_ was translated into French by N. Colin in 1579. Nicolas de Montreux, who used the anagram of Olenix du Mont-Sacré, published the first volume of _Les Bergeries de Juliette_ in the same year as the _Galatea_ (1585).

[57] Cp. an interesting passage in the _Avant-propos_ to George Sand's _François le Champi_ (Paris, 1868), pp. 15-16:

--"Oui, oui, le monde naïf! dit-il, le monde inconnu, fermé à notre art moderne, et que nulle étude ne te fera exprimer à toi-même, paysan de nature, si tu veux l'introduire dans le domaine de l'art civilisé, dans le commerce intellectuel de la vie factice.

--Hélas! répondis-je, je me suis beaucoup préoccupé de cela. J'ai vu et j'ai senti par moi-même, avec tous les êtres civilisés, que la vie primitive était le rêve, l'idéal de tous les hommes et de tous les temps. Depuis les bergers de Longus jusqu'à ceux de Trianon, la vie pastorale est un Éden parfumé où les âmes tourmentées et lassées du tumulte du monde ont essayé de se réfugier. L'art, ce grand flatteur, ce chercheur complaisant de consolations pour les gens trop heureux, a traversé une suite ininterrompue de _bergeries_. Et sous ce titre: _Histoire des bergeries_, j'ai souvent désiré de faire un livre d'érudition et de critique où j'aurais passé en revue tous ces différents rêves champêtres dont les hautes classes se sont nourries avec passion.

J'aurais suivi dans leurs modifications toujours en rapport inverse de la dépravation des mœurs, et se faisant pures et sentimentales d'autant plus que la société était corrompue et impudente. Ce serait un traité d'art complet, car la musique, la peinture, l'architecture, la littérature dans toutes ses formes: théâtre, poëme, roman, églogue, chanson; les modes, les jardins, les costumes même, tout a subi l'engouement du rêve pastoral. Tous ces types de l'âge d'or, ces bergères qui sont des nymphes et puis des marquises, ces bergères de l'_Astrée_ qui passent par le Lignon de Florian, qui portent de poudre et du satin sous Louis XV., et auxquels Sedaine commence, à la fin de la monarchie, à donner des sabots, sont tous plus ou moins faux, et aujourd'hui ils nous paraissent niais et ridicules. Nous en avons fini avec eux, nous n'en voyons plus guère que sous forme de fantômes à l'opéra, et pourtant ils ont régné sur les cours et ont fait les délices des rois qui leur empruntaient la houlette et la panetière."

[58] See his _Apologie for Poetrie_ (Arber's reprint, London, 1869), p. 63.

[59] See vol. iii. of the present edition (Glasgow, 1901), p. 8.

[60] See the discussion in book iv. of the _Galatea_.

[61] These borrowings have been pointed out by Sr. D. Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo in his _Historia de las ideas estéticas en España_ (Madrid, 1883-1891), tom. ii., vol i., p. 108-109: " ... el sentido de esta controversia es enteramente platónico, y derivado de León Hebreo, hasta en las palabras, de tal suerte, que podríamos suprimirlas, á no ser por la reverencia debida á todas las que salieron de la pluma de Cervantes, puesto que nada original se descubre en ellas, y aun la forma no es por cierto tan opulenta y pródiga de luz, como la de _El Cortesano_."

Sr. D. Adolfo y San Martín, in his Castilian translation of my _History of Spanish Literature_ (Madrid, 1901) which he has enriched with many valuable notes, observes (p. 325) that Cervantes, when writing the preface to the First Part of _Don Quixote_ in 1604, evidently did not know there were in existence at least three Spanish renderings of the _Dialoghi_--one of them, published at Madrid in 1590, being by the famous Inca, Garcilaso de la Vega.

For León Hebreo (or Judas Abarbanel) see Solomon Munk, _Mélanges de philosophie juive et arabe_ (Paris, 1857), pp. 522-528 and Dr. B. Zimmels, _Leo Hebraeus, ein jüdischer Philosoph der Renaissance; sein Leben, seine Werke und seine Lehren_ (Breslau, 1886).

[62] Yet the obvious resemblances between the _Arcadia_ and the _Galatea_ have been unaccountably overlooked by Francesco Torraca in a monograph entitled _Gl'imitatori stranieri di Jacopo Sannazaro_ (Seconda edizione accresciuta, Roma, 1882). "Non mi sembra, però, che la _Galatea_ e l' _Arcadia_ di Lope contengano imitazioni dello scrittore napoletano." (p. 23).

[63] See cap. iii., ter. 49-51.

[64] See Scherillo, _op. cit._, pp. ccliii.-cclx. for an interesting and striking enumeration (which might, as the commentator says, be extended) of Cervantes's debts to Sannazaro. It is quaint and significant to find that while Sannazaro in his _Prosa duodecima_ alludes apologetically, but with excellent reason, to _il mio picciolo Sebetho_, Cervantes in his sixth book, with no reason of any sort, introduces _las frescuras del apacible Sebeto_.

[65] Cervantes, as appears from a somewhat confused allusion early in the seventh chapter of the First Book of _Don Quixote_, seems to have been one of the few (besides the author) who enjoyed _Carlos famoso_. Zapata himself complained with a comic ruefulness that his forty thousand lines were not widely appreciated, and that he was out of pocket in consequence: "Yo pensé también que en haber hecho la historia del Emperador Carlos V., nuestro señor, en verso, y dirigídola á su pio y poderosísimo hijo, con tantas y tan verdaderas loas de ellos y nuestros españoles, que había hecho algo. Costóme cuatrocientos mil maravedís la ímpresión, y de ella no saqué sino saña y alongamiento de mi voluntad." Zapata, however, consoles himself with thinking that he is in good company and closes with a pious, confident moral: "De Homero se dice que en su vida no se hizo de él caso, _et sua riderunt tempora Meonidem_. Del autor del famoso libro poético de Amadís no se sabe haste hoy el nombre, honra de la nacion y lengua española, que en ninguna lengua hay tal poesía ni tan loable.... De manera que podemos decir todos el _sic vos non vobis_ de Virgilio, por lo cual todos de paso y como accesorio deben no poner su felicidad acá, donde no hay ninguna, sino atender á aquello que Dios les ha prometido; que si plantaren la viña de las buenas obras, gozarán perpétuamente del fruto de ella y otro no se la vendimiará." See Zapata's _Miscelánea_ in the _Memorial histórico español_ (Madrid, 1859), vol. xi., pp. 304-305. It is interesting to note that Zapata hazards no guess as to the authorship of _Amadís de Gaula_.

[66] _Op. cit._, pp. 60-61, _n._ 76.

[67] Sannazaro's latest and best editor, Signor Scherillo, is properly sceptical (_op. cit._, pp. clxxvi.-ccviii.) as to many current identifications of the personages in the _Arcadia_. It seems certain that Barcinio is Chariteo of Barcelona, and that Summontio is Pietro Summonto, the Neapolitan publisher of the book. It is probable that Meliseo is Giovanni Pontani, and that Massilia is the author's mother. It is possible that Sincero is Sannazaro. But, as Signor Scherillo drily observes, it is not easy to follow those who think that Sannazaro was Ergasto, Elpino, Clonico, Ophelia, and Eugenio--not "three gentlemen at once," but five. Other writers hold that Ophelia is Chariteo; that Pontano is Ergasto, Opico and Montano; that Eleuco is the Great Captain; and that Arcadia stands for France. These and similar absurdities are treated as they deserve in Signor Scherillo's masterly introduction.

[68] The supposition that Tirsi, in the _Pastor de Fílida_, was intended to represent Cervantes is noted by Navarrete (_op. cit._, p. 278), and on the authority of that biographer has been frequently repeated. It is right to say that Navarrete simply mentions the identification in passing, and that he is careful to throw all responsibility for it on Juan Antonio Mayáns who was the first to suggest the idea in the introduction to his reprint of the _Pastor de Fílida_ (Valencia, 1792), pp. xxxvii, lxxvii, and lxxx. The theory has been disproved by Juan Antonio Pellicer (_op. cit._, p. cxxxiii.)

There can be no reasonable doubt that the Tirsi of the _Pastor de Fílida_ is Francisco de Figueroa. It is absolutely certain that the Tirsi of the _Galatea_ is Figueroa: for, in the Second Book, Cervantes places it beyond question by ascribing to Tirsi two sonnets and a _canción_ by Figueroa. Cp. _Poesías de Francisco de Figueroa, llamado el Divino_ (Madrid, 1804).

(_a_) ¡Ay de quan ricas esperanzas vengo
Al deseo más pobre y encogido,
Que jamas encerró pecho herido
De llaga tan mortal, como yo tengo!
Ya de mi fe, ya de mi amor tan luengo,
Que Fili sabe bien quan firme ha sido,
Ya del fiero dolor con que he vivido,
Y en quien la vida á mi pesar sostengo;
Otro más dulce galardon no quiero,
Sino que Fili un poco alce los ojos
A ver lo que mi rostro le figura:
Que si le mira, y su color primero
No muda, y aun quizá moja sus ojos,
Bien serán más que piedra helada y dura. (p. 17)

(_b_) La amarillez y la flaqueza mia,
El comer poco y el dormir perdido,
La falta quasi entera del sentido
El débil paso, y la voz ronca y fría;
La vista incierta, y el más largo día
En suspiros y quejas repartido,
Alguno pensará que haya nacido
De la pasada trabajosa vía:
Y sabe bien amor, que otro tormento
Me tiene tal; y otra razón más grave
Mi antigua gloria en tal dolor convierte:
Amor solo lo sabe, y yo lo siento:
Si Fili lo supiese: ¡o mi suave
Tormento, o dolor dulce, o dulce muerte! (p. 15)

(_c_) Sale la aurora de su fértil manto
Rosas suaves esparciendo y flores,
Pintando el cielo va de mil colores,
Y la tierra otro tanto,
Quando la dulce pastorcilla mía,
Lumbre y gloria del día,
No sin astucia y arte,
De su dichoso albergue alegre parte. (pp. 45-46).

[69] _Op. cit._, p. 66.

[70] Juan Antonio Mayáns declares (_op. cit._, p. xxxvii) that Damon is Figueroa; but, as previously stated (p. xxxi, _n._ 2), his mistake is shown by Pellicer.

[71] This is not, however, the opinion of Eustaquio Fernández de Navarrete (_op. cit._, p. xxxii): "Puede sospecharse que la primer heroína de su novela no fué doña Catalina Palacios de Salazar, con quien Cervantes casó á poco tiempo de publicar su libro, sino que lo escribió en Portugal durante sus amores con una dama de aquel país, á quien debió grandes obligaciones; y que después cuando volvió a España, al trabar relaciones con doña Catalina, retocó la obra y la acomodó al nuevo sugeto." This story of Cervantes's relations with an anonymous Portuguese lady, supposed to be the mother of his illegitimate daughter, was generally accepted till 1895. It was never anything more than a wild guess and, thanks to Dr. Pérez Pastor, we now know that there is no truth in it.

On the other hand Sr. D. Ramón León Máinez, in his _Vida de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra_ (Cádiz, 1876), pronounces very emphatically in favour of the current identifications as regards the hero and the heroine: "En Elicio se ve con mucha perfección la imagen de Cervantes. Galanteador, tímido, discreto, delicado, sentidisimo, su amor es tan casto como los pensamientos de su alma. Adora más que ama; venera más que pretende" (p. 69). "Ningún otro personaje puede encubrir á Elicio sino Cervantes: ninguna otra señora puede velarse bajo la figura de Galatea sino Doña Catalina de Palacios. Son los retratos al natural de dos seres privilegiados, de dos personas ilustres, de dos amantes que más ó menos encubiertamente se tributaban el homenaje de su adoracion." (p. 71.)

It will be observed that Sr. D. Ramón León Máinez takes things very seriously.

[72] See p. 6 of the present volume.

[73] See the _Dorotea_, Act 2, sc. 2: "¿Qué mayor riqueza para una mujer que verse eternizada? Porque la hermosura se acaba, y nadie que la mire sin ella cree que la tuvo; y los versos de la alabanza son eternos testigos que viven en su nombre. La Diana de Montemayor fué una dama de Valencia de Don Juan, junto á León, y Ezla, su rio, y ella serán eternos por su pluma. Así la Fílida de Montalvo, y la Galatea de Cervantes, la Camila de Garcilaso, la Violante de Camoes, la Silvia de Bernaldez, la Filis de Figueroa, la Leonor de Corte-Real no eran damas imaginarias."

[74] It is conjectured, for instance, that Lenio was intended for Pedro Liñán de Riaza, and that Daranio was meant for Diego Durán. These are simple guesses.

[75] I do not profess to have counted the number, which I give on the authority of Carlos Barroso: see his letter to Sr. Ramón León Máinez, entitled _Mais noticias Cervanticas_, in the _Crónica de los Cervantistas_ (Cádiz, 1872), vol. i., pp. 166 et seqq.

[76] See _L'Avthevr a la Bergere Astrée_ at the beginning of the First Part of _Astrée_, I quote from vol. i. of the Paris edition of 1647.

[77] This, however, may be an unintentional slip into realism. But it has all the effect of humour, and may fairly be bracketed with a passage from the fourth book of Sidney's _Arcadia_, quoted by Professor Rennert (_op. cit._, p. 11, _n._ 29): "O my dun-cow, I did think some evil was towards me ever since the last day thou didst run away from me, and held up thy tail so pitifully."

[78] See Francisco Martínez Marina's _Ensayo histórico-crítico sobre el origen y progresos de las lenguas: señaladamente del romance castellano_ in the _Memorias de la Real Academia de la Historia_ (Madrid, 1805), vol. iv., pp. 61-62: "Los primeros que se señalaron, á mi parecer, en esos vicios, que es en preferir su gusto é ingenio á las reglas del arte antigua, y en consultar más con su imaginación que con los modelos del excelente lenguaje, y en pretender hacerse únicos y singulares en su clase por la novedad de sus plumas, fueron, según yo pienso, y permítaseme decir lo que ninguno ha dicho tan claramente hasta ahora, los insignes Mariana y Cervantes.

¡Qué nuevo y extraño es el modo de hablar del primero. ¿En qué se parece al de nuestros mejores escritores castellanos? ¡Quán afectado su estilo! ¡artificiosas las arengas! ¡estudiados los períodos y aun las palabras, y hasta la colocacion de ellas!... Pues ¡y Cervantes quanto ha latinizado! Véase la Galatea"....

[79] In the Second Book of the _Galatea_, Silveria is said to have green eyes, Attentive readers will remember that Loaysa has green eyes in _El Celoso extremeño_: see vol. viii. of the present edition (Glasgow, 1902), p. 24. Green would seem to have been a favourite colour with Cervantes: see a paper entitled _Lo Verde_, published by a writer who uses the pseudonym of Doctor Thebussem, in _La España moderna_ (Madrid, March, 1894), vol. lxiii., pp. 43-60.

[80] See vol. viii. of the present edition (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 163-164.

[81] See vol. iii. of the present edition (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 52-53.

[82] See the last paragraph of the _Galatea_: "El fin deste amoroso cuento y historia, con los sucessos de Galercio, Lenio y Gelasia: Arsindo y Maurisa; Grisaldo, Artandro y Rosaura: Marsilio y Belisa, con otras cosas sucedidas á los pastores hasta aquí nombrados, en la segunda parte desta historia se prometen. La qual, si con apazibles voluntades esta primera viere rescebida, tendrá atrevimiento de salir con brevedad a ser vista y juzgada de los ojos y entendimientos de las gentes."

[83] _Op. cit._, vol. ii., p. 119.

[84] Sr. Asensio y Toledo has suggested (_Cervantes y sus obras_, pp. 382-386) that Cervantes's reference in _Don Quixote_ to Bernardo González de Bobadilla's _Nimphas y Pastores de Henares_, a pastoral published at Alcalá in 1587, denotes some irritation against one whom he possibly regarded as a poacher. What really happened was that, during the diverting and important scrutiny of the Knight's library, the Barber came upon González de Bobadilla's book, together with Bernardo de la Vega's _Pastor de Iberia_ and Bartolomé López de Enciso's _Desengaño de los celos_. The Priest directed the Barber to "hand them over to the secular arm of the housekeeper, and ask me not why, or we shall never have done." On the strength of this, some genial contemporaries seem to have charged Cervantes with being jealous of these obscure writers. Cp. the passage in the _Viaje del Parnaso_:--

Ni llamado, ni escogido
Fué el gran pastor de Iberia, el gran BERNARDO
Que DE LA VEGA tiene el apellido.
Fuiste envidioso, descuidado y tardo,
Y á las ninfas de Henares y pastores,
Como á enemigo les tiraste un dardo.
Y tienes tu poetas tan peores
Que estos en tu rebaño, que imagino
Que han de sudar si quieren ser mejores.
(cap. iv. ter. 169-171.)

[85] As Cervantes intended to dedicate the new _Don Quixote_ (and, presumably, the new _Galatea_) to the Conde de Lemos, he may very naturally have thought that it would be out of place to mention either of these works in the dedication of the _Viaje del Parnaso_ to Rodrigo de Tapia. But the short address to the reader gave him the opportunity which no one used more cleverly--when he had any announcement to make. Moreover, he had another excellent opening when he referred to the _Galatea_ in the text of the _Viaje del Parnaso_:

Yo corté con mi ingenio aquel vestido
Con que al mundo la hermosa Galatea
Salió para librarse del olvido. (cap. iv. ter. 5.)

[86] " ...luego yra el gran Persiles, y luego las semanas del jardín, y luego la segunda parte de la Galatea, si tanta carga pueden lleuar mis ancianos ombros."

[87] Lemos's liking for the _Galatea_ is mentioned in the Letter Dedicatory to _Persiles y Sigismunda_: "si a dicha, por buena ventura mía, que ya no sería ventura, sino milagro, me diesse el cielo vida, las (_i.e._ Semanas del Jardín y Bernardo) verá y con ellas fin de la Galatea, de quien se està aficionado Vuessa Excelencia...."

[88] See vol. iv. of the present edition (Glasgow, 1901), p. 8.

[89] See note (2) above.

[90] It may be convenient to point out that the _Arcadia_ mentioned in the text is a play published in the _Trezena Parte de las Comedias de Lope de Vega Carpio_ (Madrid, 1620) and should not be confounded with Lope's pastoral novel, the _Arcadia_ (Madrid, 1598). This warning will appear unnecessary to Spanish scholars. But the bibliography of Lope's works is so vast and intricate that a slip may easily be made. For example, Mr. Henry Edward Watts (_Life of Miguel de Cervantes_, London, 1891, p. 144) at one time mistook Lope's _Dorotea_ for the _Arcadia_, assuming the former to be a pastoral novel. This very curious error is corrected in the same writer's _Miguel de Cervantes, his life & works_ (London, 1895, p. 200, _n._) with the remark that "if any blunder is excusable in a writer it is that of not remembering the name of one of Lope's multitudinous productions." In the same work we are assured (p. 111) that of all Lope's plays "there are not half-a-dozen whose names are remembered to-day out of Spain; nor one character, scene or line which any one not a member of the Spanish Royal Academy cares to recall." If ignorance has really reached this point, the caution given in the opening words of this note may be useful to the general reader.

[91] Sr. D. Ramón León Máinez, in an exuberant paragraph, sketches out (_op. cit._, p. 71) the continuation as he believes Cervantes to have conceived it: "Si más tarde hubiera cumplido su promesa de estampar la segunda parte de aquella obra bellísima, que indudablemente dejó escrita al morir, y fué una de las producciones suyas inéditas que se perdieron; cuán deleitosa y dulcemente hubiera hablado en ella de la prosecución de sus amores, de la fina correspondencia en lo sucesivo para con él por parte de su idolatrada doncella, del allanamiento de dificultades, del progreso de sus aspiraciones y de la realización de sus deseos! Allí nos hubiera descrito con la perfección, dulzura y encanto que él sabíalo hacer, el regocijo de su alma, la felicidad de su amada, el vencimiento de su contrario, los esmeros y desvelos de los amigos, el beneplácito de sus deudos, y su bien logrado casamiento con doncella tan ilustre, de tal hermosura y virtud adornada. El relato de las bodas estaría hecho en la segunda parte de _Galatea_ con encantadora sencillez, y con amenidad incomparable, como trabajo al fin de mano tan maestra y acreditada."

This prophecy tends to allay one's regret for the non-appearance of the _Galatea_; but it is exceedingly possible that Sr. Máinez knows no more of Cervantes's intentions than the rest of us.

[92] For particulars, see Professor Rennert, _op. cit._, pp. 64-119.

[93] _Vida de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra_ (Cádiz, 1876): "_La Galatea_ de Cervantes á todas las producciones pastoriles sobrepuja en las dotes inventivas. No mentemos esa innumerabilidad de composiciones que aparecieron antes y después de 1584. Comparar con ellas la concepción de Cervantes, sería ofender la memoria de este autor esclarecido" (p. 67). "_La Galatea_ no sólo es una obra superior entre todas las pastorales españolas, mirada en cuanto á la inventiva: es también mejor que las que antes y después de su aparición se publicaron, considerada bajo el punto de vista de la forma y de los méritos literarios" (p. 79). Cp. also a passage on p. 65: "Tal vez ninguno de los idiomas modernos pueda ofrecer tan preciadas concepciones como en este género presentan las letras castellanas." The biographer notes the weak points of Montemôr's _Diana_, of Gil Polo's _Diana enamorada_, of Lope de Vega's _Arcadia_ (the novel, not the play), of Suárez de Figueroa's _Constante Amarilis_, of Valbuena's _Siglo de oro_, and concludes (p. 68): "el talento de Cervantes era tan grande, tan superior, tan de eximio y delicado gusto, que supo evitar todos esos vicios, olvidarse de todos los defectos, para imitar lo bueno, y ofrecer una obra, en lo posible, perfecta. Vense en ella acción dramática, vitalidad, episodios interesantísimos, escenas amenas, gracia, seducción, hermosura. El ánimo se solaza y dulcemente se regocija al presenciar tal conjunto de preciosidades."

Sr. Máinez praises (p. 80), as a model of style, a passage in the First Book of the _Galatea_, beginning: "En las riberas de Betis, caudalosísimo río que la gran Vandalia enriquece, nació Lisandro (que éste es el nombre desdichado mío), y de tan nobles padres, cual pluguiera al soberano Dios que en más baja fortuna fuera engendrado." Scherillo points out, however (_op. cit._, p. cclv), that this is modelled upon the opening of Sincero's story in the _Prosa settima_ of Sannazaro's _Arcadia_: "Napoli (sicome ciaschuno molte volte può avere udito) è nela più fructifera et dilectevole parte de Italia, al lito del mare posta, famosa et nobilissima città.... In quella dunque nacqui io, ove non da oscuro sangue, ma (se dirlo non mi si disconviene) secondo che per le più celebre parti di essa città le insignie de' miey predecessori chiaramente dimostrano: da antichissima et generosa prosapia disceso, era tra gli altri miei coetanei forse non il minimo riputato."

[94] See August Wilhelm von Schlegel's _Sämmtliche Werke_ (Leipzig, 1846-1847), vol. i., p. 339 for a sonnet on the _Galatea_:--

Wie blauer Himmel glänzt auf Thales Grüne
Ein heller Strom fleusst lieblich auf und nieder
Von Berg und Wald verdeckt, erscheint er wieder,
Und spiegelt klar der Landschaft bunte Bühne.

Wer ist die Blonde dort mit sitt'ger Miene?
Wie tönen süss die Leid- und Liebes- Lieder!
Mit ihren Heerden nah'n die Hirtenbrüder,
Und jeder zeigt, wie er der Holden diene.

O Lust und Klang! o linde Aetherlüfte!
Im zarten Sinn sinnreich beschneider Liebe
So Himmlisches, doch Kindlichem Verwandtes.

Fremd wären uns die feinsten Blumendüfte,
Wenn Galatea nicht sie uns beschreibe,
Die Göttliche des göttlichsten Cervantes.

Friedrich von Schlegel is no less rapturous in prose. See his corybantics in the periodical entitled _Athenaeum_ (Berlin, 1799), vol. ii., pp. 325-326. After referring to Cervantes as the author of _Don Quixote_, Schlegel continues: "der aber doch auch noch andre ganz ehr-und achtbare Werke erfunden und gebildet hat, die dereinst wohl ihre Stelle im Allerheiligsten der romantischen Kunst finden werden. Ich meyne die liebliche und sinnreiche Galatea, wo das Spiel des menschlichen Lebens sich mit beschneidner Kunst und leiser Symmetrie zu einem künstlich schönen Gewebe ewiger Musik und zarter Sehnsucht ordnet, indem es flieht. Es ist der Blüthekranz der Unschuld und der frühsten noch schücternen Jugend." He repeated his enthusiastic appreciation in the following year (_Athenaeum_, Berlin, 1800, vol. iii., p. 80): "Da Cervantes zuerst die Feder statt des Degens ergriff, den er nicht mehr führen konnte, dichtete er die Galatea, eine wunderbar grosse Composition von ewiger Musik der Fantasie und der Liebe, den zartesten und lieblichsten aller Romane." ...

[95] See William H. Prescott, _Biographical and Critical Miscellanies_ (London, 1845), p. 114.

[96] See _Miguel de Cervantes, his life & works_ by Henry Edward Watts. (London, 1895), p. 88.

[97] See vol. iii., p. xxvi, and vol. vii., p. xiv, _n._ 2 of the present edition (Glasgow, 1901-1902). Cp. M. Alfred Morel-Fatio's interesting monograph, _Ambrosio de Salazar et l'étude de l'espagnol sous Louis XIII_. (Paris and Toulouse, 1901).

[98] It may be interesting to read the address _A los estudiosos y amadores de las lenguas estrangeras_ at the beginning of his reprint: "Llevome la curiosidad a España el año passado, y mouiome la misma estando allí, a que yo buscasse libros de gusto y entretenimiento, y que fuessen de mayor prouecho, y conformes a lo que es de mi profession, y también para poder contentar a otros curiosos. Ya yo sabia de algunos que otras vezes auian sido traydos por acá, pero como tuuiesse principalmente en mi memoria a este de la Galatea, libro ciertamente digno (en su género) de ser acogido y leydo de los estudiosos de la lengua que habla, tanto por su eloquente y claro estilo, como por la sutil inuencion, y lindo entretenimiento, de entricadas auenturas y apazibles historias que contiene. De más desto por ser del author que inuento y escriuio, aquel libro, no sin razón, intitulado _El ingenioso hidalgo don Quixote_. Busquelo casi por toda Castilla y aun por otras partes, sin poderle hallar, hasta que passando a Portugal, y llegando a vna ciudad fuera de camino llamada Euora, tope con algunos pocos exemplares: compre vno dellos, mas leyendole vi que la impression, que era de Lisboa, tenía muchas erratas, no solo en los caracteres, pero aun faltauan algunos versos y renglones de prosa enteros. Corregilo y remendelo, lo mejor que supe; también lo he visto en la presente impression, para que saliesse vn poco más limpio y correcto que antes. Ruego os pues lo recibays con tan buena voluntad, como es la que tuue siempre de seruiros, hasta que y donde yo pueda. C. Oudin."

[99] The following statement occurs in _Miguel de Cervantes, his life & works by Henry Edward Watts_ (London, 1895), p. 179, _n._ 1: "This French ambassador, called by the Spanish commentators the _Duque de Umena_, must have been the Duc de Mayenne, who was sent by the Regent Anne of Austria, to conclude the double marriage of the Prince of Asturias (afterwards Philip IV.) with Isabelle de Bourbon, and of Louis XIII. of France with the Infanta Ana, eldest daughter of Philip III."

The familiar formula--"must have been"--is out of place here. The necessity does not exist. It seems unlikely that Márquez Torres can have met the members of Mayenne's suite on February 25, 1615; for Mayenne's mission ended two and a half years previously. Mayenne and his attachés left Madrid on August 31, 1612: see Luis Cabrera de Córdoba, _Relaciones de las cosas sucedidas en la Córte de España, desde 1599 hasta 1614_ (Madrid, 1857), p. 493, and François-Tommy Perrens, _Les Mariages espagnols sous le règne de Henri IV. et la régence de Marie de Médicis, 1602-1615_ (Paris, 1869), pp. 403 and 416-417. "Umena" is, as everybody knows, the old Spanish form of Mayenne's title; but no Spaniard ever dreamed of applying this title to the ambassador of whom Márquez Torres speaks. As appears from a letter (dated February 18, 1615) to "old Æsop Gondomar," the special envoy to whom Márquez Torres refers was known as "Mr. de Silier": see Navarrete, _op. cit._, pp. 493-494. Mr. de Silier was the brother of Nicolas Brûlart, Marquis de Sillery, Grand Chancellor of France from September, 1607, to May, 1616. The special envoy figures in French history as the Commandeur Noel Brûlart de Sillery: he and his suite reached Madrid on February 15, 1615 (Navarrete, _op. cit._, p. 493), and they left that city on March 19, 1615 (Perrens, _op. cit._, p. 519). One might have hoped that, as M. de Sillery founded the mission of Sillery near Quebec, his name would be known to all educated Englishmen. His death on September 26, 1640, is mentioned by his confessor, St. Vincent de Paul, in a letter to M. Codoing, dated November 15, 1640. See _Lettres de S. Vincent de Paul_ (Paris, 1882), vol. i., p. 100.

I do not know who the above-mentioned "Regent Anne of Austria" is supposed to be. The French Regent who sent Mayenne and Sillery to Spain was Marie de Médicis, mother of Louis XIII. Her regency ended in 1615. In 1615 Anne of Austria, sister of Philip IV., became the wife of Louis XIII. Her regency began in 1643. It would almost seem as though the earlier French Queen-Regent had been mistaken for her future Spanish daughter-in-law, or, as though the writer were unaware of the fact that the "Regent Anne of Austria" and the "Infanta Ana" were really one and the same person. But the whole passage indicates great confusion of thought, as well as strange misunderstanding of Navarrete's words and of the document printed by him.

An old anecdote, concerning Cervantes and a French Minister at the Spanish Court, is inaccurately reproduced in _Camoens: his Life and Lusiads. A Commentary by Richard F. Burton_ (London, 1881), vol. i., p. 71: "Cervantes, who had been excommunicated, whispered to M. de Boulay, French Ambassador, Madrid, 'Had it not been for the Inquisition, I should have made my book much more amusing.'" Sir Richard Burton evidently quoted from memory, and, as his version is incorrect, it may be advisable to give the idle tale as it appeared originally in _Segraisiana ou Mélange d'histoire et de littérature. Recueilli des Entretiens de Monsieur de Segrais de l'Académie Françoise_ (La Haye, 1722), p. 83: "Monsieur du Boulay avoit accompagné Monsieur * * * dans son Ambassade d'Espagne dans le tems que Cervantes qui mourut en 1618 vivoit encore: il m'a dit que Monsieur l'Ambassadeur fit un jour compliment à Cervantes sur la grande réputation qu'il s'étoit acquise par son _Dom Quixotte_, au de-là des monts: & que Cervantes dit à l'oreille à Monsieur l'Ambassadeur, sans l'Inquisition j'aurois fait mon Livre beaucoup plus divertissant."

It will be observed that M. du Boulay was not Ambassador; that he does not pretend to have heard Cervantes's remark; that he merely repeats the rumour of what Cervantes was alleged to have whispered to M. * * * (who may, or may not, be M. de Sillery); and that he does not mention the Ambassador as his authority for the story. Moreover, Jean Regnauld de Segrais was born in 1624, and died in 1701. Assuming that he was no more than thirty when he met M. du Boulay, this would mean that the story was told nearly forty years after the event. If the volume entitled _Segraisiana_ was compiled towards the end of Segrais' life, we are at a distance of some eighty years from the occurrence. In either case, there is an ample margin for errors of every kind.

[100] Gregorio Mayáns y Siscar suggests (_op. cit._, vol. i., pp. 28-29) that the _Aprobación_, though signed by Márquez Torres, was really written by Cervantes himself: "57 ... Pensarà el Letor que quien dijo èsto, fué el Licenciado Màrquez Torres; no fué sino el mismo Miguèl de Cervantes Saavedra: porque el estilo del Licenciado Màrquez Torres, es metaforico, afectadillo, i pedantesco; como lo manifiestan los _Discursos Consolatorios que escriviò a Don Christoval de Sandoval i Rojas, Duque de Uceda en la Muerte de Don Bernardo de Sandoval i Rojas, su hijo, primer Marquès de Belmonte_; i al contrario el estilo de la _Aprovacion_, es puro, natural, i cortesano, i tan parecido en todo al de Cervantes, que no ai cosa en él que le dístinga. El Licenciado Màrquez era Capellán, i Maestro de Pages de Don Bernardo Sandoval i Rojas, Cardenal, Arzobispo de Toledo, Inquisidor General; Cervantes era mui favorecido del mismo. Con que ciertamente eran entrambos amigos.

"58. Supuesta la amistad, no era mucho, que usase Cervantes de semejante libertad. Contèntese pues el Licenciado Màrquez Torres, con que Cervantes le hizo partícipe de la gloria de su estilo. I veamos que moviò a Cervantes a querer hablar, como dicen, por boca de ganso. No fué otro su designio, sino manifestar la idea de su Obra, la estimacion de ella, i de su Autor en las Naciones estrañas, i su desvalimiento en la propia."

Navarrete protests (_op. cit._, pp. 491-493) against the theory put forward by Mayáns, notes that Márquez Torres published his _Discursos_ in 1626 when _culteranismo_ was in full vogue, and contends that he may have written in much better style eleven years earlier.

It would be imprudent to give great importance to arguments based solely on alleged differences of style. That Márquez Torres was in holy orders, and that he was appointed chaplain to a prelate so virtuous and clear-sighted as the Cardinal-Archbishop of Toledo are strong presumptions in his favour. Nothing that is known of him tends to discredit his testimony. It would be most unjustifiable to assume of any one in his responsible position that he was capable of inventing an elaborate story from beginning to end, and of publishing a tissue of falsehoods to the world. Nor can we lightly suppose that Cervantes would lend himself to such trickery. The probability surely is that there is some good foundation for the anecdote, though perhaps the tale may have lost nothing in the telling.

Still, the history of literature furnishes analogous examples of persons who tampered with preliminary matter--dedications and the like--and stuffed these pages with praises of themselves. Le Sage evidently refers to a recent incident in real life when he interpolates the following passage into the revised text of _Le Diable boiteux_ (Rouen, 1728), pp. 37-38: "A propos d'Epîtres Dédicatoires, ajoûta le Démon, il faut que je vous raporte un trait assez singulier. Une femme de la Cour aiant permis qu'on lui dédiât un ouvrage, en voulut voir la Dédicace avant qu'on l'imprimât, & ne s'y trouvant pas assez bien loüée à son gré, elle prit la peine d'en composer une de sa façon & de l'envoier à l'Auteur pour la mettre à la tête de son ouvrage."

A somewhat similar instance is afforded by La Rochefoucauld, who asked Madame de Sablé to review his _Pensées_ in the _Journal des Savants_. The lady thoughtfully submitted the manuscript of her article to the author, and the result is recorded by Hippolyte Cocheris, _Table méthodique et analytique des articles du Journal des Savants depuis sa réorganisation en 1816 jusqu'en 1858 inclusivement précédée d'une notice historique sur ce journal depuis sa fondation jusqu'à nos jours_ (Paris, 1860), pp. vi.-vii. "Larochefoucauld prit au mot Mme de Sablé; il usa très-librement de son article, il supprima les critiques, garda les éloges, et le fit insérer dans le _Journal des Savants_ (1665, p. 116 et suiv.), ainsi amendé et pur de toute prétention à l'impartialité."

[101] The full title of d'Urfé's book is _L'Astrée, où par plusieurs histoires et sous personnes de bergers et d'autres sont déduits les divers effects de l'Honneste Amitié_. The date of publication has long been doubtful; it is now, apparently, established that the First Part, consisting of twelve books, was originally issued in 1607. Only one copy of this edition is known to exist. For a description of this unique volume, discovered by M. Edwin Trossat at Augsburg in 1869, see the _Catalogue des livres du baron James de Rothschild_ (Paris, 1887), vol. ii. p. 197, no. 1527.

D'Urfé had been preceded by Nicolas de Montreux who, under the anagrammatic pseudonym of Olenix du Mont-Sacré, had published the five volumes entitled _Les Bergeries de Juliette_ at Paris between 1585 and 1598: see Heinrich Koerting, _Geschichte des französichen Romans im XVII. Jahrhundert_ (Oppeln und Leipzig), vol. i., pp. 66-68. But, though Jean-Louis Guez de Balzac declares (_Œuvres complètes_, Paris, 1665, vol. ii. p. 634) that _Les Bergeries de Juliette_ was long preferred to _Astrée_ by French provincials during the seventeenth century, Montreux found so little favour in Paris, that he abandoned pastoralism, and took to writing a history of the Turks instead: see Émile Roy, _La Vie et les œuvres de Charles Sorel, sieur de Souvigny, 1602-1674_ (Paris, 1891), pp. 115-116. It was d'Urfé who made the pastoral fashionable. Part of his immediate vogue may be attributed to the fact that his Euric, Galatée, Alcidon and Daphnide were supposed to represent Henri IV., Marguerite de Valois, the Duc de Bellegarde, and the Princesse de Conti. These dubious identifications, however, would not explain the enthusiasm of readers so different in taste and character, and so far apart in point of time, as St. François de Sales, Madame de Sévigné, Prévost (the author of _Manon Lescaut_), and Rousseau. There is no accounting for tastes, and perhaps Márquez Torres's polite Frenchman sincerely admired the _Galatea_; but indeed he had left a far better pastoral at home. _Astrée_ greatly exceeds the _Galatea_ in achievement, importance, and significance. M. Paul Morillot is within the mark in saying: "_L'Astrée_ de d'Urfé est vraiment notre premier roman; elle est l'ancêtre, la source de tous les autres" (_Le Roman en France_, p. 1). He perhaps grants too much by his admission (p. 27) that "de nos jours _L'Astrée_ est tout à fait oubliée." A useful _Index de "L'Astrée"_ by Saint-Marc Girardin proves that the book has had passionate admirers down to our time: see the _Revue d'Histoire littéraire de la France_ (Paris, 1898), vol. v., pp. 458-483 and 629-646. The _Index_ has an interesting prefatory note by M. Paul Bonnefon.

[102] Besides (1) the _princeps_, published at Alcalá de Henares by Juan Gracián in 1585 there are the following editions of the _Galatea_: (2) Lixboa, Impressa con licencia de la Sancta Inquisición, 1590; (3) Paris, Gilles Robinot, 1611; (4) Valladolid, Francisco Fernández de Cordona, 1617; (5) Baeza, Juan Bautista Montoya, 1617; (6) Lisboa, Antonio Álvarez, 1618; (7) Barcelona, Sebastián de Cormellas, 1618; (8) Madrid, Juan de Zúñiga (Francisco Manuel de Mena), 1736; (9) Madrid, la Viuda de Manuel Fernández, 1772; (10) Madrid, Antonio de Sancha, 1784; (11) Madrid, Imprenta de Vega, 1805; (12) Madrid, los hijos de Da. Catalina Piñuela, 1829; (13) Paris, Baudry, 1835; (14) Paris, Baudry, 1841; (15) Madrid, Rivadeneyra, 1846; (16) Madrid, Rivadeneyra, 1863; (17) Madrid, Gaspar y Roig, 1866; (18) Madrid, Álvarez hermanos, 1875; (19) Madrid, Nicolás Moya, 1883.

It may be well to state that in Nos. (12), (13), (14), (15), (16) and (17) the _Galatea_ is not printed separately, but forms part of collections of Cervantes's works.

It has hitherto been uncertain whether No. (5) really existed or not. It is noted by Nicolás Antonio (_op. cit._, vol. ii., p. 105). This Baeza edition is also mentioned under the heading of _Romans historiques_ by Gordon de Percel who, in all likelihood, simply copied the note from Antonio: see _De l'usage des romans où l'on fait voir leur utilité & leurs differens caracteres avec une_ _Bibliothèque des romans, accompagnée de remarques critiques sur leur choix et leurs éditions_ (Amsterdam, 1734), vol. ii., p. 108. Despite the imprint on the title-page, this work was actually issued at Rouen: see a valuable article in the _Revue d'Histoire littéraire de la France_ (Paris, 1900, vol. vii., pp. 546-589) by M. Paul Bonnefon who describes Gordon de Percel--the pseudonym of the Abbé Nicolas Lenglet du Fresnoy--as an odious example of an odious type, carrying on the _métier d'espion sous couleur d'érudit_.

There can now, apparently, be no doubt that an edition of the _Galatea_ was printed at Baeza in 1617, for Rius (_op. cit._, vol. i., p. 104) states that he possesses a letter from the Marqués de Jerez, dated September 14, 1890, in which the writer explicitly says a copy of this edition was stolen from him at Irún. I do not at all understand what Rius can mean by the oracular sentence which immediately precedes this statement: "No tengo noticia de ejemplar alguno, ni sé que nadie la (_i.e._ la edición) haya visto."

It has been remarked in the text of this Introduction (p. xxxv) that Cervantes applies the word _discreta_ with distressing frequency to his heroine and her sister shepherdesses. The repetition of this adjective appears to have produced a considerable impression on the Lisbon publisher, Antonio Álvarez, for his edition--No. (6) in the above list--is entitled _La discreta Galatea_. No. (5) is also said to be entitled _La discreta Galatea_. But on this point no one, save the Marqués de Jerez de los Caballeros, can speak with any certainty.

[103] Koerting (_op. cit._, vol. i., p. 65) states that d'Audignier translated the _Galatea_ into French in 1618. This is a mistake. Koerting was probably thinking of the _Novelas exemplares_. Six of these (_La Española inglesa_, _Las dos Doncellas_, _La Señora Cornelia_, _La Ilustre fregona_, _El Casamiento engañoso_, and the _Coloquio de los perros_) were translated by d'Audignier in 1618, the remaining tales being rendered by Rosset.

[104] Now best remembered, perhaps, by Giovanni Martini's setting of the _romance_--

Plaisir d'amour ne dure qu'un moment--

which, sung by that incomparable artist, Madame Pauline Viardot-Garcia (sister of Malibran, and wife of the well-known Spanish scholar, Louis Viardot), delighted our fathers and mothers. It may be worth noting that the song is assigned to the goatherd in _Célestine: Nouvelle Espagnole_. Readers of contemporary literature will remember the adaptation of the opening words by the Baron Desforges in M. Paul Bourget's _Mensonges_.

[105] _Causeries du lundi_ (Troisième édition, Paris), vol. iii., p. 236. Joubert's appreciation of Florian's talent is practically the same as Sainte-Beuve's. In his _Pensées_ (titre xxiv., art. xxxi.), he expresses himself thus, concerning Florian's extremely free rendering of _Don Quixote_, first published in 1799: "Cervantes a, dans son livre, une bonhomie bourgeoise et familière, à laquelle l'élégance de Florian est antipathique. En traduisant _Don Quichotte_, Florian a changé le mouvement de l'air, la clef de la musique de l'auteur original. Il a appliqué aux épanchements d'une veine abondante et riche les sautillements et les murmures d'un ruisseau: petits bruits, petits mouvements, très-agréables sans doute quand il s'agit d'un filet d'eau resserré qui roule sur des cailloux, mais allure insupportable et fausse quand on l'attribue à une eau large qui coule à plein canal sur un sable très-fin."

[106] _Causeries du lundi_ (Troisième Edition, Paris), vol. iii., p. 238. See also M. Anatole France, _La Vie littéraire_ (Paris, 1889), p. 194. "Longtemps, longtemps après la mort de Florian, Rose Gontier, devenue la bonne mère Gontier, amusait ses nouvelles camarades comme une figure d'un autre âge. Fort dévote, elle n'entrait jamais en scène sans faire deux ou trois fois dans la coulisse le signe de la croix. Toutes les jeunes actrices se donnaient le plaisir de lutiner celle qui jouait si au naturel _Ma tante Aurore_; elles l'entouraient au foyer et lui refaisaient bien souvent la même question malicieuse:

--Mais est-ce bien possible, grand'maman Gontier, est-il bien vrai que M. de Florian vous battait?

Et, pour toute réponse et explication, toute retenue qu'elle était, la bonne maman Gontier leur disait dans sa langue du dix-huitième siècle:

--C'est, voyez-vous, mes enfants, que celui-là ne payait pas."

[107] Rius (_op. cit._, vol. ii., 319) mentions three editions of Pellicer's translation, the latest being dated 1830. A reprint is said to have been issued at Paris in 1841. On p. xvii of the 1814 edition--the only one within my reach--Casiano Pellicer suggests that Cervantes introduced Diego Durán into the _Galatea_ under the name of Daranio: "Puedese presumir que el Daranio, cuyas bodas refiere tan menudamente, sea Diego Durán, á quien supone natural de Toledo ó de su tierra, y alaba también en su canto de Calíope de gran poeta."

[108] The title of this arrangement is _Los Enamorados ó Galatea y sus bodas. Historia pastoral comenzada por Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, Abreviada después, y continuada y últimamente concluida por D. Cándido María Trigueros_ (Madrid, 1798).

[109] The only translations of the _Galatea_ are the following:--

English (by Gordon Willoughby James Gyll), London, 1867, 1892.

German (by F. Sigismund), Zwickau, 1830; (by A. Keller and F. Notter), Stuttgart, 1840; (by F. M. Duttenhofer), Stuttgart, 1841.

[110] Gyll's name is very naturally omitted from the _Dictionary of National Biography_. His publications, so far as I can trace them, are as follows:

(1) _The Genealogy of the family of Gylle, or Gill, of Hertfordshire, Essex and Kent, illustrated by wills and other documents_ (London, 1842). This pamphlet is an enlarged reprint of a contribution to _Collectanea Topographica et Genealogica_, vol. viii.

(2) _A Tractate on Language_ (London, 1859): a second revised edition appeared in 1860.

(3) _History of the Parish of Wraysbury, Ankerwycke Priory, and Magna Charta Island; with the History of Horton, and the Town of Colnbrook, Bucks._ (London, 1862.)

(4) _Galatea: A pastoral romance. By Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. Literally translated from the Spanish_ (London, 1867). A posthumous reprint was issued in 1892.

(5) _The Voyage to Parnassus: Numantia, a Tragedy; The Commerce of Algiers, by Cervantes. Translated from the Spanish...._ (London, 1870).

Concerning the writer I have gathered the following particulars: they are to some extent derived from statements scattered up and down his works. For the references to _Notes and Queries_ I am particularly indebted to Mr. W. R. Morfill, the distinguished Reader in Slavonic at the University of Oxford.

Our Gyll was born on August 1, 1803 (_History of Wraysbury_, p. 100), being the third son of William Gill (at one time an officer in the army), and the grandson of a City alderman. William Gill, the elder, was a partner in the firm of Wright, Gill, and Dalton, wholesale stationers in Abchurch Lane, London. He was elected alderman in 1781, served as Sheriff in 1781-1782, was appointed Treasurer of Christ's Hospital in 1784-1785, and in due course became Lord Mayor for 1788-1789. He died in the Treasurer's house at Christ's Hospital on March 26, 1798, being then seventy-four years of age: his brother-in-law and partner, Thomas Wright, died on April 9, 1798. An obituary note in _The Gentleman's Magazine_ (vol. lxviii., p. 264) states that the elder William Gill "was a respectable tradesman and died immensely rich." The younger William Gill died on February 16, 1806, at the age of thirty-one. I do not know to what school Gordon Willoughby James Gill was sent. He speaks of himself as "a member of the University of Oxford" (_A Tractate on Language_, First Edition, p. iii.). This is confirmed by the appended note in the Matricula Book, which am enabled to print through the kindness of my friend Mr. H. Butler Clarke:--

"From the Register of Matriculations of the University of Oxford. 1822 Jan. 15. Coll. Pemb. Gordon Willoughby Jacobus Gill, 18, Gulielmi, de par. S. Mariæ bonæ Arm. fil. 3^{ius}.

A true extract, made 30 Jan^{y.}, 1903 by T. Vere Bayne, Keeper of the Archives."