Chapter XXX: The Coming of the Loyalists (1)

The vanguard of the Loyalists now began to make its appearance. Captain Simon Baxter has a fair claim to be considered the pioneer Loyalist of this province. He arrived at Fort Howe with his family in March, 1782, in distressed circumstances, and was befriended by William Hazen and James White, who recommended him to the favorable consideration of the authorities at Halifax. Captain Baxter was a native of New Hampshire. He was proscribed and banished on account of his loyalty, and had several narrow escapes at the hands of his "rebel countrymen." On one occasion he was condemned to be hanged, but upon being brought out to execution contrived to escape from his persecutors and fled for safety to Burgoyne's army. His early arrival at St. John proved of substantial benefit to him, for on the 15th of August he obtained a grant of 5,000 acres, "as a reduced subaltern and as a refugee," in what is now the Parish of Norton, in Kings County. His sons, William and Benjamin, received 500 acres each, along with their father. The important services of Major Gilfred Studholme were also rewarded at this time by a grant of 2,000 acres on the Kennebecasis river, just above Captain Baxter's land. Two years later Major Studholme obtained a grant of a tract nearly three miles square, at Apohaqui, to which he gave the name of Studville.

It was not without fore-thought and serious consideration that the Loyalists came to the River St. John. Several associations were formed at New York, in 1782, to further the interests of those who proposed to settle in Nova Scotia. One of the Associations had as its president, the Rev. Doctor Seabury,[136] and for its secretary, Sampson Salter Blowers.[137] It was under the arrangements made by this Association that a great many of the Loyalists of the Spring fleet came to the St. John river. The document, which is published below, is well worthy of preservation by the descendants of those devoted men and women, who were induced by unshaken loyalty to seek refuge in a wilderness under its provisions.

[136] Dr. Seabury was consecrated first Bishop of the Episcopal Church
in the United States, November 14th, 1784.

[137] Sampson Salter Blowers was appointed chief justice of Nova
Scotia in 1809. He died in 1842 in his 100th year having
outlived all his contemporaries. He was a man of wonderful
vitality and is said never to have worn an overcoat.

ARTICLES.

Of the Settlement of Nova Scotia, Made With the Loyalists at New
York, at the Time of the Peace of 1783.

"The reverend Doctor Samuel Seabury, and Lieutenant Colonel B.
Thompson, of the Kings American Dragoons, having been appointed by
the Board of Agents to wait on His Excellency Sir Guy Carleton,
Commander in Chief, in behalf of the Loyalists desirous of
emigrating to Nova Scotia, they read the following rough
proposals, as articles of supply for the settlers in Nova
Scotia:--

1st.--That they be provided with proper vessels and convoy to
carry them, their horses and cattle, as near as possible to the
place appointed for their settlement.

2nd.--That besides the provisions for the voyage, one year's
provision be allowed them, or money to enable them to purchase.

3d.--That some allowance of warm clothing be made in proportion to
the wants of each family.

4th.--That an allowance of medicines be granted, such as shall be
thought necessary.

5th.--That pairs of millstones, necessary iron works for grist
mills, and saws and other necessary articles for saw-mills, be
granted them.

6th.--That a quantity of nails and spikes, hoes and axes, spades
and shovels, plough irons, and such other farming utensils as
shall appear necessary, be provided for them, and also a
proportion of window glass.

7th.--That such a tract or tracts of land, free from disputed
titles, and as conveniently situated as may be, be granted,
surveyed and divided at the public cost, as shall afford from 300
to 600 acres of useful land to each family.

8th.--That over and above 2,000 acres in every township be allowed
for the support of a clergyman, and 1,000 acres for the support of
a school, and that these lands be unalienable for ever.

9th.--That a sufficient number of good musquets and cannon be
allowed with a proper quantity of powder and ball for their use,
to enable them to defend themselves against any hostile invasion;
also a proportion of powder and lead for hunting.

"His Excellency the Commander in Chief, in reply, was pleased to
say that in general he approved the above Articles, and that at
least the terms of settlement should be equivalent to them. He was
pleased to say further that he should give every encouragement to
the settlers in Nova Scotia, and that he would write to the
Governor of the Province respecting the matter. He advised that
some persons might be sent to examine the vacant lands and see
where the settlement could be made to the best advantage.

"We whose names are hereunto subscribed do agree to remove to the
Province of Nova Scotia, on the above encouragement, with our
families, in full reliance on the future support of Government,
and under the patronage of the following gentlemen as our agents,
they having been approved of as such by His Majesty's Commissioner
for restoring Peace, etc:--Lieut. Col. B. Thompson, K. A. D;
Lieut. Col. E. Winslow, Gen. Muster-master provincial forces;
Major J. Upham, K. A. D; Rev. Dr. Samuel Seabury, Rev. John Sayre,
Captain Maudsley, Amos Botsford, Esq., Samuel Cummings, Esq.,
Judge John Wardle, Esq., James Peters, Esq., Frederick Hauser."

These terms were liberal and were afterwards considerably extended. The Loyalists were allowed not only full provisions for the first year, but two-thirds of that allowance for the second year, and one third for the third year.

In accordance with the prudent advice of Sir Guy Carleton, it was decided to send agents to Nova Scotia immediately to explore the country and report upon it. The agents chosen were Messrs. Amos Botsford, Samuel Cummings and Frederick Hauser. They were furnished with the following

INSTRUCTIONS.

"That on their arrival in Nova Scotia they apply themselves to
discover whether a Tract or Tracts of Land free from all disputed
titles, either with the Indians or former Grantees, can be found
sufficient to accommodate the Loyalists and their Families who
shall remove thither.

"They will examine the soil, timber, game, limestone, rivers,
bays, creeks, harbors, streams and ponds of water with regard to
mills, fishing, trade, etc. They will examine the face of the
country whether it be hilly, stoney, sandy, clayey, etc.

"They will enquire what lands in the neighborhood are granted and
to whom, whether the grants be forfeited, or whether they may be
purchased and at what rate; and whether advantageous terms may not
be made with the present proprietors.

"They will endeavor to ascertain as near as they can what will be
the difficulties and obstructions in forming new settlements, and
what will be the probable advantages.

"They will keep a journal of their proceedings and register their
observations, noting well the distances from the principal
settlements already made, and from noted rivers and harbors, as
well as the obstructions in travelling and transporting.

"Such lands as may be obtained will be distributed and divided
among the proposed adventurers in as just and equitable a manner
as the nature of the case will admit, and the Agents will make
reports of their proceedings from time to time, as early as may
be, to the Secretary of the Agency in New York."

Amos Botsford, Samuel Cummings and Frederick Hauser arrived at Annapolis Royal on the 19th October, 1782, in company with 500 Loyalists, who sailed from New York in nine transport ships. Rev. Jacob Bailey, who was then living at Annapolis, describes their arrival in one of his letters:

"On Saturday morning early, we were all surprized with the
unexpected appearance of eleven sail of shipping, sailing by Goat
Island and directing their course towards the town. About nine,
two frigates came to anchor, and at ten the remainder, being
transports, hauled close in by the King's wharf. On board this
fleet were about 500 refugees, who intend to settle in this
province. They are a mixture from every province on the continent
except Georgia. Yesterday they landed and our royal city of
Annapolis, which three days ago contained only 120 souls, has now
about 600 inhabitants. You cannot be sensible what an amazing
alteration this manoeuvre has occasioned. Everything is alive, and
both the townspeople and the soldiers are lost among the
strangers.

"All the houses and barracks are crowded and many are unable
to procure any lodgings; most of these distressed people left
large possessions in the rebellious colonies, and their
sufferings on account of their loyalty and their present
uncertain and destitute condition render them very affecting
objects of compassion. Three agents are dispatched to Halifax
to solicit lands from government."

The agents on their return from Halifax, at once set out to explore the country in the vicinity of Annapolis; they then crossed the Bay of Fundy and arrived at St. John about the end of November. In the report, which they subsequently transmitted to their friends in New York, they write:--

"We found our passage up the river difficult, being too late to
pass in boats, and not sufficiently frozen to bear. In this
situation we left the river, and for a straight course steered by
a compass thro' the woods,[138] encamping out several nights in
the course, and went as far as the Oromocto, about seventy miles
up the river, where is a block-house, a British post." "The St.
John is a fine river, equal in magnitude to the Connecticut or
Hudson. At the mouth of the river is a fine harbor, accessible at
all seasons of the year--never frozen or obstructed by ice....
There are many settlers along the river upon the interval land,
who get their living easily. The interval lies on the river and is
a most fertile soil, annually matured by the overflowings of the
river, and produces crops of all kinds with little labor, and
vegetables in the greatest perfection, parsnips of great length,
etc. They cut down the trees, burn the tops, put in a crop of
wheat or Indian corn, which yields a plentiful increase. These
intervals would make the finest meadows. The up-lands produce
wheat both of the summer and winter kinds, as well as Indian corn.
Here are some wealthy farmers, having flocks of cattle. The
greater part of the people, excepting the township of Maugerville,
are tenants, or seated on the bank without leave or licence,
merely to get their living. For this reason they have not made
such improvements as might otherwise have been expected, or as
thorough farmers would have done.... Immense quantities of
limestone are found at Fort Howe, and at the mouth of the river.
We also went up the Kenebeccasis, a large branch of St. John's
river, where is a large tract of interval and upland, which has
never been granted; it is under a reserve, but we can have it.
Major Studholme and Capt. Baxter, who explored the country, chose
this place, and obtained a grant of 9,000 acres. On each side of
this grant are large tracts of good land, convenient for
navigation. A title for these lands may be procured sooner than
for such as have been already granted, such as Gage, Conway, etc.,
which must be obtained by a regular process in the court of
Escheats. The lands on the river St. John are also sufficiently
near the cod fishery in Fundy Bay, and perfectly secure against
the Indians and Americans. The inhabitants are computed to be near
one thousand men, able to bear arms. Here is a County and Court
established, and the inhabitants at peace, and seem to experience
no inconveniency from the war."

[138] Frederick Hauser, one of the agents, was a surveyor. A number of
grants made to the Loyalists were laid out by him.

The popular idea of the landing of the Loyalists at St. John is that on the 18th day of May, in the year 1783, a fleet of some twenty vessels sailed into St. John harbor, having on board three thousand people, who, wearied with the long voyage, immediately disembarked and pitched their tents on the site of the present city of St. John--then called Parrtown. The popular idea, however, is not strictly in accordance with the facts. The fleet arrived at St. John, not on the 18th, but on the 10th or 11th of May, and, according to the narrative of Walter Bates, there was no one day fixed for disembarkation. In the case of the "Union," in which Mr. Bates and many of the founders of Kingston came from New York, the passengers were allowed to remain on board until several of their number had gone up the river and selected a place for them to settle. In some cases, however, the passengers were "precipitated on shore." As regards the name Parr (or Partown) it was not given for months after the arrival of the Loyalists, and was then applied only to that part of the city south of Union street, on the east side of the harbor. The name was never very acceptable to the citizens. Governor Parr admitted that it originated "in female vanity;" from which observation we may assume that the name was suggested by Madame Parr. The name of Parr was soon discarded, and the time-honored name, which goes back to the days of de Monts and Champlain was restored at the incorporation of the city on the 18th of May, 1785.

The names of the vessels of the Spring fleet and of their respective masters, so far as they have been preserved, are as follows:--"Union," Consett Wilson, master; "Camel," Wm. Tinker, master; "Cyrus," James Turner, master; "Sovereign," Wm. Stewart, master; "Aurora," Capt. Jackson; "Hope," Capt. Peacock; "Otter," Capt. Burns; "Emmett," Capt. Reed; "Spring," Capt. Cadish; "Ann," Capt. Clark; "Bridgewater," Capt. Adnet; "Favorite," Capt. Ellis; "Commerce," Capt. Strong; "Lord Townsend," Capt. Hogg; "Sally," Capt. Bell; and five others, "Spencer," "Thames," "William," "Britain" and "King George," the names of whose masters are unknown.

The Loyalists who came to St. John in the first fleet numbered about 3,000. They were mostly natives of Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York and New Jersey, who had been driven from their homes and forced to seek refuge within the British lines at New York, or on Long Island. There was a scarcity of ships, and the number of those desirous of emigrating to Nova Scotia proved much larger than had been anticipated. It became evident that the vessels must make repeated trips. The following paragraph from an old newspaper is interesting in this connection:--

New London, Conn., April 25, 1783. We hear that the Loyalists
destined for Nova Scotia from New York are to depart in two
Divisions; the first, consisting of about 3,000 men, women and
children, are nearly ready to sail; the second to sail as soon as
the vessels return which carry the first."

This paragraph accords with what subsequently took place. The first fleet sailed from Sandy Hook, on the 26th April, arriving at St. John about the 11th of May; and the second fleet sailed from Sandy Hook on the 16th June, arriving at St. John on the 28th of the same month. The most authentic account of the voyage of the first fleet is to be found in the narrative of Walter Bates,[139] who was a passenger on board the "Union." We learn from this source that in the early part of April, 1783, the Rev. John Sayre, one of the agents for settling the Loyalists in Nova Scotia, visited those who were then living on the north shore of Long Island at Eaton's Neck, Lloyd's Neck and Huntington, to inform them that the King had granted to those who did not incline to return to their former places of abode and would go to Nova Scotia, two hundred acres of land to each family and two years provisions, and provide ships to convey them as near as might be to a place of settlement. A public meeting was held at which the matter was considered in detail, and it was resolved by all present to remove with their families to Nova Scotia and settle together in some situation where they might enjoy the advantages of a church and school. Mr. Bates says that providence seemed to select for them the best ship and by far the best captain in the fleet. The captain received them on board "as father of a family," and took care that nothing in his power should be wanting to render them comfortable on the voyage. The "Union" took on board her passengers at Huntington Bay. The embarkation began on April 11th and was completed in five days. The manifest of the ship has been preserved and is now in possession of J. T. Allan Dibblee of Woodstock, N. B. (See Collections of N. B. Hist. Society, Vol. II. p. 276). It is signed by Fyler Dibblee, deputy agent in charge of the party. There were 209 passengers in all, viz., 61 men, 39 women, 59 children over ten, 48 children under ten and 2 servants. The ship sailed to the place of rendezvous near Staten Island. While waiting at New York for the other vessels, an interesting incident occurred, which (together with subsequent events) we shall let Mr. Bates tell in his own way:--

"Having a couple on board wishing to be married, we call upon the
Reverend Mr. Leaming, who received us with much kindness and
affection--most of us formerly of his congregation--who after the
marriage reverently admonished us with his blessing, that we pay
due regard to church and schools, as means to obtain the blessing
of God upon our families and our industry. We embarked; next day
the ship joined the fleet, and on the 26th day of April, 1783,
upwards of twenty sail of ships, under convoy, left Sandy Hook for
Nova Scotia--from whence, after the pleasure of leading the whole
fleet fourteen days, our good ship Union arrived at Partridge
Island before the fleet was come within sight. Next day our ship
was safely moored by Capt. Dan'l. Leavitt, the Pilot, in the most
convenient situation for landing in the harbor of St. John, all in
good health--where we remained comfortable on board ship (while
others was sickly and precipitated on shore from other ships)
which we proved a providential favor, until we could explore for a
place in the Wilderness suitable for our purpose of settlement. A
boat was procured for the purpose. David Pickett, Israel Hait,
Silas Raymond and others proceeded sixty miles up the River St.
John and report that the inhabitants were settled on Interval
lands by the river--that the high-lands had generally been burned
by the Indians, and there was no church or church Minister in the
country. They were informed of a tract of timbered land that had
not been burned, on Bellisle Bay, about thirty miles from the
harbor of St. John, which they had visited and viewed the
situation favorable for our purpose of settlement. Whereupon we
all agreed (to proceed thither) and disembarked from on board the
good ship Union, and with Capt. Wilson's blessing embarked on
board a small sloop all our baggage. The next morning with all our
effects--women and children--set sail above the falls and arrived
at Bellisle Bay before sunset. Nothing but Wilderness before our
eyes, the women and children did not refrain from tears."

[139] See "Kingston and the Loyalists of 1783," in which Walter Bates'
narrative is edited, with notes by the author of this history;
published at St. John by Barnes & Co. in 1889.

Those who are curious to know what kind of a passage their fore-fathers had on their voyage to the River St. John will be able to form some idea from a study of the following record of the weather, kept by Benjamin Marston, while he was engaged in laying out the town of Shelburne.

"May 1st, Thursday--Wind east; calm at night.
May 2nd, Friday--Rain; wind south-westerly.
May 3d, Saturday--Fair; wind north-westerly, fresh.
May 4th, Sunday--Fair; wind north-westerly, fresh.
May 5th, Monday--Fair; wind westerly, moderate.
May 6th, Tuesday--Fair; wind easterly changing to southerly.
May 7th, Wednesday--Fair; wind south-easterly.
May 8th, Thursday--Fair; wind easterly.
May 9th, Friday--Fair; wind easterly.
May 10th, Saturday--Weather foggy and at times drizzly; wind
south-easterly.
May 11th, Sunday--Begins with plenty of rain; wind south-westerly,
changes to foggy weather. At night wind south-easterly with
frequent showers.

The Union had not long to wait until she was joined by her sister ships, and all lay safely anchored near the landing place at the Upper Cove. We may well believe that the arrival of such a multitude produced a profound sensation among the dwellers at Portland Point, then a mere hamlet.

Three hundred years have passed since Champlain sailed up this same harbor and in honor of the day of its discovery, gave to St. John the name it still retains, but in all these centuries the most notable fleet that ever cast anchor in the port was the "Spring fleet" of 1783. The old iron guns of Fort Howe thundered out their salute as the score of vessels came up the harbor, the flag of Britain streaming from the masthead, and we know that Major Studholme gave the wearied exiles a hearty welcome. The old soldier had held his post secure, in spite of hostile savages and lawless marauders, and he was now equally faithful in the discharge of his duty to his new comrades. He did his best to cheer their drooping spirits and as speedily as possible to settle them in habitations which they once more might call their own.

There is a quiet spot in the parish of Studholme, on the banks of the Kennebecasis, where the mortal remains of Gilfred Studholme lie. No headstone marks his grave.

Little preparation had been made by the Government of Nova Scotia for the reception of the Loyalists, and the season was cold and backward. Anxious as were the masters of the transports to return speedily to New York they were obliged to tarry some days. We learn from an old newspaper that the ship "Camel," captain William Tinker, sailed from St. John on her return voyage, the 29th of May, in company with eight other transports, and that they left the new settlers "in good health and spirits." Before the Loyalists could disembark, it was necessary to clear away the brushwood around the landing place and to erect tents and various kinds of shelter. The 18th of May saw them safely landed. The day was Sunday, and it is said the hapless exiles found consolation in a religious service held by the Rev. John Beardsley on the site of the present Market Square.

If Abraham's fidelity to the Almighty caused him on his arrival in the land he was to inherit, to erect an altar, it was equally fitting that the first public act of the founders of the City of the Loyalists should be to render thanks for their preservation and safe arrival in the land of their adoption. The psalms for that 18th morning may have struck a responsive chord in many hearts. "Comfort us again now after the time that thou hast afflicted us, and for the years wherein we have seen adversity." "Establish the work of our hands upon us, yea, the work of our hands establish thou it."

No friendly roof had yet been reared to shelter them from the storm. The wilderness had its unknown perils. Perhaps too the dread of some lurking savage may have filled the hearts of the helpless ones with a nameless fear. Still the message was--"He that dwelleth in the tabernacle of the most High shall lodge under the shadow of the Almighty." "Thou shalt not be afraid for any terror by night, nor for the arrow that flieth by day."

The Loyalists could not but feel relieved when they safely reached their destination. There were no light houses, or beacons, or fog horns to aid the navigator, and the charts were imperfect. The vessels were greatly over crowded and the accommodations not of the best. To add to the general discomfort, in some of the ships epidemics, such as measles, broke out. Yet, glad as they were to be again on shore, it was with heavy hearts they watched the departure of the fleet. The grandmother of the late Sir Leonard Tilley said to one of her descendants, "I climbed to the top of Chipman's Hill and watched the sails disappearing in the distance, and such a feeling of loneliness came over me that, although I had not shed a tear through all the war, I sat down on the damp moss with my baby in my lap and cried."

The days that followed the arrival of the Loyalists were busy days for Major Studholme and his assistant, Samuel Denny Street.[140] By their orders, boards, shingles, clapboards, bricks, etc., were distributed to those needing them. A large number of Studholme's accounts in this connection are on file at Halifax. The first in which the name of Parr (Parrtown) occurs is the following:--

"Parr, on the River St. John, 31 August, 1783.

"Rec'd from Gilfred Studholme L5. 18. 10 1-2 for surveying 142,660
feet lumber for use of the Loyalists settled on the River St.
John.

"JEREMIAH REGAN."

[140] Amongst the documents at Halifax relating to the settlement of
the Loyalists at St. John is the following receipt:

River St. John, 30 September, 1783.

"Rec'd from Gilfred Studholme, Esq. the sum of L72.10.0
Halifax currency for superintending his office for
conducting the settlement of and issuing lumber to the
Loyalists within the district of St. John from the 9th May
to 30th September, 1783, both days included, at 10
shillings pr. day for which I have signed three receipts
of the same tenor and date.

SAM'L DENNY STREET.

Each Loyalist on his arrival was provided with 500 feet of boards, and a proportion of shingles and bricks. Most of the erections at first were log houses, the lumber being used for roofing. By the end of May, 1784, Major Studholme had delivered to the Loyalists 1,731,289 feet of boards, 1,553,919 shingles and 7,400 clapboards. The lumber was purchased from James Woodman, William Hazen, Nehemiah Beckwith, Patrick Rogers, John Whidden and others, the usual price being, for boards L4 per M., and for shingles 15 shillings per M.

The work of building must have progressed rapidly, for when winter came, about 1,500 dwellings afforded shelter. Joshua Aplin wrote Chief Justice Smith that the efforts of the people were unparalleled, and that on his arrival he could scarce credit his own eyes at the sight of such industry. But, he adds, the people had no legal right even to the ground their houses covered, and they appeared to be almost in despair at not getting on their lands. The greater part of those in the town at the mouth of the St. John river never meant to fix themselves there, but to settle on their lands and to apply their money to building farm houses, purchasing live stock, etc., and great loss had been incurred by their being obliged to build at the mouth of the river.

The Kingston settlers were amongst the few that proceeded directly to the lands on which they were to settle. For some weeks they lived in tents on the banks of Kingston Creek, where the mothers found occupation in nursing their children through the measles. They used to send across the river to "Jones's" for milk and other necessaries. They were visited by the Indians, with whom they established friendly relations and who furnished them plentifully with moose meat. In the month of July they obtained the services of Frederick Hauser to survey their land. Before the lots were drawn by the settlers, however, reservations were made for church and school purposes. They then set to work with a will, working in one united party, clearing places on their lots for buildings, cutting logs, carrying them together with their own hands, having as yet neither cattle nor horses to draw them. By the month of November every man in the district found himself and his family covered under his own roof, and, according to Walter Bates, they were "perfectly, happy, contented and comfortable in their dwellings through the winter." In this respect they were fortunate indeed in comparison with those who passed their first winter in canvas tents at Parrtown and St. Anns.

We must now speak of the arrival of the Summer fleet of transports at the River St. John.

Almost everybody has heard of the Spring and Fall fleets, but comparatively few are aware that a very important contingent of Loyalists came to St. John on the 29th of June. The late J. W. Lawrence makes no mention of this Summer fleet in his "Foot-Prints;" in fact nearly all of our local historians have ignored it. Moses H. Perley, in his well known lecture on early New Brunswick history, mentions it very briefly. Lorenzo Sabine, in his Loyalists of the American Revolution, incidentally refers to the date of arrival. The reference occurs in the biographical sketch of John Clarke, of Rhode Island, of whom we read:--

"At the peace, he settled at St. John. He arrived at that city on
the 29th of June, 1783, at which time only two log huts had been
erected on its site. The government gave him and every other
grantee 500 feet of very ordinary boards towards covering their
buildings. City lots sold in 1783 at from two to twenty dollars.
He bought one for the price of executing the deed of conveyance
and 'a treat.' Mr. Clarke was clerk of Trinity church nearly 50
years. He died at St. John in 1853, in his ninety-fourth year,
leaving numerous descendants."

The Loyalists who came in the Summer fleet embarked at various places, some on Long Island, others at Staten Island and many at New York. In some instances embarkation had taken place three weeks prior to the departure of the ships from Sandy Hook. The delay in sailing was caused by difficulties attending the embarkation and getting the fleet together. The names of the vessels have been preserved in the following notice, printed in a New York paper:--

"NOTICE TO REFUGEES.

The following Transports, viz. Two Sisters, Hopewell, Symetry,
Generous Friends, Bridgewater, Thames, Amity's Production, Tartar,
Duchess of Gordon, Littledale, William and Mary, and Free Briton,
which are to carry Companies commanded by Sylvanus Whitney, Joseph
Gorham, Henry Thomas, John Forrester, Thomas Elms, John Cock,
Joseph Clarke, James Hoyt, Christopher Benson, Joseph Forrester,
Thomas Welch, Oliver Bourdet, Asher Dunham, Abia. Camp, Peter
Berton, Richard Hill and Moses Pitcher, will certainly fall down
on Monday morning; it will therefore be absolutely necessary for
the people who are appointed to go in these companies, to be all
on board To-Morrow Evening.

"New York, June 7th, 1783."

Of the seventeen companies whose captains are named above, those of Christopher Benson and Richard Hill went to Annapolis, and that of Moses Pitcher, to Shelburne; the others (with the possible exception of Thomas Welch's company) came to St. John. We learn from a document entitled "A Return of the number of Loyalists gone to St. John's River in Nova Scotia, as pr. returns left in the Commissary General's Office in New York" that the number enrolled in the various companies for provisions, etc., was as given below:--

Men. Women. Children. Servants. Total.

Capt. S. Whitney 42 27 87 12 168
Capt. J. Goreham 31 20 78 7 136
Capt. H. Thomas 32 26 52 12 122
Capt. J. Forrester 51 30 73 31 185
Capt. Thos. Elms 30 19 27 45 121
Capt. John Cock 32 21 48 10 111
Capt. J. Clarke 36 25 48 52 161
Capt. Jas. Hoyt 42 31 61 85 219
Capt. Jas. Forrester 35 25 47 15 122
Capt. O. Bourdet 55 36 47 42 180
Capt. A. Dunham 31 19 57 5 112
Capt. Abi. Camp 52 36 67 48 203
Capt. P. Berton 31 20 51 30 132
--- --- --- --- ----
Total 500 335 743 394 1972

If all who gave in their names to Brook Watson at the commissariat office actually embarked for St. John in the June fleet, it would appear that nearly two thousand persons were carried in that fleet. But it is not unlikely that some of those who gave in their names did not go at this time. Among the papers in the archives at Halifax, there is a copy of a "Return of Loyalists, etc., gone from New York to Nova Scotia as pr. returns in the Commissary General's office." The original was compiled at New York, Oct., 12, 1783, by Richard Fitzpatrick, and at the bottom he adds the significant words--"The above is made from returns left in the commissary general's office, but it is probable the numbers actually gone will fall far short." The chief reason for supposing this to have been the case in regard to the summer fleet is the publication of the following official return, signed by Sir Guy Carleton, in one of the newspapers of the day.

RETURN OF REFUGEES EMBARKED FOR NOVA SCOTIA.

New York, 17th June, 1783.

Men. Women. Children. Servants. Total.

For St. John's River 443 283 670 258 1654
For Annapolis Royal 46 37 76 46 205
For Port Roseway 34 15 39 34 122
For Fort Cumberland 175 86 216 14 491
--- --- ---- --- ----
Total 698 421 1001 352 2472

GUY CARLETON.

It may be safer to take the figures in Sir Guy Carleton's list; but whichever list we take, the numbers are sufficient to make the arrival of the summer fleet a thing of considerable importance. The names of nearly all the captains of the companies of Loyalists, who sailed in the fleet are found amongst the grantees of Parrtown.

The diary of Sarah Frost, who was a passenger to St. John in the ship "Two Sisters," throws much light upon the circumstances that attended the voyage. Sarah (Schofield) Frost was the wife of William Frost, a sturdy loyalist of Stamford. He was proscribed and banished and threatened with death if he ever returned to Connecticut. He did return, however, on the night of July 21, 1781, accompanied by an armed party in seven boats. The boats were secreted and the party placed themselves in hiding in a swamp near the meeting house. The next day, which was Sunday, they surprised and captured the minister, Rev. Dr. Mather, and his entire congregation. A selection of the prisoners was quickly made, and forty-eight individuals were hurried away to the boats and taken across the sound to Lloyd's Neck, where they were greeted in no complimentary fashion by some of their old neighbors whom they had driven from their homes. Twenty-four of the prisoners were allowed to go back to Stamford on parole. The remainder, twenty-six in number, were sent to the provost prison in New York. Dr. Mather was one of those consigned to the provost, as a "leader of sedition." Needless to say this exploit rendered Wm. Frost exceedingly obnoxious to the "patriots" of Stamford. The parents of Mrs. Frost espoused the cause of the revolutionary party, and her's was one of those sad cases in which families were divided by the war.

The extracts from her journal will enable the reader to have a good idea of some of the trials endured by those who left their old homes for the sake of the principles they cherished.

"May 25, 1783. I left Lloyd's Neck with my family and went on
board the Two Sisters, commanded by Captain Brown, for a voyage to
Nova Scotia with the rest of the Loyalist sufferers. This evening
the Captain drank tea with us. He appears to be a very clever
gentleman. We expect to sail as soon as the wind shall favor. We
have very fair accommodation in the cabin, although it contains
six families besides my own. There are two hundred and fifty
passengers on board."

A few days later the ships proceeded to New York, and then there followed an uncomfortable period of waiting. They hoped to have sailed on the 9th of June, having been already a fortnight on shipboard, but it was not until a week later that they got away. While at New York the passengers spent much of their time on shore, visiting their friends and making purchases of things needed on the voyage. Mrs. Frost had a touching interview with her father, who came in a boat from Stamford to bid her farewell. She writes under date of Monday, June 9th; "Our women all came on board with their children, and there is great confusion in the cabin. We bear with it pretty well through the day, but at night one child cries in one place, and one in another, while we are getting them to bed. I think sometimes I will go crazy. There are so many of them, if they were still as common, there would be a great noise amongst them."

Two days later the ships weighed anchor and dropped down to Staten Island where they remained until Sunday the 15th of June, when Mrs. Frost writes: "Our ship is getting under way, I suppose for Nova Scotia. I hope for a good passage. About three o'clock we have a hard gale and a shower which drives us all below. About five o'clock we come to anchor within about six miles of the Light House at Sandy Hook. How long we shall lie here I don't know. About six o'clock we had a terrible squall and hail stones fell as big as ounce balls. About sunset there was another squall and it hailed faster than before. Mr. Frost went out and gathered a mug full of hail stones, and in the evening we had a glass of punch made of it, and the ice was in it till we had drank the whole of it."

"Monday, June 16. We weighed anchor about half after five in the
morning, with the wind North-Nor'-West, and it blows very fresh.
We passed the Light House about half after seven. It is now half
after nine and a signal has been fired for the ships all to lie to
for the Bridgewater, which seems to lag behind, I believe on
account of some misfortune that happened to her yesterday.... It
is now two o'clock and we have again got under way. We have been
waiting for a ship to come from New York, and she has now
overhauled us.[141] We have a very light breeze now, but have at
last got all our fleet together. We have thirteen Ships, two
Brigs, one Frigate belonging to our fleet. The Frigate is our
Commodore's. It is now three o'clock, we are becalmed and the men
are out fishing for Mackerel. Mr. Miles has caught the first."

[141] It is a question whether or not the passengers of this ship
are included in Sir Guy Carleton's return of the 17th
July, which appears at p. 354.

"Thursday, June 19. We are still steering eastward with a fine
breeze. We make seven miles an hour the chief part of the day.
About noon we shift our course and are steering North by East. At
two o'clock the Captain says we are 250 miles from Sandy Hook,
with the wind West-Nor'-West. At six o'clock we saw a sail ahead.
She crowded sail and put off from us, but our frigate knew how to
talk to her, for at half past seven she gave her a shot which
caused her to shorten sail and lie to. Our captain looked with his
spy glass; he told me she was a Rebel brig; he saw her thirteen
stripes. She was steering to the westward. The wind blows so high
this evening, I am afraid to go to bed for fear of rolling out."

"Friday 20th. This morning our Frigate fired a signal to shift our
course to North-Nor'-East. We have still fine weather and a fair
wind. Mr. Emslie, the mate, tells me we are, at five in the
afternoon, about 500 miles from Sandy Hook. We begin to see the
fog come on, for that is natural to this place. At six our
Commodore fired for the ships to lie to until those behind should
come up. Mr. Emslie drank tea with Mr. Frost and myself. The fog
comes on very thick this evening."

"Saturday, June 21. Rose at 8 o'clock. It was so foggy we could
not see one ship belonging to the fleet. They rang their bells and
fired guns all the morning to keep company. About half after ten
the fog all went off, so that we saw the chief part of our fleet
around us. At noon the fog came on again, but we could hear their
bells all around us. This evening the Captain showed Mr. Frost and
me the map of the whole way we have come and the way we have yet
to go. He told us we are 240 miles from Nova Scotia at this time.
It is so foggy we lost all our company tonight and we are entirely
alone.

"Sunday, June 22. It is very foggy yet. No ship in sight now, nor
any bells to be heard. Towards noon we heard some guns fired from
our fleet, but could not tell where they was. The fog was so thick
we could not see ten rods, and the wind is so ahead that we have
not made ten miles since yesterday noon.

"Monday, June 23. Towards noon the fog goes off fast, and in the
afternoon we could see several of our vessels; one came close
alongside of us. Mr. Emslie says we are an hundred and forty miles
from land now. In the evening the wind becomes fair, the fog seems
to leave us and the sun looks very pleasant. Mr. Whitney and his
wife, Mr. Frost and I, have been diverting ourselves with a few
games of crib."

The passengers had now become exceedingly weary of the voyage. The ships had lain buried in a dense fog, almost becalmed, for three days. An epidemic of measles, too, had broken out on board the "Two Sisters," and served to add to the anxiety and discomfort of the mothers. But a change for the better was at hand and Mrs. Frost continues her diary in a more cheerful strain.

"Thursday, June 26. This morning the sun appears very pleasant. We
are now nigh the banks of Cape Sable. At nine o'clock we begin to
see land. How pleased we are after being nine days out of sight of
land to see it again. There is general rejoicing. At half past six
we have twelve of our ships in sight. Our captain told me just now
we should be in the Bay of Fundy before morning. He says it is
about one day's sail after we get into the Bay to Saint John's
River. How I long to see that place though a strange land. I am
tired of being on board ship, though we have as clever a captain
as ever need to live.

"Friday, June 27. I got up this morning very early to look out. I
can see land on both sides of us. About ten o'clock we passed
Annapolis. The wind died away. Our people got their lines out to
catch cod fish. About half after five John Waterbury caught the
first.

"Saturday, June 28. Got up in the morning and found ourselves nigh
to land on both sides. At half after nine our Captain fired a gun
for a pilot and soon after ten a pilot came on board, and a
quarter after one our ship anchored off against Fort Howe in Saint
John's River. Our people went on shore and brought on board pea
vines with blossoms on them, gooseberries, spruce and grass, all
of which grow wild. They say this is to be our city. Our land is
five and twenty miles up the river. We are to have here only a
building, place 40 feet wide and an hundred feet back. Mr. Frost
has gone on shore in his whale boat to see how it looks. He
returns soon bringing a fine salmon."

"Sunday, June 29. This morning it looks very pleasant. I am just
going on shore with my children.... It is now afternoon and I have
been on shore. It is I think the roughest land I ever saw.... We
are all ordered to land tomorrow and not a shelter to go under."

Such is the simple story told by this good lady; the reader's imagination can fill in the details. At the time of Mrs. Frost's arrival she was a young matron of twenty-eight years. Her daughter, Hannah, born on July 30th., is said to have been the second female child born at Parrtown.

In the case of the June fleet, as of that which arrived in May, the captains of many of the transports seem to have been remarkably considerate for the welfare of their passengers. The "Bridgewater," staid at St. John more than a fortnight before she sailed on her return voyage to New York, as we learn from the address presented to her captain by the Loyalists who came in her.

"To Captain Adnet, Commander of the Transport Bridgewater.

"The Address of the Loyalists, that came in the Ship under your
command, from New-York to St. John's River, Nova-Scotia.

"Your humanity, and the kindness and attention you have shewn to
render as happy as possible each individual on board your ship,
during the passage, and till their disembarkation, has filled our
hearts with sentiments of the deepest gratitude, and merit the
warmest return of acknowledgments and thanks, which we most
sincerely desire you to accept. Wishing you a prosperous voyage to
your intended port, we are, your much obliged and very humble
servants.

Signed by the particular desire, and in behalf of the whole.

JOHN HOLLAND,
CAPTAIN CLARKE,
NATHANIEL DICKINSON.

St. John's River, July 15, 1783.

Vessels continued to arrive during the summer, each bearing its quota of loyal exiles. Those who came were in nearly all cases enrolled in companies, and officers appointed, who were commissioned by Sir Guy Carleton. Several of the ships came repeatedly to St. John. The Bridgewater, one of the Spring fleet, came again in June, and made a third voyage in October. The Cyrus, one of the Spring fleet, arrived again on the 14th September, with 194 passengers, whose names are given in the collections of the New Brunswick Historical Society. The Sovereign, one of the vessels of the Spring fleet, came again in August, as we learn from the letter of thanks addressed to the captain by her passengers, which follows:

"Dear Sir: Your Generosity, Kindness and Attention to us while on
board your ship, and assistance lent us on landing our Property
from on board, demands our most warm Acknowledgments: Permit us
therefore to return you that unfeigned Thanks for all your
Goodness that feeling hearts can: and as your are about to leave
us, accept of our most sincere wishes for your Happiness and
Prosperity; and that you may have a safe and easy Passage to New
York is the sincere wish of, Dear Sir.

(By Request of the Company.)

Your most obedient, humble servant,

JOHN MENZIES, Capt. 24th Company.

St. John's River, Aug. 12, 1783.

To Capt. Wm. Stewart, Ship Sovereign."

About this time the Americans began to urge upon Sir Guy Carleton the speedy evacuation of New York by the British forces. But Sir Guy was too good a friend of the Loyalists to allow himself to be unduly hurried in the matter. He stated that the violence of the Americans, since the cessation of hostilities, had greatly increased the number of Loyalists who were obliged to look to him for escape from threatened destruction. That their fears had been augmented by the barbarous menaces of Committees formed in various towns, cities and districts, which had threatened dire vengeance to any who ventured back to their former homes. He therefore adds, "I should show an indifference to the feelings of humanity, as well as to the honor and interest of the nation whom I serve, to leave any of the Loyalists that are desirous to quit the country, a prey to the violence they conceive they have so much cause to apprehend."

Sir Guy did his best to facilitate the emigration of all who desired to leave New York, and by his instructions the following notice was published.

"City Hall, New York, August 14, 1783.

"Notice is hereby given to all Loyalists within the lines,
desirous to emigrate from this place before the final Evacuation,
that they must give in their Names at the Adjutant-General's
Office, on or before the 21st instant, and be ready to embark by
the end of this month.

"ABIJAH WILLARD."

Before the arrival of the date, mentioned in the notice, 6,000 names were entered at the Adjutant-General's Office for passages, and the evacuation proceeded as fast as the number of transports would admit. Four weeks later another and more emphatic notice was issued.

"City Hall, New York, September 12, 1783.

The Commissioners appointed to examine the Claims of Persons for
Passages from this Place, give this Notice to all Loyalists, who
have been recommended for Passages to Nova Scotia; that ships are
prepared to receive them on board, and it is expected they will
embark on or before the Twentieth Instant.

"And the Board have Authority further to declare. That if they
neglect to embrace the opportunity now offered, they must not
expect to be conveyed afterwards at the Public Expense.

ABIJAH WILLARD."

There can be little doubt that many who continued to linger at New York would gladly have returned to their former places of abode, but the experience of the few days who attempted it was too discouraging. Here is an instance, as described by one of the American "patriots."

"Last week there came one of the dam'd refugees from New York to a
place called Wall-Kill, in order to make a tarry with his parents.
He was taken into custody immediately, his head and eye brows were
shaved--tarred and feathered--a hog yoke put on his neck, and a
cow bell thereon; upon his head a very high cap of feathers was
set, well plum'd with soft tar, and a sheet of paper in front,
with a man drawn with two faces, representing Arnold and the
Devil's imps; and on the back of it a cow, with the refugee or
tory driving her off."

The forced migration of the Loyalists was a source of much amusement to the whigs of that day. A parody on Hamlet's soliloquy, "To be or not to be," was printed in the New Jersey Journal, under the title, The Tory's Soliloquy. It begins:

"To go or not to go; that is the question,
Whether 'tis best to trust the inclement sky,
That scowl's indignant, or the dreary bay
Of Fundy and Cape Sable's rocks and shoals,
And seek our new domain in Scotia's wilds,
Barren and bare, or stay among the rebels,
And by our stay rouse up their keenest rage."

We have now to consider the circumstances under which the "Fall fleet" came to St. John.

After the cessation of hostilities, the violent temper manifested by the victorious Americans caused the officers of the Loyalist regiments to lay their case before Sir Guy Carleton in a letter dated March 14, 1783. They state, "That from the purest principles of loyalty and attachment to the British government they took up arms in his Majesty's service, and, relying on the justice of their cause and the support of their Sovereign and the British nation, they have persevered with unabated zeal through all the vicissitudes of a calamitous and unfortunate war.... That whatever stipulations may be made at the peace for the restoration of the property of the Loyalists and permission for them to return home, yet, should the American Provinces be severed from the British Empire, it will be impossible for those who have served his Majesty in arms in this war to remain in the country. The personal animosities that arose from civil dissensions have been so heightened by the blood that has been shed in the contest that the parties can never be reconciled." The letter goes on to speak of sacrifices of property and lucrative professions; of the anxiety felt for the future of wives and children; of the fidelity of the troops, who in the course of the contest had shown a degree of patience, fortitude and bravery almost without example; and of the great number of men incapacitated by wounds, many having helpless families who had seen better days. In conclusion they make the following request:--

"That grants of land may be made to them in some of his Majesty's
American Provinces and that they may be assisted in making
settlements, in order that they and their children may enjoy the
benefit of British government.

"That some permanent provision may be made for such of the
non-commissioned officers and privates as have been disabled by
wounds, and for the widows and orphans of deceased officers and
soldiers.