Chapter VIII: Part 8

In truth, all sooner or later, voluntarily, or in spite of themselves were wholly carried away by the spell of such unexampled eloquence. Those who had doubted Mr. Webster's power to cope with and overcome his opponent were fully satisfied of their error before he had proceeded far in this debate. Their fears soon took another direction. When they heard his sentences of powerful thought towering in accumulated grandeur one above the other as if the orator strove Titan-like to reach the very heavens themselves, they were giddy with an apprehension that he would break down in his flight. They dared not believe that genius, learning--any intellectual endowment however uncommon, that was simply mortal--could sustain itself long in a career seemingly so perilous. They feared an Icarian fall. No one surely who was present, could ever forget the awful burst of eloquence with which the orator apostrophized the old Bay State which Mr. Hayne had so derided, or the tones of deep pathos in which her defense was pronounced:--

"Mr. President: I shall enter on no encomium upon Massachusetts. There she is--behold her and judge for yourselves. There is her history, the world knows it by heart. The past at least is secure. There is Boston, and Concord, and Lexington, and Bunker Hill, and there they will remain forever. The bones of her sons falling in the great struggle for independence now lie mingled with the soil of every State from New England to Georgia, and there they will remain forever. And sir, where American liberty raised its first voice, and where its youth was nurtured and sustained, there it still lives in the strength of its manhood and full of its original spirit. If discord and disunion shall wound it, if party strife and blind ambition shall hawk at and tear it, if folly and madness, if uneasiness under salutary and necessary restraint, shall succeed to separate it from that Union by which alone its existence is made sure it will stand in the end by the side of that cradle in which its infancy was rocked, it will stretch forth its arm with whatever vigor it may still retain over the friends who gather around it and it will fall at last, if fall it must, amidst the proudest monuments of its own glory and on the very spot of its origin."

No New England heart but throbbed with vehement emotion as Mr. Webster dwelt upon New England sufferings, New England struggles, and New England triumphs during the war of the Revolution. There was scarcely a dry eye in the Senate; all hearts were overcome; grave judges and men grown old in dignified life turned aside their heads to conceal the evidence of their emotion.

We presume that none but those present can understand the excitement of the scene. No one who was present can, it seems, give an adequate description of it. No word-painting can convey the deep, intense enthusiasm, the reverential attention of that vast assembly, nor limner transfer to canvas their earnest, eager, awe-struck countenances. Though language were as subtle and flexible as thought it would still be impossible to represent the full idea of the occasion. Much of the instantaneous effect of the speech arose of course from the orator's delivery--the tones of his voice, his countenance and manner. These die mostly with the occasion, they can only be described in general terms.

"Of the effectiveness of Mr. Webster's manner in many parts," says Mr. Everett, himself almost without a peer as an orator, "it would be in vain to attempt to give any one not present the faintest idea. It has been my fortune to hear some of the ablest speeches of the greatest living orators on both sides of the water, but I must confess I never heard anything which so completely realized my conception of what Demosthenes was when he delivered the oration for the Crown."

Could there be higher praise than this? Keen nor Kemble nor any other masterly delineator of the human passions ever produced a more powerful impression upon an audience or swayed so completely their hearts. No one ever looked the orator as he did; in form and feature how like a god! His countenance spake no less audibly than his words. His manner gave new force to his language. As he stood swaying his right arm like a huge tilt-hammer, up and down, his swarthy countenance lighted up with excitement, he appeared amid the smoke, the fire, the thunder of his eloquence like Vulcan in his armory forging thoughts for the gods!

Time had not thinned nor bleached his hair; it was as dark as the raven's plumage, surmounting his massive brow in ample folds. His eye always dark and deep-set enkindled by some glowing thought shown from beneath his somber overhanging brow like lights in the blackness of night from a sepulcher. No one understood better than Mr. Webster the philosophy of dress; what a powerful auxiliary it is to speech and manner when harmonizing with them. On this occasion he appeared in a blue coat, a buff vest, black pants and white cravat; a costume strikingly in keeping with his face and expression. The human face never wore an expression of more withering, relentless scorn than when the orator replied to Hayne's allusion to the "Murdered Coalition"--a piece of stale political trumpery well understood at that day.

"It is," said Mr. Webster, "the very cast off slough of a polluted and shameless press. Incapable of further mischief it lies in the sewer, lifeless and despised. It is not now, sir, in the power of the honorable member to give it dignity or decency by attempting to elevate it and introduce it into the Senate. He cannot change it from what it is--an object of general disgust and scorn. On the contrary, the contact, if he choose to touch it, is more likely to drag him down, down, down to the place where it lies itself." He looked as he spoke these words as if the thing he alluded to was too mean for scorn itself, and the sharp stinging enunciation made the words still more scathing. The audience seemed relieved, so crushing was the expression of his face which they held onto as 'twere spell-bound--when he turned to other topics. But the good-natured yet provoking irony with which he described the imaginary, though life-like scene of direct collision between the marshaled army of South Carolina under General Hayne on the one side, and the officers of the United States on the other, nettled his opponent even more than his severe satire, it seemed so ridiculously true.

With his true Southern blood Hayne inquired with some degree of emotion if the gentleman from Massachusetts intended any _personal_ imputation by such remarks? To which Mr. Webster replied with perfect good humor, "Assuredly not, just the reverse!" The variety of incident during the speech, and the rapid fluctuation of passions, kept the audience in continual expectation and ceaseless agitation. The speech was a complete drama of serious comic and pathetic scenes, and though a large portion of it was argumentative--an exposition of constitutional law--yet grave as such portion necessarily must be, severely logical and abounding in no fancy or episode, it engrossed throughout undivided attention. The swell of his voice and its solemn roll struck upon the ears of the enraptured hearers in deep and thrilling cadence as waves upon the shore of the far-resounding sea.

The Miltonic grandeur of his words was the fit expression of his great thoughts and raised his hearers up to his theme, and his voice exerted to its utmost power penetrated every recess or corner of the Senate--penetrated even the ante-rooms and stairways, as in closing he pronounced in deepest tones of pathos these words of solemn significance: "When my eyes shall be turned to behold for the last time the sun in heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken and dishonored fragments of a once glorious Union; on States dissevered, discordant, belligerent, on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood.

"Let their last feeble and lingering glance rather behold the gorgeous ensign of the Republic now known and honored throughout the earth; still full, high, advanced, its arms and trophies streaming in their original lustre, not a stripe erased nor polluted, not a single star obscured, bearing for its motto no such miserable interrogatory as 'What is all this worth?' nor those other words of folly and delusion: 'Liberty first and Union afterwards,' but everywhere spread all over it characters of living light blazing on all of its ample folds as they float over the sea and over the land, and in every wind under the whole heavens that other sentiment dear to every American heart: 'LIBERTY AND UNION NOW AND FOREVER, ONE AND INSEPARABLE!'"

The speech was over but the tones of the orator still lingered on the ear, and the audience, unconscious of the close, retained their positions. Everywhere around seemed forgetfulness of all but the orator's presence and words. There never was a deeper silence; the feeling was too overpowering to allow expression by voice or hand. But the descending hammer of the chair awoke them with a start, and with one universal, long drawn, deep breath, with which the over-charged heart seeks relief, the crowded assembly broke up and departed.

In the evening President Jackson held a levee at the White House. It was known in advance that Mr. Webster would attend it, and hardly had the hospitable doors of the mansion been thrown open, when the crowd that had filled the Senate-Chamber in the morning rushed in and occupied the room, leaving a vast and increasing crowd at the entrance. On all previous occasions the general himself had been the observed of all observers. His receptions were always gladly attended by large numbers, and to these he himself was always the chief object of attraction on account of his great military and personal reputation, official position, gallant bearing, and courteous manners. But on this occasion the room in which he received his company was deserted as soon as courtesy to the president permitted.

Mr. Webster was in the East room and thither the whole mass hurried. He stood almost in the center of the room pressed upon by surging crowds eager to pay him deference. Hayne, too, was there, and with others went up and complimented Mr. Webster on his brilliant effort. In a subsequent meeting between the two rival debators Webster challenged Hayne to drink a glass of wine with him, saying as he did so, "General Hayne I drink to your health, and I hope that you may live a thousand years." "I shall not live more than one hundred if you make another such a speech," Hayne replied.

To this day Webster's speech is regarded as the master-piece of modern eloquence--unsurpassed by even the mightiest efforts of either Pitt, Fox or Burke--a matchless intellectual achievement and complete forensic triumph. It was to this great, triumphant effort that Mr. Webster's subsequent fame as a statesman was due.

Upon the election of General Harrison to the presidency Mr. Webster was offered his choice of the places in the cabinet, a recognition of ability probably never accorded to any other man before or since. He finally accepted the office of Secretary of State. Our relation with England demanded prompt attention. The differences existing between the two nations relative to the Northern boundary could not be disregarded, and Mr. Webster and Lord Ashburton brought about a treaty which was equally honorable and advantageous to the countries. He was also able later to contribute much toward the settlement of the Oregon boundary question through private channels of influence, though holding no official position at the time.

In 1847 he started on a tour of the Southern States, being well received throughout; especially in Charleston, Columbia, Augusta and Savannah was as well received, but his health failing him in the latter city, he was obliged to abandon his project of making a tour of the whole South. He became Secretary of State under Mr. Fillmore. This position he held at his death which occurred at Marshfield, on the 24th day of October, 1852. Funeral orations were delivered throughout the country in great numbers.

He was a man of commanding figure, large but well proportioned. His head was of unusual size, his eyes deep-seated and lustrious, and had a voice powerful yet pleasing; his action, while not remarkably graceful, was easy and impressive. His social tastes were very strong and he possessed marked conversational power. He lived in an age of great legislators and it is needless to add that he was excelled in statesmanship by none.

Professor Ticknor, speaking in one of his letters of the intense excitement with which he listened to Webster's Plymouth address, says: "Three or four times I thought my temples would burst with the gush of blood, for after all you must know I am aware it is no connected and compact whole, but a collection of broken fragments, of burning eloquence to which his manner gave ten fold force. When I came out I was almost afraid to come near him. It seemed to me that he was like the mount that might not be touched, and that burned with fire."

ANDREW JACKSON.

Of all the Presidents of the United States Andrew Jackson was, perhaps, the most peculiar. He was of Scotch-Irish descent, his parents coming to this country in 1765 from Ireland and settling in the northern part of South Carolina on the Waxhaw Creek. They had been very poor in the old country, his father tilling a small farm while the mother was a weaver of linen. His father never owned land in America, and died soon after he arrived in this country, little Andrew being born about the time of his death. One would hardly be justified in supposing young Jackson would one day be ruler of a great nation, rising as he did from such a beginning, yet such are the possibilities in our glorious republic.

His mother wished to make a preacher of him, but his boyhood is represented as mischievous; to say the least, his belligerent nature breaking out in childhood, and his mother's fond hope was signally defeated. He was passionately fond of athletic sports, and was excelled by none of his years. The determination he evinced in every undertaking guided by his maxim of "Ask nothing but what is right--submit to nothing wrong," seemed to be the key-note of his success, for he was not addicted to books, and his education was limited.

Being an eye-witness of the horrible massacre perpetrated by the bloody Tarlton at the Waxsaw settlement his patriotic zeal was terribly awakened, and at the tender age of thirteen we find him among the American forces, and his military career begins at Hanging Rock, where he witnesses the defeat of Sumter, and he is soon a prisoner of the enemy. The English officer ordered him to black his boots; at this all the lion in young Jackson is aroused, and he indignantly refuses, whereupon the officer strikes him twice with his sword, inflicting two ugly wounds, one on his arm, the other on his head. He had the small-pox while a prisoner, but his mother effected his exchange, and after a long illness he recovered, but his brother died of the same disease.

Soon after his mother was taken from him--his other brother was killed at Stono; thus left alone in the world he began a reckless course, which must have been his ruin but for a sudden change for the better, when he began the study of law at Salisbury, North Carolina, and before he was twenty was licensed to practice.

Being appointed solicitor for the western district of North Carolina--now Tennessee--he removed to Nashville, 1788. His practice soon became large which, in those days, meant a great deal of travel on horseback. He made twenty-two trips between Nashville and Jonesborough during his first seven years, and dangerous trips they were, too, for the Indians were numerous and hostile. When he came to Nashville he entered, as a boarder, the family of Mrs. Donelson, a widow.

A Mr. and Mrs. Robards were boarders at the same home. Mr. Robards becoming foolishly jealous of young Jackson applied to the legislature of Virginia for an act preliminary to a divorce. Jackson and Mrs. Robards, thinking the act of the legislature was a divorce of itself, were married before the action of the court. Judge Overton, a friend, was himself surprised to learn that the act of the legislature was not a divorce, and through his advice they were again married in the early part of 1794. The fact that Captain Robards' own family sustained Mrs. Robards in the controversy with her husband must strongly point to the groundlessness of the charges; while it is further conceded that Andrew Jackson was not the first victim of the suspicious nature of Captain Robards. However, this can never be regarded otherwise than a most unfortunate period in the life of Andrew Jackson, it being the immediate cause of more than one of the many obstacles with which he was obliged to contend in after years.

He was appointed district attorney of Tennessee when that country became a federal territory, and in 1796 when Tennessee became a State, he was a man of no small wealth. On January 11th, 1796, a convention met at Knoxville to draft a constitution for the new State, and Jackson was chosen one of five delegates from Davidson county to meet the other members from over the State. He was appointed on the committee to draft that important document. Having been elected to represent his State in the popular branch of Congress he accordingly took his seat in that legislative body in December, 1796. As Jackson entered the house on the eve of the retirement from public life of Washington, he voted on the measure approving Washington's administration; and, as he could not conscientiously vote otherwise, not approving some of Washington's measures, he is recorded among the twelve who voted in the negative.

He at this time belonged to the so-called Republican party, now Democratic, which was then forming under Jefferson, the incoming vice-president, under the Federal Adams. His record in Congress is made exemplary by his action on three important bills, namely: Against buying peace of the Algerians, against a needlessly large appropriation for repairing the house of the president, and against the removal of the restriction confining the expenditure of public money to the specific objects for which said money was appropriated.

As would be natural, such a course was highly approved by his constituents, and he was made a senator in 1797, but his senatorial career was not so fruitful, as it is believed that he never made a speech nor ever voted once and resigned his seat in less than a year. He was elected a justice of the supreme court of Tennessee, but he did nothing remarkable here either as none of his decisions remain. Nothing of note occurred for some time except his becoming involved in a quarrel with Governor Sevier, which came to a crisis in 1801, when Jackson was made Major-General of militia over Sevier. Jackson suspected Sevier of being involved in certain land frauds, and a duel was averted only by the influence of friends.

About this time Jackson became financially embarrassed. Thinking himself secure, he sold a large amount of land to a gentleman in Philadelphia, and, taking his notes, bought goods for the Tennessee market, depending on these notes for payment. The failure of these threw him into great difficulties; but his firm will came to his aid once more and saved him. He immediately resigned the position of judge, and sold land enough to clear himself from debt. He is said to have now removed to what subsequently became known as the "Hermitage," taking all his slaves, and dwelling in a log house.

He extended his business, being now at the head of the firm of Jackson, Coffee and Hatchings. This was a trading firm, raising wheat, corn, cotton, mules, cows and horses, it being a concern whose business extended to New Orleans, but it lost money, and finally came to an end, although through no fault of Jackson, as he generally carried to success whatever he personally managed, and this embarrassment grew out of reckless proceedings during his absence. We now come upon another dark page of Jackson's life.

During the year 1806 a quarrel was started, which led to the death of Charles Dickinson. This is one of his quarrels resulting indirectly from the manner in which he become married to Mrs. Robards. This Dickinson had spoken offensively of Mrs. Jackson, he once retracted his words and renewed them. In the meantime Jackson became involved in a quarrel with a man by the name of Swann over the terms of a horse race, and Jackson used some strong language relative to Dickinson, whose name had been meaningly introduced. Jackson's words were carried to Dickinson, as it appears he had intended. Afterward the quarrel with Swann resulted in a bar-room fight, it is said, begun by Jackson.

About this time Dickinson wrote a very severe attack on Jackson and published it. Jackson challenged him and the parties met a long day's journey from Nashville, on the banks of the Red River, in Logan county, Kentucky. Dickinson was a very popular man in Nashville, and he was attended by a number of associates. Dickinson's second was a Dr. Catlet; Jackson's, General Overton.

Dickinson fired first and his ball took effect, breaking a rib and raking the breastbone, but Jackson never stirred nor gave evidence of being hit. His object was to hide from his adversary the pleasure of knowing that he had even grazed his mark, for Dickinson considered himself a great shot and was certain of killing him at the first fire. Seeing he had missed he exclaimed, My God! Have I missed him? Jackson then fired and Dickinson fell mortally wounded, dying that night without knowing his aim had taken any effect. This duel was another most unfortunate thing for Jackson, and caused him great unpopularity in Tennessee until his military victories turned popular attention from it.

Jackson lived a comparatively quiet life for the few years following, nothing of importance happening except his mistaken connection with Aaron Burr, and quarrel with a Mr. Dinsmore, an agent of the Choctaw Indians. In 1812 the second war with Great Britain broke out and Jackson at once tendered his services to the government; they were gladly accepted and the rest of the year was devoted by him in raising more troops and organizing them for active service. During the early part of 1813 he started across the country, but for some reason the Secretary of War ordered him to disband his forces, but he marched them back to Tennessee. It was on this march that he received the name of "Hickory," which afterwards became "Old Hickory."

Arriving at Nashville he tendered his troops to the Government for an invasion of Canada but the Secretary of War never even answered his proposal, and finally he disbanded the forces on May 22nd. The government failed to sustain him and his transportation drafts were allowed to go to protest. This must have ruined Jackson had it not been for his friend Colonel Benton, who made an appeal which the government felt bound to comply with, as it was made plain that it would lose the service of Tennessee if such a preposterous act was persisted in.

Thus he was saved from what might have been an irretrievable financial misfortune. Through deceitfulness in others he was led to a disgraceful quarrel with his intimate friend, Colonel Benton, who had helped him so much at Washington. The difficulty with the Creek Indians arising; Jackson with his characteristic energy helped to subjugate them. His victory over the Indians of Horse Shoe Bend is so familiar to every American school-boy that it is needless to relate the details. He now gained a national reputation, and was made a major-general in the United States army, and soon became the acknowledged military leader of the southwest.

From now General Jackson's star grew steadily brighter, and he began to develop the sterling qualities which he unmistakably possessed. During the progress of the war the Spanish authorities who then controlled Florida, had neither the power nor disposition to demand of the British due regard to the rights of neutral territory. They seemed to sympathize with England, as Jackson could gain no satisfaction through his correspondence with them, and as neither the Spanish or British could be induced to change their purpose, Jackson, as was his custom both in politics and war ever afterward, determined to act without orders.

He immediately moved upon Pensacola, razed the town and drove the English forces out of Florida. Returning to Mobile he learned of the plan of the British to conquer Louisiana. He immediately marched to New Orleans, but the city was miserably defended, and his own forces were a motley crew, consisting of about two thousand. But Jackson made the most of his opportunities. He learned the plan of the British from the chief of a band of smugglers. After a few preliminary battles in which as a whole the Americans were victorious, the British army, now twelve thousand strong, was joined by General Packenham, who was a brother-in-law of the great Duke of Wellington, who changed the plans of the British army. Jackson, at this time, was joined by about two thousand more troops, but they were poorly armed.

The British captured a whole fleet of gun-boats. This left the way clear, and it is thought that had the British pushed in then, as Jackson would have done, nothing could have saved the day for America. Jackson fell back and threw up earth-works, cotton-bales and sand-bags for protection, and waited for the enemy. On the memorable day, the eighth of January, the army advanced; Ridpath says, "They went to a terrible fate."

Packenham hurled column after column at the American breast-works only to return bleeding and torn. The Americans were well protected while the veterans of England were exposed to the fire of the Tennessee and Kentucky riflemen and the result was awful, the enemy losing not only General Packenham, their commander, but also General Gibbs, leaving only General Lambert to lead the forces from the field, General Keen being wounded. The loss of the enemy was about two thousand killed, wounded, and prisoners. The Americans' loss was eight killed and thirteen wounded.

This battle was a most fortunate thing for Jackson for the reputation this gained for him added to that already gained in deciding forever the white man's supremacy in America, undoubtedly made him President of the United States. He became Governor of Florida when that Territory was ceded to the United States by Spain in 1821, but he held the position only a few months. In 1828 the Tennessee Legislature made him a Senator, and later he was nominated for the Presidency. This at first was not regarded seriously, as many had misgivings as to his capability as a legislator, although all admitted his military power. The election proved that he had great political strength as well, receiving the largest number of electoral votes, 99, to 84 for Adams, 41 for Crawford, and 37 for Clay. As no one had a majority the case was decided by Congress, who gave the place to Adams.

The opposition to the administration united under Jackson, and in the next election he was triumphantly elected, receiving 178 electoral votes to 83 for Adams. In this campaign Jackson's private life was bitterly assailed, especially was the manner in which he came to be married misrepresented. His wife died only a short time after his election, it is said, from the influence of the vile stories which were circulated regarding her.

He entered upon his duties as President, with his characteristic firmness. A rupture soon arose between him and the Vice-President, Mr. Calhoun, and this was intensified when Calhoun's nullification views became known. The Democratic party outside of South Carolina supported the administration. The cabinet was soon changed. During his administration over seventeen hundred removals from office were made, more than had occurred in all previous administrations. His appointments gave much offence to some, and with a degree of reason, it must be admitted, as they were selected wholly from his political friends, notwithstanding his previously avowed principles, which were implied in his advice to Mr. Monroe in the selection of his Cabinet. However, some allowance should be made as Jackson had a seeming rebellion on hand, and one hardly could blame him for desiring men on whom he knew he could depend in the promised hours of peril.

The tariff laws were especially obnoxious to South Carolina, of the Southern States. Now Jackson was opposed to the tariff laws himself, but as long as the laws remained he proposed that they should be enforced and when South Carolina met at Columbia and passed resolutions to resist the existing laws and declaring in favor of State rights, he promptly sent forces to quell the promised rebellion. Seeing what kind of a man they had to deal with the nullifiers were glad to seize the excuse for not proceeding, which Clay's Compromise Bill afforded. This bill reduced the duties gradually until at the end of ten years they would reach the standard desired by the South. His re-election was even more conclusive than the former, inasmuch as it was found that he had carried every State save seven. His principal opponent was Henry Clay, who represented the party in favor of renewing the charter of the United States bank. Jackson was bitterly opposed to this institution, vetoed the bill to re-charter the bank, and an effort to pass the bill over his head failing to receive a two-thirds vote, the bank ceased to exist.

He conceived the idea of distributing the surplus left by the bank, about ten millions, among certain banks named for that purpose. He had no acknowledged authority for this but he believed himself right and acted independently, as was characteristic in such cases. A panic ensued, and the Whigs claimed that this measure of Jackson's was the cause, while the Democrats were equally confident that the financial troubles were brought about by the bank itself, which was described as an institution too powerful and despotic to exist in a free country.

A powerful opposition was formed in the Senate against him, headed by such men as Calhoun, Clay and Webster, and finally a resolution condemning his course was adopted by a vote of 26 to 20, but was afterward expunged through the influence of his intimate friend, Colonel Benton. The House sustained the President throughout, or he must have been overthrown. The foreign relations of our Government at the close of Jackson's administration was very satisfactory indeed. The national debt was extinguished, and new States were admitted into the Union.

He issued a farewell address to his country, and retired to private life at the Hermitage, where he lived until his death in 1845. There is much in the life of Andrew Jackson that can be profitably copied by the American youth of to-day; notably his fixedness of purpose, indomitable will, and great love of truth. There are other things that would be well to pass by and give little promise, such as his sporting propensities. Lossing says: 'The memory of that great and good man is revered by his countrymen next to that of Washington.' His imposing statue occupies a conspicuous place in President's Square, Washington, where it was unveiled in 1852, being the first equestrian statue in bronze ever erected in America. It is certain that he exercised a marked influence in shaping the affairs of the generations that were to follow his administration.

THOMAS H. BENTON.

Thomas Hart Benton was born at Hillsboro, North Carolina, March 14th, 1782. During his youth he enjoyed few educational advantages, his father dying while he was a child.

He, however, persevered and completed his studies at Chapel Hill University--supporting himself throughout his school course. Removing to Tennessee he began the study of law and commenced practice at Nashville, where he arose to eminence at the bar. When elected to the legislature of the State, an event which occurred soon after his beginning law practice in Nashville, he procured the passage of a bill securing to slaves the right of trial by jury. In the war of 1812 he was made a lieutenant-colonel, serving on the staff of General Jackson.

In 1814-15 Colonel Benton took up his residence in St. Louis, Missouri, and established the _Missouri Enquirer_. It is stated that this enterprise involved him in several duels, one of which resulted fatally to his opponent, Mr. Lucas. Mr. Benton took a leading part in the admission of his adopted State into the Union, and in 1820 he was elected one of her first senators, and remained a member of the national government for thirty consecutive years; a leader of his party in debate.

He warmly supported Jackson in his administration of the affairs of the government, and as is well-known rendered him valuable and efficient service by his speech on the expunging resolution which he successfully carried through the senate. In 1829 he made a speech on the salt tax, which was a masterly production, and through its influence is due largely the repeal of the same.

He was among the foremost who advocated a railroad to the Pacific coast, and it was Thomas Benton who first introduced the idea of congress granting pre-emption rights to actual settlers. He favored trade with New Mexico, and establishing commerce on the great lakes. He was an eminent specie advocate; so vehement was he that he became known as "OLD BULLION," and it was through his influence that the forty-ninth parallel was decided upon as the northern boundary of Oregon. He opposed the fugitive slave law, and openly denounced nullification views wherever expressed. Nothing but his known opposition to the extension of slavery caused his final defeat in the legislature when that body chose another to succeed him in the United States senate.

Thus in defence of human liberty ended his splendid career of thirty years in the upper house, struck down by the frown of demagogism. Two years later he was elected to the House of Representatives, where he did noble work in opposition to the Kansas-Nebraska act, denouncing it as a violation of the Missouri Compromise, and was defeated as a candidate for congress in the next campaign. After two years devotion to literature he was a candidate for governor of his State, but was defeated by a third ticket being placed in the field. He was the popular candidate, however, of the three, against great odds being defeated by only a few votes.

During this year he supported Mr. Buchanan for the presidency against his son-in-law, Mr. Fremont. He now retired permanently from public life, devoting his exclusive attention to literature, and his "Thirty Years View; or a History of the Working of the United States Government for Thirty Years from 1820 to 1850," was a masterly piece of literature, and reached a mammoth sale; more than sixty thousand copies being sold when first issued. When this was finished he immediately began another, "An Abridgment of the Debates of Congress from 1789 to 1850." Although at the advanced age of seventy-six, he labored at this task daily, the latter part of which was dictated while on his death-bed, and while he could speak only in whispers. Surely he deserved the success which had attended his efforts. He died in Washington on the 10th day of April, 1858.

He had a large and grandly proportioned head, and was a most aggressive debater. It was in the Expunging Resolution and the exciting debates in which he bore so prominent a part that he gained his greatest reputation. This bill and the manner in which he managed its course through the senate, securing its adoption against the combined effort of such men as Clay, Webster and Calhoun illustrates the characteristics of the man more clearly than anything that could be said of him. When reading the life of Andrew Jackson the reader will remember that the senate passed a resolution condemning the action of the president, Mr. Jackson, in regard to the distribution of the public funds in the following language: _Resolved_, That the president in the late executive proceedings in relation to the public revenue has assumed upon himself authority and power not conferred by the constitution and laws, but in derogation of both.

The motion of Mr. Benton was to strike from the journals of the senate this resolution of censure. In support of the president's course and of Mr. Benton's proposed method of vindication various public proceedings were had in various sections of the country, and some of the State legislatures not only voted in favor of the removal of the record of censure but instructed their congressional delegations to use their influence and votes in a similar direction.

Mr. Benton's resolutions rehearsed the principal points involved in the past history and present aspects of the controversy quite at length, the closing resolution being as follows: "That the said resolve be expunged from the journal, and for that purpose that the secretary of the Senate at such time as the Senate may appoint, shall bring the manuscript journal of the session 1883-4 into the Senate, draw black lines round the said resolve, and write across the face thereof in strong letters the following words: 'Expunged by order of the Senate this--day of--, in the year of our Lord--.'"

For three years successively did Mr. Benton bring forward on different occasions his celebrated motion, and again and again he suffered defeat after the most scathing debates that ever took place in any parliamentary body, the Senate at this time containing an unusual amount of oratorical talent and forensic power. But the last scene, and with it victory to the great Missourian and his presidential master, was now near at hand, and this scene, as described by Mr. Benton himself, was as follows:

Saturday the fourteenth of January the Democratic Senators agreed to have a meeting, and to take their final measures for passing an expunging resolution. They knew they had the numbers, but they also knew they had adversaries to grapple with to whom might be applied the motto of Louis Fourteenth: 'Not an unequal match for numbers.' They also knew that members of the party were in process of separating from it and would require reconciliating. They met in the night at the then famous restaurant of Boulanger giving to the assemblage the air of convivial entertainment. It continued till midnight and required all the moderation, tact and skill of the prime movers to obtain and maintain the Union in details on the success of which depended the fate of the measure. The men of concilliation were to be the efficient men of that night, and all the winning resources of Wright, Allen and Linn were put in requisition. There were serious differences upon the method of expurgation, while agreed upon the thing; and finally obliteration, the favorite mover, was given up and the mode of expurgation adopted which had been proposed in the resolution of the general assembly of Virginia, namely, to inclose the obnoxious sentence in a square of black lines--an oblong square, a compromise of opinions to which the mover agreed upon condition of being allowed to compose the epitaph, "Expunged by the order of the senate."

The agreement which was to lead to victory was then adopted, each one severally pledging himself to it that there should be no adjournment of the senate after the resolution was called until it was passed, and that it should be called immediately after the morning business on the Monday ensuing. Expecting a protracted session extending through the day and night, and knowing the difficulty of keeping men steady to their work and in good humor when tired and hungry, the mover of the proceeding took care to provide as far as possible against such a state of things, and gave orders that night to have an ample supply of cold hams, turkeys, rounds of beef, pickles, wines and cups of hot coffee ready in a certain committee-room near the senate chamber by four o'clock on the afternoon of Monday.

The motion to take up the subject was made at the appointed time, and immediately a debate of long speeches, chiefly on the other side, opened itself upon the question. As the darkness of approaching night came on and the great chandelier was lit up, splendidly illuminating the chamber then crowded with the members of the house, and the lobbies and galleries filled to their utmost capacity with visitors and spectators, the scene became grand and impressive. A few spoke on the side of the resolution, chiefly Rivers, Buchanan and Niles, and with an air of ease and satisfaction that bespoke a quiet determination and consciousness of victory.

The committee-room was resorted to in parties of four and six at a time, always leaving enough on watch, and not resorted to by one side alone. The opposition were invited to a full participation, an invitation of which those who were able to maintain their temper availed themselves of, but the greater part were not in a humor to eat anything--especially at such a feast. The night was wearing away, the expungers were in full force, masters of the chamber happy and visibly determined to remain. It became evident to the great opposition leaders that the inevitable hour had come that the 'damnable deed was to be done that night,' and that the dignity of silence was no longer to them a tenable position.

The battle was going against them, and they must go into it without being able to re-establish it. In the beginning they had not considered the expunging movement a serious proceeding, as it advanced they still expected it to miscarry on some point, now the reality of the thing stood before them confronting their presence and refusing to "down" at any command.

Mr. Calhoun opposed the measure in a speech of great severity. The day, said he, is gone, night approaches and night is suitable to the dark deed we meditate; there is a sort of destiny in this thing, the act must be performed, and it is an act which will tell upon the political history of this country forever. Mr. Clay indulged in unmeasured denunciation of the whole thing. The last speech in opposition to the measure was made by Mr. Webster, who employed the strongest language he could command condemnatory of an act which he declared was so unconstitutional, so derogatory to the character of the senate, and marked with so broad an impression of compliance with power. But though thus pronounced an irregular and unconstitutional proceeding by Mr. Webster and the other senators with whom he sided and voted, Mr. John Quincy Adams, who was at the time a member of the house, and in direct antagonism, politically, with Mr. Benton, and to the Jackson administration held a different opinion.

Midnight was now approaching. The dense masses which filled every inch of the room in the lobbies and in the galleries remained immovable. No one went out, no one could get in. The floor of the Senate was crammed with privileged persons, and it seemed that all Congress was there. Expectation and determination to see the conclusion were depicted on every countenance. It was evident there was to be no adjournment until the vote should be taken--until the deed was done, and this aspect of invincible determination had its effect upon the ranks of the opposition. They began to falter under a useless resistance; they alone now did the talking, and while Mr. Webster was yet reciting his protest two Senators from the opposition side who had been best able to maintain their equanimity, came around to the mover of the resolution and said: 'This question has degenerated into a trial of nerves and muscles. It has become a question of physical endurance, and we see no use in wearing ourselves out to keep off for a few hours longer what has to come before we separate. We see that you are able and determined to carry your measure--so call the vote as soon as you please. We shall say no more.'

Webster concluded. No one arose. There was a pause, a dead silence, and an intense feeling. Presently the silence was invaded by the single word 'question'--the parliamentary call for a vote--rising from the seats of different Senators. One blank in the resolve remained to be filled--the date of its adoption. It was done. The acting President of the Senate, Mr. King, of Alabama, then directed the roll to be called. The yeas and nays had been previously ordered, and proceeded to be called by the Secretary of the Senate, the result showing a majority of five on the side of the expungers.

The passage of the resolution was announced by the chair. Mr. Benton arose, and said that nothing now remained but to execute the order of the Senate, which he moved to be done forthwith. It was ordered accordingly. The secretary thereupon produced the original manuscript journal of the Senate, and opening at the page which contained the condemnatory sentence of March 28, 1834, proceeded in open Senate to draw a square of broad black lines around the sentence, and to write across its face in strong letters: EXPUNGED BY ORDER OF THE SENATE THIS 16TH DAY OF JANUARY, 1837.

HENRY CLAY.

A few miles from old Hanover court-house in Virginia, where the splendors of Patrick Henry's genius first beamed forth, is a humble dwelling by the road-side, in the midst of a miserably poor region known as the slashes. There, on the 12th of April, 1777, Henry Clay, the great American statesman, was born, and from the district-schools of his neighborhood he derived his education. He was the son of a Baptist clergyman of very limited means, hence his early advantages were of necessity meager. He was very bashful and diffident, scarcely dare recite before his class at school, but he DETERMINED to BECOME AN ORATOR, he accordingly began the plan of committing speeches and then reciting them in the corn-fields; at other times they were delivered in the barn, before the cows and horse.

Henry became a copyist in the office of the clerk of the Court of Chancery, at Richmond. Here he was enabled to begin the study of law, an opportunity which he at once embraced. While other boys were improving their time 'having fun,' he was studying, and so closely did he occupy his odd time that he was enabled to pass the necessary examination and be admitted to the bar at the early age of twenty. Two years later he moved "West," (he was enterprising), settling at Lexington, Kentucky, where he entered upon the practice of law.

Here he became an active politician as well as a popular lawyer. He was an intelligent young man, and early cultivated a genial disposition which was a leading feature of his splendid success in life. In 1799 Kentucky called a convention for the purpose of revising the constitution of the State. During this campaign young Clay labored earnestly to elect delegates to that convention favorable to the extinction of slavery. Thus early he manifested an interest in a question many years in advance of his countrymen. This is the man who, when afterward told that his action on a certain measure would certainly injure his political prospect replied, "I WOULD RATHER BE RIGHT THAN BE PRESIDENT."

It was even so in this case, his action in behalf of the freedom of slaves offended many but his opposition to the obnoxious alien and sedition laws later restored him to popular favor. After serving in the State legislature with some distinction he was elected to fill the unexpired term of General Adair in the United States Senate. Here he made excellent use of his time, advocating bills on internal improvements, accomplishing much toward that end, although his time expired at the end of the year. He left an impression on that body which foretold his future greatness. He was now returned to his State legislature where he was elected speaker, a position which he held for the next two terms.

Another vacancy occurred and Mr. Clay was again elected to fill the unexpired time in the United States Senate. This time he remained a member of that body two years, and it was during this term that he placed himself on record as one of the first and most powerful of early protectionists; he also favored the admission of Louisiana as a State. His term expired, he returned to his constituents, who promptly elected him to a seat in the House of Representatives, and immediately upon his appearance in that body he was chosen SPEAKER of the House!

This is an honor without parallel in the whole history of our legislative affairs. It was at this session that John C. Calhoun and William H. Crawford first made their appearance in the National Congress. The duties of this high office he discharged with marked ability and great satisfaction through that and the succeeding Congress until 1814, when he was appointed one of the commissioners to negotiate at Ghent, a treaty of peace with Great Britain. Abroad Mr. Clay proved to be a diplomate of no mean ability, and during his absence he was re-elected to the National Congress, and upon his re-appearance in that august assembly was immediately chosen speaker.

Mr. Clay was one of the unsuccessful candidates for the presidency in 1824, receiving thirty-seven electoral votes, but became Secretary of State under John Quincy Adams, who was chosen president by Congress. In 1831, after a temporary retirement, he was elected to the National Senate, this time for a full term of six years. His services during this period were very important. His compromise measure was probably, under the circumstances, one of the most important bills that ever passed the senate. As is well-known, it secured the gradual reduction of the tariff for ten years, thus satisfying the South, but allowing the manufacturers time to accommodate themselves to the change. Mr. Clay was a strong protectionist but this was a compromise on both sides which Clay was willing to make, even though it might be to satisfy a political opponent--Calhoun--to whom he was bitterly opposed.

Certain it is when he saw his country in danger Henry Clay was not the one to allow partisan hate to stand in opposition to any bill which might tend to peace, and while this measure had little merit in it of itself, still it averted a civil war at that time. In 1834 President Jackson proposed to Congress that they should give him authority to secure indemnity from France through reprisals. Mr. Clay, as chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, reported that Congress would not be justified in so doing, as the neglect on the part of France was clearly unintentional, thus war was once more averted through the influence of the 'great pacifier.'

At the presidential election of 1839 Mr. Clay, General Harrison, and General Scott were submitted to the Whig Convention as candidates. Mr. Clay was clearly the choice of the convention, but by one of those strange movements which so often occur at such times General Harrison was nominated. Many of Clay's friends were disposed to bolt, but Mr. Clay promptly acknowledged the ticket, and it was elected. Then followed the death of the President in office, the obnoxious vetoes of the newly installed President--Tyler--the division of the Whig party, the nomination of Mr. Clay at this late inopportune time and the election of Mr. Polk.

At the next convention Mr. Clay was a very prominent candidate for the nomination, but Mr. Taylor's military career seemed to carry everything with it and he was nominated and elected. Had Mr. Clay been nominated at either this convention or in 1839 he would have been elected, but like Webster, the presidential honors were not essential to perpetuate his name. During the year 1849, as the people of Kentucky were about to remodel their constitution, Mr. Clay urged them to embody the principles of gradual emancipation, but they refused to do so.

He was again returned to the senate, and during this term brought out the compromise act of 1850. This measure, while recognizing no legal authority for the existence of slavery in the newly acquired territory of New Mexico, yet declared that in the establishment of territorial governments in such territory no restriction should be made relative to slavery. It also provided for the admission of California without restrictions on the subject of slavery, and opposed the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. The bill carried with slight changes. Mr. Clay being very feeble was in his seat but few days of the session.