Chapter XXXVI: Burma (2)

Although all monks must take part in the daily round to collect alms yet in most monasteries it is the custom (as in Ceylon and Siam) not to eat the food collected, or at least not all of it, and though no solid nourishment is taken after midday, three morning meals are allowed, namely, one taken very early, the next served on the return from the begging round and a third about 11.30. Two or three services are intoned before the image of the Buddha each day. At the morning ceremony, which takes place about 5.30, all the inmates of the monastery prostrate themselves before the superior and vow to observe the precepts during the day. At the conclusion of the evening service a novice announces that a day has passed away and in a loud voice proclaims the hour, the day of the week, the day of the month and the year. The laity do not usually attend these services, but near large monasteries there are rest houses for the entertainment of visitors and Uposatha days are often celebrated by a pious picnic. A family or party of friends take a rest-house for a day, bring a goodly store of cheroots and betel nut, which are not regarded as out of place during divine service[183], and listen at their ease to the exposition of the law delivered by a yellow-robed monk. When the congregation includes women he holds a large fan-leaf palm before his face lest his eyes should behold vanity. A custom which might not be to the taste of western ecclesiastics is that the congregation ask questions and, if they do not understand, request the preacher to be clearer.

There is little sectarianism in Burma proper, but the Sawtis, an anti-clerical sect, are found in some numbers in the Shan States and similar communities called Man are still met with in Pegu and Tenasserim, though said to be disappearing. Both refuse to recognize the Sangha, monasteries or temples and perform their devotions in the open fields. Otherwise their mode of thought is Buddhist, for they hold that every man can work out his own salvation by conquering Mâra[184], as the Buddha did, and they use the ordinary formulæ of worship, except that they omit all expressions of reverence to the Sangha. The orthodox Sangha is divided into two schools known as Mahâgandi and Sûlagandi. The former are the moderate easy-going majority who maintain a decent discipline but undeniably deviate somewhat from the letter of the Vinaya. The latter are a strict and somewhat militant Puritan minority who protest against such concessions to the flesh. They insist for instance that a monk should eat out of his begging bowl exactly as it is at the end of the morning round and they forbid the use of silk robes, sunshades and sandals. The Sûlagandi also believe in free will and attach more value to the intention than the action in estimating the value of good deeds, whereas the Mahâgandi accept good actions without enquiring into the motive and believe that all deeds are the result of karma.

5

In Burma all the higher branches of architecture are almost exclusively dedicated to religion. Except the Palace at Mandalay there is hardly a native building of note which is not connected with a shrine or monastery. Burmese architectural forms show most analogy to those of Nepal and perhaps[185] both preserve what was once the common style for wooden buildings in ancient India. In recent centuries the Burmese have shown little inclination to build anything that can be called a temple, that is a chamber containing images and the paraphernalia of worship. The commonest form of religious edifice is the dagoba or zedi[186]: images are placed in niches or shrines, which shelter them, but only rarely, as on the platform of the Shwe Dagon at Rangoon, assume the proportions of rooms. This does not apply to the great temples of Pagan, built from about 1050 to 1200, but that style was not continued and except the Arakan Pagoda at Mandalay has perhaps no modern representative. Details of these buildings may be found in the works of Forchhammer, Fergusson, de Beylié and various archæological reports. Their construction is remarkably solid. They do not, like most large buildings in India or Europe, contain halls of some size but are rather pyramids traversed by passages. But this curious disinclination to build temples of the usual kind is not due to any dislike of images. In no Buddhist country are they more common and their numbers are more noticeable because there is here no pantheon as in China and Tibet, but images of Gotama are multiplied, merely in order to obtain merit. Some slight variety in these figures is produced by the fact that the Burmese venerate not only Gotama but the three Buddhas who preceded him[187]. The Shwe Dagon Pagoda is reputed to contain relics of all four; statues of them all stand in the beautiful Ananda Pagoda at Pagan and not infrequently they are represented by four sitting figures facing the four quarters. A gigantic group of this kind composed of statues nearly 90 feet high stands in the outskirts of Pegu, and in the same neighbourhood is a still larger recumbent figure 180 feet long. It had been forgotten since the capture of Pegu by the Burmans in 1757 and was rediscovered by the engineers surveying the route for the railway. It lies almost in sight of the line and is surprising by its mere size, as one comes upon it suddenly in the jungle. As a work of art it can hardly be praised. It does not suggest the Buddha on his death bed, as is intended, but rather some huge spirit of the jungle waking up and watching the railway with indolent amusement.

In Upper Burma there are not so many large images but as one approaches Mandalay the pagodas add more and more to the landscape. Many are golden and the rest are mostly white and conspicuous. They crown the hills and punctuate the windings of the valleys. Perhaps Burmese art and nature are seen at their best near Sagaing on the bank of the Irrawaddy, a mighty flood of yellow water, sweeping down smooth and steady, but here and there showing whirlpools that look like molten metal. From the shore rise hills of moderate height studded with monasteries and shrines. Flights of white steps lead to the principal summits where golden spires gleam and everywhere are pagodas of all ages, shapes and sizes. Like most Asiatics the Burmese rarely repair, but build new pagodas instead of renovating the old ones. The instinct is not altogether unjust. A pagoda does not collapse like a hollow building but understands the art of growing old. Like a tree it may become cleft or overgrown with moss but it remains picturesque. In the neighbourhood of Sagaing there is a veritable forest of pagodas; humble seedlings built by widows' mites, mature golden domes reared by devout prosperity and venerable ruins decomposing as all compound things must do.

The pagoda slaves are a curious institution connected with temples. Under the Burmese kings persons could be dedicated to pagodas and by this process not only became slaves for life themselves but involved in the same servitude all their posterity, none of whom could by any method become free. They formed a low caste like the Indian Pariahs and though the British Government has abolished the legal status of slavery, the social stigma which clings to them is said to be undiminished.

Art and architecture make the picture of Burma as it remains in memory and they are the faithful reflection of the character and ways of its inhabitants, their cheerful but religious temper, their love of what is fanciful and graceful, their moderate aspirations towards what is arduous and sublime. The most striking feature of this architecture is its free use of gold and colour. In no country of the world is gilding and plating with gold so lavishly employed on the exterior of buildings. The larger Pagodas such as the Shwe Dagon are veritable pyramids of gold, and the roofs of the Arakan temple as they rise above Mandalay show tier upon tier of golden beams and plates. The brilliancy is increased by the equally lavish use of vermilion, sometimes diversified by glass mosaic. I remember once in an East African jungle seeing a clump of flowers of such brilliant red and yellow that for a moment I thought it was a fire. Somewhat similar is the surprise with which one first gazes on these edifices. I do not know whether the epithet flamboyant can be correctly applied to them as architecture but both in colour and shape they imitate a pile of flame, for the outlines of monasteries and shrines are fanciful in the extreme; gabled roofs with finials like tongues of fire and panels rich with carvings and fret-work. The buildings of Hindus and Burmans are as different as their characters. When a Hindu temple is imposing it is usually because of its bulk and mystery, whereas these buildings are lighthearted and fairy-like: heaps of red and yellow fruit with twining leaves and tendrils that have grown by magic. Nor is there much resemblance to Japanese architecture. There also, lacquer and gold are employed to an unusual extent but the flourishes, horns and finials which in Burma spring from every corner and projection are wanting and both Japanese and Chinese artists are more sparing and reticent. They distribute ornament so as to emphasize and lead up to the more important parts of their buildings, whereas the open-handed, splendour-loving Burman puts on every panel and pillar as much decoration as it will hold.

The result must be looked at as a whole and not too minutely. The best work is the wood carving which has a freedom and boldness often missing in the minute and crowded designs of Indian art. Still as a rule it is at the risk of breaking the spell that you examine the details of Burmese ornamentation. Better rest content with your first amazement on beholding these carved and pinnacled piles of gold and vermilion, where the fantastic animals and plants seem about to break into life.

The most celebrated shrine in Burma is the Shwe Dagon Pagoda which attracts pilgrims from all the Buddhist world. No descriptions of it gave me any idea of its real appearance nor can I hope that I shall be more successful in giving the reader my own impressions. The pagoda itself is a gilt bell-shaped mass rather higher than the Dome of St. Paul's and terminating in a spire. It is set in the centre of a raised mound or platform, approached by lofty flights of steps. The platform, which is paved and level, is of imposing dimensions, some nine hundred feet long and seven hundred wide. Round the base of the central pagoda is a row of shrines and another row runs round the edge of the platform so that one moves, as it were, in a street of these edifices, leading here and there into side squares where are quiet retreats with palm trees and gigantic images. But when after climbing the long staircase one first emerges on the platform one does not realize the topography at once and seems to have entered suddenly into Jerusalem the Golden. Right and left are rows of gorgeous, fantastic sanctuaries, all gold, vermilion and glass mosaic, and within them sit marble figures, bland, enigmatic personages who seem to invite approach but offer no explanation of the singular scene or the part they play in it. If analyzed in detail the artistic merits of these shrines might be found small but the total impression is unique. The Shwe Dagon has not the qualities which usually distinguish great religious buildings. It is not specially impressive by its majesty or holiness; it is certainly wanting in order and arrangement. But on entering the platform one feels that one has suddenly passed from this life into another and different world. It is not perhaps a very elevated world; certainly not the final repose of the just or the steps of the throne of God, but it is as if you were walking in the bazaars of Paradise--one of those Buddhist Paradises where the souls of the moderately pure find temporary rest from the whirl of transmigration, where the very lotus flowers are golden and the leaves of the trees are golden bells that tinkle in the perfumed breeze.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 124: For the Pyus see Blagden in _J.R.A.S._ pp. 365-388. _Ibid._ in _Epigr. Indica_, 1913, pp. 127-133. Also reports of _Burma Arch. Survey_, 1916, 1917.]

[Footnote 125: So C.C. Lowis in the _Gazetteer of Burma_, vol. I. p. 292, but according to others the Burmese chronicles place the event at the beginning of the Christian era.]

[Footnote 126: Sometimes called New Pagan to distinguish it from Old Pagan which was a name of Tagaung. Also called Pagan or Pugâma and in Pali Arimaddanapura.]

[Footnote 127: See the travels of Kia Tan described by Pelliot in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 131-414.]

[Footnote 128: More correctly Taung-ngu.]

[Footnote 129: For the history and present condition of Buddhism in Burma the following may be consulted besides other works referred to in the course of this chapter.

M. Bode, _Edition of the Sâsanavaṃsa_ with valuable dissertations, 1897. This work is a modern Burmese ecclesiastical history written in 1861 by Paññâsâmi.

M. Bode, _The Pali Literature of Burma_, 1909.

The Gandhavaṃsa: containing accounts of many Pali works written in Burma. Edited by Minayeff in _Jour. Pali Text Soc._ for 1886, pp. 54 ff. and indexed by M. Bode, _ibid._ 1896, 53 ff.

Bigandet, _Vie ou Légende de Gautama_, 1878.

Yoe, _The Burman, his life and notions_.

J.G. Scott, _Burma, a handbook of practical information_, 1906.

_Reports of the Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Burma_, 1916-1920.

Various articles (especially by Duroiselle, Taw-Sein-Ko and R.C. Temple) in the _Indian Antiquary_, _Buddhism_, and _Bulletin de l'Ecole Française de l'Extrême Orient._]

[Footnote 130: So too Prome is called Śrîkshetra and the name Irrawaddy represents Irâvatî (the modern Ravi). The ancient town of Śrâvastî or Sâvatthi is said to reappear in the three forms Tharawaddy, Tharawaw and Thawutti.]

[Footnote 131: See _Indian Antiquary_, 1893, p. 6, and Forchhammer on the Mahamuni Pagoda in _Burmese Archaeological Report_ (? 1890).]

[Footnote 132: Dîpav. VIII. 12, and in a more embellished form in Mahâvaṃsa XII. 44-54. See also the Kalyani Inscriptions in _Indian Ant._ 1893, p. 16.]

[Footnote 133: Through the form Saton representing Saddhan. Early European travellers called it Satan or Xatan.]

[Footnote 134: The Burmese identify Aparantaka and Yona to which Asoka also sent missionaries with Upper Burma and the Shan country. But this seems to be merely a misapplication of Indian names.]

[Footnote 135: See Forchhammer, _Jardine Prize Essay_, 1885, pp. 23-27. He also says that the earliest Talaing alphabet is identical with the Vengi alphabet of the fourth century A.D. _Burma Archaeol. Report_, 1917, p. 29.]

[Footnote 136: See R.C. Temple, "Notes on Antiquities of Râmaññadesa," _Ind. Antiq._ 1893, pp. 327 ff. Though I admit the possibility that Mahâyânism and Tantrism may have flourished in lower Burma, it does not seem to me that the few Hindu figures reproduced in this article prove very much.]

[Footnote 137: _J.A._ 1912, II. pp. 121-136.]

[Footnote 138: It is remarkable that Buddhaghosa commenting on Ang. Nik. 1. 14. 6 (quoted by Forchhammer) describes the merchants of Ukkala as inhabiting Asitañjana in the region of Haṃsavatî or Pegu. This identification of Ukkala with Burmese territory is a mistake but accepted in Burma and it is more likely that a Burmese would have made it than a Hindu.]

[Footnote 139: Chap. XXXIX.]

[Footnote 140: See however _Epig. Indica_, vol. V. part iv. Oct. 1898, pp. 101-102. For the prevalence of forms which must be derived from Sanskrit not Pali see _Burma Arch. Rep._ 1916, p. 14, and 1917, p. 39.]

[Footnote 141: Report of _Supt. Arch. Survey Burma_, 1909, p. 10, 1910, p. 13, and 1916, pp. 33, 38. Finot, _Notes d'Epigraphie_, p. 357.]

[Footnote 142: See especially Finot in _J.A._ 1912, II. p. 123, and Huber in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1909 P. 584.]

[Footnote 143: The Aris are further credited with having practised a sort of _jus primæ noctis_. See on this question the chapter on Camboja and alleged similar customs there.]

[Footnote 144: See _Burma Arch. Rep._ 1916, pp. 12, 13. They seem to have been similar to the Nîlapatanadarśana of Ceylon. The Prabodhacandrodaya (about 1100 A.D.) represents Buddhist monks as drunken and licentious.]

[Footnote 145: See Parker, _Burma_, 1892. The annalist says "There is a huge white elephant (or image) 100 feet high. Litigants burn incense and kneel before it, reflecting within themselves whether they are right or wrong.... When there is any disaster or plague the king also kneels in front of it and blames himself." The Chinese character means either image or elephant, but surely the former must be the meaning here.]

[Footnote 146: See Taw-Sein-Ko, in _Ind. Antiquary_, 1906, p. 211. But I must confess that I have not been able to follow or confirm all the etymologies suggested by him.]

[Footnote 147: See for Chinese remains at Pagan, _Report of the Superintendent, Arch. Survey, Burma, for year ending 31st March, 1910_, pp. 20, 21. An inscription at Pagan records that in 1285 Khubilai's troops were accompanied by monks sent to evangelize Burma. Both troops and monks halted at Tagaung and both were subsequently withdrawn. See _Arch. Survey_, 1917, p. 38.]

[Footnote 148: The date of Anawrata's conquest of Thaton seems to be now fixed by inscriptions as 1057 A.D., though formerly supposed to be earlier. See _Burma Arch. Rep._ 1916. For Anawrata's religious reforms see _Sâsanavaṃsa_, pp. 17 ff. and 57 ff.]

[Footnote 149: It has been noted that many of the inscriptions explanatory of the scenes depicted on the walls of the Ananda temple at Pagan are in Talaing, showing that it was some time before the Burmans were able to assimilate the culture of the conquered country.]

[Footnote 150: See the _Sâsanavaṃsa_, p. 64 and p. 20. See also Bode, _Pali Literature of Burma_, p. 15. But the Mahâvaṃsa, LX. 4-7, while recording the communications between Vijaya Bahu and Aniruddha ( = Anawrata) represents Ceylon as asking for monks from Râmañña, which implies that lower Burma was even then regarded as a Buddhist country with a fine tradition.]

[Footnote 151: The Burmese canon adds four works to the Khuddaka-Nikâya, namely: (a) Milinda Pañha, (b) Netti-Pakaraṇa, (c) Suttasaṇgaha, (d) Peṭakopadesa.]

[Footnote 152: Inscriptions give his reign as 1084-1112 A.D. See _Burma Arch. Rep._ 1916, p. 24. Among many other remarkable edifices may be mentioned the Thapinyu or Thabbannu (1100), the Gaudapalin (1160) and the Bodhi (_c._ 1200) which is a copy of the temple at Bodhgaya.]

[Footnote 153: The best known of his works are the Sutta-niddesa on grammar and the Sankhepavaṇṇanâ. The latter is a commentary on the Abhidhammattha-sangaha, but it is not certain if Chapaṭa composed it or merely translated it from the Sinhalese.]

[Footnote 154: Some authorities speak as if the four disciples of Chapaṭa had founded four sects, but the reprobate Râhula can hardly have done this. The above account is taken from the Kalyani inscription, _Ind. Ant_. 1893, pp. 30, 31. It says very distinctly "There were in Pugama (Pagan) 4 sects. 1. The successors of the priests who introduced the religion from Sudhammanâgara (_i.e._ the Mramma Sangha). 2. The disciples of Sîvalimahâthera. 3. The disciples of Tâmalindamahâthera. 4. The disciples of Ananda Mahâthera."]

[Footnote 155: Also known by the title of Dhammavitasa. He was active in 1246.]

[Footnote 156: Found in Zaingganaing, a suburb of Pegu. The text, translation and notes are contained in various articles by Taw-Sein-Ko in the _Indian Antiquary_ for 1893-4.]

[Footnote 157: Mahâvagga, II. 11, 12, 13.]

[Footnote 158: According to Taw-Sein-Ko (_Ind. Ant._ 1893, p. 11) "about 105 or 126 feet in perimeter."]

[Footnote 159: No contact with Cambojan religion is implied. The sect was so called because its chief monastery was near the Camboja market and this derived its name from the fact that many Cambojan (probably meaning Shan) prisoners were confined near it.]

[Footnote 160: In favour of it, it may be said that the Dîpavaṃsa and the earlier traditions on which the Dîpavaṃsa is based are ancient and impartial witnesses: against it, that Asoka's attention seems to have been directed westwards, not towards Bengal and Burma, and that no very early proof of the existence of Buddhism in Burma has been found.]

[Footnote 161: Apparently about 1525-1530.]

[Footnote 162: See _Sâsanavaṃsa_, pp. 118 ff.]

[Footnote 163: _E.g._ Mahâvagga, I. 29, 2; IV. 3, 3. Ekaṃsam uttarâsangam karitvâ. But both arrangements of drapery are found in the oldest images of the Buddha and perhaps the Ekaṃsika fashion is the commoner. See Grünwedel, _Buddhist Art in India_, 1901, p. 172. Though these images are considerably later than the Mahâvagga and prove nothing as to the _original_ practice of the Saṇgha, yet they show that the Ekaṃsika fashion prevailed at a relatively early period. It now prevails in Siam and partly in Ceylon. I-Ching (chap. XI.) has a discussion on the way robes were worn in India (_c._ 680 A.D.) which is very obscure but seems to say that monks may keep their shoulders covered while in a monastery but should uncover one when they go out.]

[Footnote 164: _Sâsanav._ p. 123. Sakala-Maramma-raṭṭhavâsino ca: ayaṃ amhakâṃ râjâ bodhisatto ti vohârimsu. In the Po-U-Daung inscription, Alompra's son, Hsin-byu-shin, says twice "In virtue of this my good deed, may I become a Buddha, ... an omniscient one." _Indian Antiquary_, 1893, pp. 2 and 5. There is something Mahâyânist in this aspiration. Cf. too the inscriptions of the Siamese King Śrî-Sûryavaṃsa Râma mentioned below.]

[Footnote 165: They were Puritans who objected to shrines and images and are said to be represented to-day by the Sawti sect.]

[Footnote 166: See _The Burmese Empire_ by the Italian Father Sangermano, who went to Burma in 1783 and lived there about 20 years.]

[Footnote 167: Thathana is the Pali Sâsana. In Burmese pronunciation the s of Indian words regularly appears as th ( = θ), r as y and j as z. Thus Thagya for Sakra, Yazawin for Râjavaṃśa.]

[Footnote 168: See E. Forchhammer, _Jardine Prize Essay_ (on the sources and development of Burmese Law), 1885. J. Jolly, "Recht und Sitte" in _Grundriss der Ind. Ar. Phil._ 1896, pp. 41-44. M.H. Bode, _Pali Lit. of Burma_, pp. 83 ff. Dhammathat is the Burmese pronunciation of Dhammasattha, Sanskrit Dharmaśâstra.]

[Footnote 169: This theory did not prevent the kings of Burma and their subordinates from inflicting atrociously cruel punishments.]

[Footnote 170: Forchhammer gives a list of 39 Dhammathats compiled between 1753 and 1882.]

[Footnote 171: They seem to have included tantric works of the Mahâkâlacakra type. See Bode, _Pali Lit. of Burma_, p. 108, Nos. 270, 271. But the name is given in the Pali form cakka.]

[Footnote 172: Among usages borrowed from Hinduism may be mentioned the daily washing in holy water of the image in the Arakan temple at Mandalay. Formerly court festivities, such as the New Year's feast and the festival of ploughing, were performed by Pônnâs and with Indian rites. On the other hand the Râmâyana does not seem to have the same influence on art and literature that it has had in Siam and Java, though scenes from it are sometimes depicted. See _Report, Supt. Archaeolog. Survey, Burma_, 1908, p. 22.]

[Footnote 173: See especially _The Thirty Seven Nats_ by Sir. R.C. Temple, 1906, and _Burma_ by Sir. J.G. Scott, 1906, pp. 380 ff. The best authorities seem agreed that Nat is not the Sanskrit Nâtha but an indigenous word of unknown derivation.]

[Footnote 174: Possibly in order to include four female spirits: or possibly because it was felt that sundry later heroes had as strong a claim to membership of this distinguished body as the original 33.]

[Footnote 175: It is noticeable that Thagyâ comes from the Sanskrit Śakra not the Pali Sakka. Th = Sk. s: y = Sk. r.]

[Footnote 176: See R.C. Temple, _The Thirty Seven Nats_, chaps. X.-XIII., for these cycles.]

[Footnote 177: _E.g._ R.C. Temple, _l.c._ p. 36.]

[Footnote 178: According to Sir. J.G. Scott much more commonly than prayers among Christians. _Burma_, p. 366.]

[Footnote 179: 15,371 according to the census of 1891. The figures in the last census are not conveniently arranged for Buddhist statistics.]

[Footnote 180: Hastings' _Encycl. of Religion and Ethics_, art. "Burma (Buddhism)."]

[Footnote 181: See Bode, _Pali Literature in Burma_, pp. 95 ff.]

[Footnote 182: No less than 22 translations of it have been made into Burmese. See S.Z. Aung in _J.P.T.S._ 1912, p. 129. He also mentions that night lectures on the Abhidhamma in Burmese are given in monasteries.]

[Footnote 183: But on such occasions the laity usually fast after midday.]

[Footnote 184: Man is the Burmese form of Mâra.]

[Footnote 185: Among the most striking characteristics of the Nepalese style are buildings of many stories each with a projecting roof. No examples of similar buildings from ancient India have survived, perhaps because they were made of wood, but representations of two-storied buildings have come down to us, for instance on the Sohgaura copper plate which dates probably from the time of Asoka (see Bühler, _W.Z.K.M._ 1896, p. 138). See also the figures in Foucher's _Art Gréco-bouddhique du Gandhâra_, on pp. 121, 122. The monuments at Mâmallapuram known as Raths (see Fergusson, _Indian and Eastern Architecture_, I. p. 172) appear to be representations of many storied Vihâras. There are several references to seven storied buildings in the Jâtakas.]

[Footnote 186: = cetiya.]

[Footnote 187: Occasionally groups of five Buddhas, that is, these four Buddhas together with Metteyya, are found. See _Report of the Supt. Arch. Survey (Burma) for the year ending March 31st, 1910_, p. 16.]