Chapter XVIII (3)

On that day he was again brought before Winchester and other bishops, and condemned to death. Being a priest, however, he was to be degraded before he was delivered to the civil power, and Bonner was appointed to perform that office. “Well,” quoth the Bishop, “I am come to degrade you; wherefore put on these vestures.”[233] “No,” quoth Dr. Taylor, “I will not.” “Wilt thou not?” said the Bishop. “I shall make thee, ere I go.” Quoth Dr. Taylor, “You shall not, by the grace of God.” Then he charged him upon his obedience to do it; but he would not do it for him.

“So he willed another to put them on his backe; and when he was thoroughly furnished therewith, he set his hands to his side, walking up and down, and said, ‘How say you, my Lord, am I not a goodly foole? How say you, my Masters? If I were in Cheape, should I not have boyes enow to laugh at these apish toyes and toying trumpery?’ So the Bishop scraped his fingers, thumbes, and the crowne of his head, and did the rest of such like divellish observances.

“At the last, when he should have given Dr. Taylor a stroke on the breast with his crosier–staffe, the Bishop’s Chaplain said, ‘My Lord, strike him not, for he will sure strike againe.’ ‘Yea, by St. Peter, will I,’ quoth Dr. Taylor, ‘the cause is Christ’s, and I were no good Christian if I would not fight in my Master’s quarrell.’ So the Bishop laid his curse on him, but struck him not.... And when hee came up, he told Master Bradford (for then both lay in one chamber) that he had made the Bishop of London afraid: ‘for,’ saith he laughingly, ‘his Chaplain gave him counsell not to strike me with his crosier–staffe, for that I would strike againe; and, by my troth,’ said he, rubbing his hands, ‘I made him believe I would doe so indeed.’”

After this ceremony he was delivered to the secular power. His last interview with his family is thus simply told. “Now when the Sheriffe and his company came against St. Botolph church (in Aldgate), Elizabeth cried, saying, ‘O my deare Father! Mother, Mother, here is my father led away.’ Then cried his wife, ‘Rowland, Rowland, where art thou?’ for it was a verie darke morning, that the one could not see the other. Dr. Taylor answered, ‘Deare wife, I am here,’ and staid. The Sheriffe’s men would have led him forth, but the Sheriffe said, ‘Stay a little, maisters, I praie you, and let him speake to his wife;’ and so they staied.

“Then came she to him; and he tooke his daughter Mary in his armes, and he, his wife, and Elizabeth, kneeled down and said the Lord’s Praier: at which sight the Sheriffe wept apace, and so did divers other of the company. After they had praied, he rose up and kissed his wife, and shooke her by the hand, and said, ‘Farewell, my deare wife, bee of good comfort, for I am quiet in my conscience. God shall stir up a father for my children.’ And then he kissed his daughter Mary, and said, ‘God blesse thee, and make thee his servant:’ and kissing Elizabeth, hee said, ‘God blesse thee, I praie you all stand strong and stedfast unto Christ and his worde, and keep you from idolatry.’ Then said his wife, ‘God be with thee, dear Rowland. I will with God’s grace meet thee at Hadley.’

“And so he was led forth to the Woolsack.... And at his comming out, John Hull before spoken of stood at the railes with Dr. Taylor’s sonne. When Dr. Taylor saw them, he called them, saying, ‘Come hither, my sonne Thomas;’ and John Hull lifted up the child, and set him on the horse before his father. Then lifted he up his eyes toward heaven, and praied for his sonne, laide his hatte on the child’s head, and blessed him, and so delivered the child to John Hull, whom he tooke by the hand, and said, ‘Farewell, John Hull, the faithfullest servant that ever man had.’ And so they rode forth: the Sheriffe of Essex, with foure yeomen of the guard, and the Sheriffe’s men leading him.”

He was thus conducted to Hadley, in the neighbourhood of which was appointed the place of his execution, at Aldham Moor. The even and cheerful tenour of his mind is evinced in many points of our past narrative, and confirmed by witnesses. “They that were present, and familiarly conversant with this Dr. Taylor, reported of him that they never did see in him any feare of death; but especially and above all the rest, which besides him suffered at the same time, always shewed himselfe merry and cheerful in time of his imprisonment, as well before his condemnation as after: he kept one countenance and like behaviour. Whereunto he was rather confirmed by the company and presence of Mr. John Bradford, who then was in prison and chamber with him. The same morning, when he was called up by the Sheriffe to go to his burning, he cast his armes about a balk which was in the chamber between Mr. Bradford’s bed and his; and there hanging by the hands, said to Mr. Bradford, ‘O, Mr. Bradford,’ said he, ‘what a notable sway should I give if I were hanged,’ meaning for that he was a corpulent and big man.” His unusual stature seems to have been a favourite subject for jesting with him; for we find a very elaborate piece of quizzing on the same subject, approximating in character to that species of wit which is sometimes denominated _trotting_. It runs thus:—

“At Chelmsford, the Sheriff of Essex, being about to deliver up his prisoner to the Sheriff of Suffolk, sought, as they sat at supper, to induce him to recant. After using the common topics, he concludes, ‘Ye should do much better to revoke your opinions, and return to the Catholike church of Rome: if ye will, doubt ye not but ye shall find favour at the Queene’s hands. This councell I give you, good Mr. Doctor, of a good heart, and good will toward you; and thereupon I drink to you. In like manner said all the Yeomen of the Guard. Upon that condition, Mr. Doctor, we will all drink to you.’

“When they had all drunk to him, and the cup was come to him, he stayed a little, as one studying what answer he might give. At the last thus he answered, and said, ‘Master Sheriffe, and my masters all, I heartily thank you for your good will; I have hearkened to your words, and marked well your counsels; and, to be plain with you, I do perceive that I have been deceived myself, and am likely to deceive a great many of Hadley of their expectation.’ With that word they all rejoiced. ‘Yea, good Master Doctor,’ quoth the Sheriffe, ‘God’s blessing on your heart, hold you there still. It is the comfortablest word that we heard you speak yet. What, should ye cast yourself away in vaine: play a wise man’s part, and I dare warrant it, ye shall finde favour.’ Thus they rejoiced very much at the word, and were very merry.

“At the last, ‘Good Master Doctor,’ quoth the Sheriffe, ‘what meane ye by this, that ye said ye think ye have been deceived yourselfe, and think ye shall deceive many one in Hadley?’ ‘Would ye know my meaning plainly?’ quoth he. ‘Yea,’ quoth the Sheriffe, ‘good Master Doctor, tell it us plainly.’

“‘Then,’ said Dr. Taylor, ‘I will tell you how I have been deceived, and, as I think, I shall deceive a great many more: I am, as you see, a man that has a very great carkasse, which I thought should have been buried in Hadley church–yard, if I had died in my bed, as I well hoped I should have done; but herein I see I was deceived: and there are a great number of wormes in Hadley church–yard, which should have had jolly feeding on this carrion; which they have looked for many a day. But now I know we be deceived, both I and they; for this carkasse must be burnt to ashes, and so shall they lose their bait and feeding, that they looked to have had of it.’

“When the Sheriffe and his company heard him say so, they were amazed, and looked one on another, marvelling at the man’s constant minde, that thus without all feare made a jest of the cruell torment, and death now at hand prepared for him. Thus was their expectation clean disappointed. And in this appeareth what was his meditation in his chiefest wealth and prosperity, namely, that he should shortly die, and feed wormes in his grave; which meditation, if all our Bishops and spirituall men had used, they had not, for a little worldly glory, forsaken the word of God and truth which they in King Edward’s days had preached and set forth, nor yet to maintain the Bishop of Rome’s authority, have committed to the fire so many as they did.”

“At Lavenham, a small town near Bury, where the cavalcade remained two days, the attempts to induce him to recant were renewed by the Sheriffe and gentlemen of the county, of whom there was a great concourse, with the promise even of promotion to a bishopric. On the 8th of February he was brought out to complete his earthly journey. The same spirit animated him to the end. On the way, being alighted from his horse, ‘he lept, and fet a friske or twaine,’ as men commonly do in dauncing. ‘Why, Master Doctor,’ quoth the Sheriffe, ‘how do you now?’ He answered, ‘Well, God be praised, good Master Sheriffe, never better; for now I know I am almost at home. I lack not past two stiles to go over, and I am even at my father’s house; but Master Sheriffe,’ said he, ‘shall we not go thorow Hadley?’ ‘Yes,’ quoth the Sheriffe, ‘you shall go thorow Hadley.’ ‘Then,’ said he, ‘O good Lord, I thank thee, I shall yet once again ere I die, see my flock, whom thou, Lord, knowest I have most heartily loved, and truely taught.’

“This wish being gratified, his last hours were soothed by the accents which of all must have been most grateful, the prayers and blessings of the poor, to whom he had been as a father in the relieving of their corporeal wants. The street of Hadley was lined with those who invoked succour and strength for him, mingled with exclamations of woe at the grievous loss which had befallen themselves. Nor in his own extremity did he forget the humblest and most needy of those who had been objects of his care: but stopping by the alms–houses he cast out of a glove to the inmates of them such money as remained of what charitable persons had given for his support in prison (his benefices being sequestrated): and missing two of them, he asked, ‘Is the blind man and blind woman that dwelt here alive?’ He was answered, ‘Yea, they are there within.’ Then threw he glove and all in at the window, and so rode forth. Thus this good father and provider for the poore took his leave of those for whom all his life he had a singular care and studie.

“At the last, coming to Aldham Common, the place assigned where he should suffer, and seeing a great multitude of people gathered together, he asked, ‘What place is this; and what meaneth it that so much people are gathered hither?’ It was answered, ‘It is Aldham Common, the place where you must suffer; and the people are come to looke upon you.’ ‘Then,’ said he, ‘thanked be God, I am even at home; and so light from his horse, and with both his hands rent the hood from his head.

“Now was his head notted evil favourably, and clipped much like as a man would clip a foole’s head, which cost the good Bishop Bonner had bestowed upon him when he degraded him. But when the people saw his reverend and ancient face with a long white beard, they burst out with weeping teares, and cried saying, ‘God save thee, good Doctor Taylor!’ with such other like godly wishes. Then would he have spoken to the people, but the yeomen of the guard were so busie about him, that as soon as he opened his mouth, one or other thrust a tippestaff into his mouth, and would in nowise permit him to speak.

“As they were piling the faggots, one Warwick cruelly cast a faggot at him, which light on his head and broke his face, that the bloud ran down his visage. Then said Dr. Taylor, ‘O friend, I have harme enough; what needed that?’”

Here we take leave of him; for it is needless again to enter into the revolting details of the barbarous method of execution especially prescribed for errors in matters of faith. The affection borne towards him was beautifully manifested in a poor woman, who knelt at the stake to join in his prayers, and could not be driven away by threats or fear. His last moments were like his life, tranquil, fearless, and forgiving.

Here, for the present at all events, we close this work. We have now traced the Grecian nation from the outset of authentic history to the period of its utmost greatness in arms, arts, and letters: and in doing so, according to the plan laid down in our introduction, we hope to have accumulated a mass of historical anecdotes, which, independent of their intrinsic beauty or interest, may possess a further value, as tending to throw some light one on another. Like the close of the Persian war, the close of the Peloponnesian war is a remarkable epoch: the former marks the beginning of the greatness, the latter the beginning of the decline of Greece. From thenceforward the history of Greece becomes more complicated, and our authorities less satisfactory; inasmuch as, at the close of Xenophon’s Hellenics, we lose that series of admirable contemporary writers who have hitherto guided us; and the late compilers, such as Diodorus and Plutarch, make no adequate amends for the loss. The study, therefore, of the succeeding portion of history becomes less agreeable and more difficult: at the same time there is no want of remarkable incidents; for if the annals of Athens and Sparta become less important, the rise of Thebes to its short–lived power, the sudden growth of Thessaly under Jason of Pheræ, of Macedonia under Philip, and, above all, the renovation of the old Grecian spirit in the Achæan league, would supply abundance to fill another volume, which should bring down the history of Greece to its final absorption into the Roman empire.

INDEX OF VOLUME III.

Arginusæ, battle of, 198–205.

Aristophanes, Knights of, 134–147.

Athenians, expedition against Sicily, 171–190

Brown, execution of John, 261–263.

Circumvallation, lines of, 6, 7, 31.

Cleon, 121, 122, 134–148.

Comedy, Greek, account of, 129–134.

Constantinople, factions of circus, 103–112.

Corcyrean sedition, 78–96.

Guthrie, James, execution of, 265–270.

Hawkwood, retreat of Sir J., 194–197

Hermæ, mutilation of, 169, 170.

Huss, John, 244–254.

Jacquerie, 98–101.

Jerome of Prague, 255–257.

Jerusalem, siege of, 32–36.

Knights of Aristophanes, 134–147.

Magdeburg, siege of, 50–62.

Massacre of September 1792, 112–120.

Ney, retreat from Moscow, 190–194.

Nika sedition, 111.

Peloponnesian war, end of, 214–217.

Numantia, siege of, 19–22.

Oates, Titus, 160–168.

Ostend, siege of, 39–50.

Persecutions, civil and religious, 244–283.

Platæa, siege of, 5–19.

Popish plot, 149–160.

Portobello, taken by Vernon, 127–129.

Prelacy, attempted to be restored in Scotland, 257–270.

Presbyterians, persecution of, ibid.

Reformation in England, 270–283.

Réole, La, siege of, 37.

Retreat of Athenians from Syracuse, 178–189;

Rome, civil wars of, compared with seditions in Greece, 95–97.

September, 1792, massacre of, 112–120.

Sicilian expedition, 171–190.

Siege of Platæa, 5–19;

Socrates, history, character, and death of, 218–243.

Sphacteria, capture of Spartans at, 126.

Syracuse, besieged by Marcellus, 28–31;
— by Athenians, 177.

Taylor, Rowland, burnt for heresy, 272–283.

Tyre, siege of, 25–28.

Witts, De, massacre of, 205–214.

Zaragoza, siege of, 63–77.

GENERAL INDEX OF PRINCIPAL SUBJECTS IN ALL VOLUMES

Alp Arslan, vol. i. page 93.

Antony, retreat of, from Parthia, i. 211–213.

Arginusæ, battle of, iii. 198–205.

Aristides, ii. 131, 132, 139, 140, 143.

Aristogiton, i. 169–174.

Aristomenes, i. 40–54.

Aristophanes, Knights of, iii. 134–147.

Armada, Spanish, ii. 112–126.

Athenians, expedition against Sicily, iii. 171–190

Athens, plague of, ii. 166, 169–177.

Bajazet, imprisoned by Tamerlane, i. 86.

——, his treatment of French prisoners, i, 88–92.

Brooke, death of Lord, i. 134.

Brown, execution of John, iii. 261–263.

Buchan, Countess of, imprisoned by Edward I., i. 87, 88.

Caligula, i. 134–143.

Cambyses, i. 120–131.

Cid, Chronicle of, ii. 25–28.

Cimon, policy of, ii. 143–146.

Circumvallation, lines of, iii. 6, 7, 31.

Cleomenes, i. 132, 133.

Cleon, iii. 121, 122, 134–148.

Comedy, Greek, account of, iii. 129–134.

Constantinople, factions of circus, iii. 103–112.

———plague of, ii. 178–183.

Corcyrean sedition, iii. 78–96.

Crassus, retreat and death of, i. 198–211.

Crœsus, i. 77–80, 156.

Cylon, insurrection of, i. 154.

Darius, invasion of Scythia by, i. 190–198.

Drageschan, battle of, ii. 74.

Education, Athenians, ii. 152–157.

England, state of, under first Norman kings, i. 23–27.

Fatalism, i. 156–161.

Florence, plague of, ii. 184–197.

Greek history, mythic period of, i. 11–13, 21–23.

Guesclin, Bertrand du, treatment by Black Prince, i. 103, 104, 108–113.

Guthrie, James, execution of, iii. 265–270.

Harmodius, i. 169–174.

Hawkwood, retreat of Sir J., iii. 194–197

Hereward le Wake, i. 54–58.

Hermæ, mutilation of, iii. 169, 170.

Hipparchus and Hippias, i. 168–174.

Huss, John, iii. 244–254.

Jacquerie, iii. 98–101.

Jaques, St., battle of, ii. 64–69.

Jerome of Prague, iii. 255–257.

Jerusalem, siege of, iii. 32–36.

John, King of France, treatment by Black Prince, i. 105–107.

Julian, Emperor, invasion of Parthia, and death, i. 213–223.

Knights of Aristophanes, iii. 134–147.

London, plague of, ii. 218–23.

Magdeburg, siege of, iii. 50–62.

Marathon, battle of, ii. 13–16.

Massacre of September, 1792, iii. 112–120.

Medici, Cosmo de’, i. 175–180.

———Piero, i. 181.

———Lorenzo and Julian, i. 181–189.

Messenians, early history of, i. 40–54.

Milan, plague of, ii. 98–214.

Miltiades, ii. 127–130.

Morgarten, battle of, ii. 43–52.

Napoleon, retreat from Moscow i. 224–237.

Ney, ditto, iii. 190–194.

Nika sedition, iii. 111.

Numantia, siege of, iii. 19–22.

Oates, Titus, iii. 160–168.

Ostend, siege of, iii. 39–50.

Paul, Emperor, i. 143–152.

Pazzi, conspiracy of, i. 183–189.

Pedro, Don, King of Castile, i. 31–36.

Peloponnesian war, origin of, ii. 158–163.

———end of, iii. 214–217.

Pericles, policy of, ii. 147–152.

Persecutions, civil and religious, iii. 244–283.

Pisistratus, i. 163–168.

Plague, historians who have described it, ii. 164–166;
——principal recorded, 166–169;
——of Athens, 169–177;
——of Constantinople, 177–183;
——of Florence, 184–198;
——of Milan, 198–214;
——medical treatment and state of science 214–218;
——of London, 218–231.

Platæa, siege of, iii. 5–19.

Popish plot, iii. 149–160.

Portobello, taken by Vernon, iii. 127–129.

Power, effects of absolute, i. 114–119.

Prelacy, attempted to be restored in Scotland, iii. 257–270.

Presbyterians, persecution of, ibid.

Prisoners of war, treatment of, i. 77–113.

Reading, Aloys, ii. 48.

Reedman, Sir Matthew, anecdote from Froissart, i. 100–102.

Reformation in England, iii. 270–283.

Réole, La, siege of, iii. 37.

Retreat of Darius from Scythia, i. 196–198;
——Antony from Parthia, 211–213;
——Julian in Assyria, 213–223;
——Napoleon from Moscow, 225–237;
——Athenians from Syracuse, iii. 178–189;
——Ney in Russia, 190, 194;
——Hawkwood in Lombardy, 194–197.

Rome, civil wars of, compared with seditions in Greece, iii. 95–97.

Roncesvalles, battle of, i. 74–85.

Salamis, battle of, ii. 86–103.

Scandinavia, compared with Greece in its early state, i. 9–20.

Sempach, battle of, ii. 49–54; Law of, 68.

September, 1792, massacre of, iii. 112–120.

Sicilian expedition, iii. 171–190.

Siege of La Valette, ii. 69–72;
——of Leyden, ii. 103–112;
——of Platæa, iii. 5–19;
——methods of the ancients, their rudeness and little improvement,
until the use of gunpowder, 22–27, 29–32;
——Introduction of cannon, 38, 39;
——Siege of Numantia, 19–22;
——of Tyre, 25–28;
——Syracuse, by Marcellus, 28–31;
——by Athenians, 177;
——of Jerusalem, 32–36;
——of La Réole, 37;
——of Ostend, 39–50;
——of Magdeburg, 50–62;
——of Zaragoza, 63–77.

Sobieski, John, King of Poland, ii. 30–41.

Socrates, history, character, and death of, iii. 218–243.

Sophists, ii. 153–157.

Sphacteria, capture of Spartans at, iii. 126.

Syracuse, besieged by Marcellus, iii. 28–31;
——by Athenians, 177.

Taylor, Rowland, burnt for heresy, iii. 272–283.

Themistocles, character and policy of, ii. 133–140.

Thermopylæ, battle of, ii. 55–64

Tours, battle of, ii. 23–25.

Triumphs, Roman, i. 82–86.

Trojan War, i. 36–39.

Tyre, siege of, iii. 25–28.

Valerian, treatment by Sapor, i. 85, 86.

Valette, La, siege of, ii. 69–72.

Vienne, siege by Turks, and battle, ii. 30–41.

Wallace, i. 58–76.

Witts, De, massacre of, iii. 205–214.

Xerxes, invasion of Greece by, ii. 5–22, 55–64.

Zaragoza, siege of, iii. 63–77.

THE END.

London: WILLIAM CLOWES and SONS, Stamford–street.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Vol. i. p. 51.

[2] Herod. i. 190.

[3] See the siege of Alesia, vii. 72, or the circumvallation of Pompey at Dyrrachium, by Cæsar’s army, Bell. Civ. iii. 42. The lines of Torres Vedras, drawn by the British in the Peninsular war, may however compete, for their extent and the labour bestowed on them, with any of these ancient works.

[4] After the battle of Platæa, the Athenians and Lacedæmonians contending for the _aristeia_, or prize for having behaved best in the battle, that honour, by the mediation of the Corinthians, was conferred on the Platæans, whose signal zeal throughout the Persian war was admitted, on all hands, to deserve such a distinction. At the same time a yearly sacrifice was appointed to be held at Platæa in honour of the slain; and a sort of sacred character was conferred both on the Platæans and their territory, with the privileges here enumerated.

[5] Dr. Arnold observes that this is a good instance of that feature of Greek polytheism by which the gods were known and honoured as standing in particular relations to mankind, not as the general moral governors of the world. Three classes of gods were here invoked, each as having a special point of honour involved in the observation of the oaths here mentioned: those whose names were pledged to the observance of it, and who would be personally affronted by its violation; the ancestral gods _θεοὶ πατρῷοι_ of the Lacedæmonians, who would take it ill that the act of their descendant, Pausanias, should be disregarded, or the tombs of the Lacedæmonians at Platæa neglected or profaned; and the local gods _θεοὶ ἐγχώριοι_, to whom the territory was as a home, and who must expect to be denied their worship, if their country should be occupied by strangers, who would bring their own gods along with them.

[6] Such a _natural_ fire, therefore, may have been still greater.

[7] That is, when the star begins to rise before the sun, and so first becomes visible in the morning. This in the case of Arcturus occurred about the middle of September.

[8] Thucyd. ii. 71, 78.

[9] There is no mention of these three hundred where the author relateth the laying of siege; but it must be understood.

[10] Thucyd. iii. 21–24.

[11] Thucyd. iii. 52, 68.

[12] The end of Numantia is rather differently related by Appian, who says, that after being reduced to such extremity as to eat human flesh, they surrendered at discretion, and were sold as slaves; Scipio retaining fifty of them to grace his triumph. The desperate resolution of the Saguntines, also a Spanish people, confirms the probability of Florus’s version. Pressed by Hannibal, the elders of the city collected the most valuable property, both public and private, into a pile, which they consumed by fire, and for the most part threw themselves into the flames. The other male inhabitants slew their wives and children, set fire to their houses, and perished in them, or else fighting to the death.

[13] Florus, ii. c. 18.

[14] Arrian, ii. 19.

[15] Mr. Rooke, the English translator of Arrian, observes, that “the number here must needs be erroneous, though all the copies which I have seen have it the same.” The height certainly is startling, but it is hazardous to conclude that it must be wrong. Not to rely over–much on the walls of Babylon, which, according to the father of history, were about 350 feet high, the battering towers described by Vitruvius, 185 feet in height, were evidently meant to cope with fortifications as gigantic in height as those here described. And after all, the city being built on an abrupt rock, which might perhaps be faced with masonry, if we suppose the whole height from the sea to the battlements to be meant, there is nothing improbable in the statement. The total height of the fortifications of Malta from the sea, we believe, is not much less.

[16] _δεόντως ἠρμοσμένη πρὸς ἔνια τῶν πραγμάτων μέγά τι χρῆμα φαίνεται καὶ θαυμάσιον_.

[17] Bell. Gall., vii. 72.

[18] Fairfax’s Tasso, xviii. 43–5.

[19] William of Tyre.

[20] La Réole, a town in Gascony.

[21] Boiled leather, “cuir boulu.”

[22] Pavisses were large shields or defences made of plank, &c., which archers and others bore before them, or fixed in the earth, that they might shoot, mine, &c., in partial cover from the shot of the garrison.

[23] Lord Berners’ Froissart, vol. i. cap. 109.

[24] One of these old guns, of remarkable size, made of bars of hammered iron hooped together, is to be seen in Edinburgh Castle, and is called Mons Meg.

[25] See the medal at the head of this chapter.

[26] Bentivoglio, Hist. of Wars in Flanders, translated by Henry, Earl of Monmouth, 1698.

[27] Lotichius, Rerum Germanicarum, lib. xxxvii. p. 1.

[28] Harte’s Life of Gustavus Adolphus.

[29] Legend of Montrose, chap. ii.

[30] Harte’s Life of Gustavus Adolphus.

[31]

Venit summa dies, et inevitable fatum,
—— —— fuit Ilium, et ingens
Gloria _Parthenopes_.

Parthenopes, substituted by the quoter for the original word Teucrorum, has the same meaning as Magdeburg, the maiden city.

[32] Southey, Hist. Peninsular War, chap. ix.

[33] Napier’s History of the Peninsular War, book v. chap. 2.

[34] Attempts made by the French to force their way into the centre of the city from January 29th to February 2d.

[35] Napier, Hist. of Peninsular War, book v. chap. 3.

[36] _Προξένοι_. The want of public houses of entertainment for travellers was necessarily supplied by private hospitality. He whose fortune it was to entertain to–day, of course expected to be entertained in return when he visited the country of his guest; and thus were formed hereditary connexions of hospitality, held no less sacred than the ties of blood. By a natural extension of the practice, cities formed similar connexions with foreign citizens, who received their ambassadors, and advocated as far as in them lay both the public interests of the community, and the private interests of those of its citizens who required such help. These men were named Proxeni; the bond of mutual obligation was publicly recorded, and entitled them to receive as guests the same hospitality and protection which they afforded as hosts. Etheloproxeni, below translated voluntary hosts, assumed the same duties, but voluntarily; without the connexion being publicly acknowledged, and consequently without being entitled to that public return which the Proxenus claimed as his right.

[37] “Probably vine sticks, round which the vines were trained. To understand the account given in the text, we must suppose that the individuals whom Pithias prosecuted were the tenants of the sacred ground from which the sticks were cut, and possibly had inherited the possession of it from their ancestors, so that they regarded it from long use as their own property: just as the Roman aristocracy thought themselves aggrieved when an Agrarian law called on them to resign the possession of the national lands which they had for so many generations appropriated to themselves without any lawful title. As hereditary tenants of the sacred ground, the Corcyrean nobles had probably been always in the habit of treating it as their own: so that when suddenly charged with sacrilege, in abusing their legal rights as tenants, by cutting down the trees, which belonged not to them, but to the god, the owner of the land, they, like the Roman nobility, had no legal defence to make, and could only maintain their encroachments by violence.” This is Dr. Arnold’s explanation. The Roman aristocracy, however, had a lawful title to the possession, though not to the full property, of the lands in question. See Penny Cyclopædia, art. Agrarian Law. A lease of certain public lands in Attica is preserved in the British Museum (Elgin Marbles, No. 261), in which the devastation of wood is especially forbidden. See Boeckh, Public Economy of Athens, English translation, vol. ii. p. 15. The prosecution and amount of fine were, however, evidently dictated by party spirit and revenge.

[38] Dr. Arnold supposes the silver stater, or tetradrachm, to be meant, which is worth, in our coin, between three shillings and three shillings and sixpence; the tetradrachms vary considerably in weight. The golden stater, which was worth twenty drachms, ought therefore to be worth from fifteen shillings to seventeen shillings and sixpence; but a specimen in the British Museum weighs 132–3/5 grains, which is about 9½ grains more than a sovereign. Silver therefore seems to have borne a higher value in relation to gold in Attica than it does in England.

[39] Arrows, darts, stones, and the like missile weapons.

[40] That came with Nicostratus.

[41] The Greeks had rather singular notions as to the sanctity of temples. To kill a person within the sacred precincts, or to drag him away violently, was held sacrilegious; but to wall a suppliant up, and thus preventing his escape to starve him to death, seems to have been considered venial, since this mode of proceeding was adopted, in a former instance, against the king of Sparta, Pausanias. In the latter case, however, the Delphic oracle pronounced the act a pollution, and ordered that amends should be made for it to the goddess whose temple was thus desecrated. See Thucyd. i. 134.

[42] _τοῖς ὀλίγοις_ not few in number, but the leaders of the oligarchical party.

[43] _Μετάβολαι τῶν ξυντυχιῶν_, changes of the state of things.

[44] Hobbes seems to consider these _ἐταιρίαι_ as associations of traders or artizans, such as our corporate companies were in their origin; which is clearly wrong. They would seem to have been more like the clubs of the French Revolution, formed for the advocacy of certain opinions, or to promote the safety, and increase the influence of the several members, by enabling them to act in concert.

[45] By oath.

[46] _Φιλονεικία_, properly that spite which reigneth in two adversaries whilst they contend, or eagerness in striving. “That is to say, superadded to the definite motives which lead men to embark in political contests; they contract, when once embarked in them, a party spirit wholly distinct from the objects of their party, and which is sometimes transmitted to their descendants, even when no notions of the original cause of quarrel are preserved. Such was the case with the factions of the Circus at Constantinople, and with those deadly feuds which have prevailed from time to time among the lower classes in Ireland. In the outrages committed some years ago by the parties called Caravats and Shanavests, neither the persons who were executed for these outrages, nor any one else, could tell what was the dispute. It was notorious who were Caravats and who were Shanavests, and this was all.”—Arnold.

[47] The eighty–fourth chapter of the third book (which is contained in this paragraph) has recently been pronounced spurious by several distinguished critics. See the question discussed by Dr. Arnold, vol. i. p. 608.

[48] Thucyd. iii. 70, 85.

[49] B.C. 425.

[50] _Φορμηδὸν_, signifieth properly, after the manner that mats or hurdles are platted.

[51] Istone.

[52] Thucyd., iv. 46, 48.

[53] See vol. i. chap. v. p. 154.

[54] Arnold’s Thucydides, App. i. p. 633.

[55] For what little is known or supposed, see Muller’s History of the Doric Race, book iii. ch. ix. § 5; English Translation, vol. ii.: the best book of reference for all political information relative to the Dorian states.

[56] _ἐτύγχανον δὲ καὶ δυνάμει αὐτῶν οἱ πλείους πρῶτοι ὔντες τῆς πόλεως_, I. 55.

[57] _οἰ ἔχοντες τὰ πράγματα_, III. 72. _οἱ ὀλίγοι_, III. 74.

[58] Cade’s speech to Lord Say, Henry VI. part ii. vol. iv. p. 7. The last sentence alludes to the law which gave to persons capitally convicted the benefit of clergy, that is, their lives were spared if they could read; it being presumed that none but clergy could do so.

[59] Holinshed, vol. ii. p. 746.

[60] Frenzy. The adjective wood, or wode, is of common occurrence in the Scottish language.

[61] Lord Berners’ Froissart, vol. i. chap. 182, 183.

[62] Ibid., vol. i. chap. 381.

[63] Decline and Fall, chap. xl.

[64] See ‘Ueber die Parteien der Rennbahn, vornehmlich im Byzantinischen Kaiserthum, von F. Wilken, in von Raumer’s Historisches Taschenbuch.’

[65] Gibbon, chap. xl.

[66] Procopius, Persic., vol. i. chap. 24.

[67] _ἐς ἀφατόν τι εὔρους διεχέχυτο χρῆμα_.

[68] Procopius, Anecdota, chap. vii.

[69] _εἰς τὰ τζαγγαρία εὐρίσκεται_. Calopodius is meant. This name in Greek means a _last_; _τζαγγάρης_, a shoemaker; _τζαγγαρία_, shoemakers’ offices. Not. in Theoph.

[70] _όταν εἰς βορδόνην καθέδρωμαι_, or _βουδρώνην_. _βορδων_ is an ass: the derivative seems only to occur here. Justinian appears to be meant, who was called the ass, from his habit of moving his ears. See the anecdotes, chap. 8. _νωθεῖ ὔνῳ ἐμφερὴς μάλιστα, συχνά οἰ σειομένων τῶν ὤτον_

[71] The father of Justinian.

[72] Theophanes, p. 154, 6, ed. Par. 1655. This last taunt seems rather misplaced in the mouth of the greens, who had murdered 3000 of their enemies in the theatre. It is not always easy to trace the connexion and meaning of the dialogue. This arises partly from the nature of the language, which very often is hardly grammatical, partly from its abruptness and frequent allusions to circumstances unexplained elsewhere. It is also to be found with several various readings in the notes to the Anecdotes of Procopius, vol. ii. p. 134, ed. Par. 1663.

[73] _τὸν Καίσαρα προτερῆσαι τῶν ᾰλλων οὐ δέον_. Procop., Pers. iii. xi.

[74] Dulaure, ‘Evénemens de la Révolution Française,’ vol. ii. p. 192.

[75] We have not seen his book itself, but there are extracts from it in Dulaure, and among them a very curious account of his examination before the tribunal, vol. ii. p. 198.

[76] Scott, Life of Napoleon, vol. ii. p. 47. The authorities for this account are Mignet, Hist. de la Révolution Française; Montgaillard, Hist. de France; and Dulaure, as above quoted.

[77] Mitchell’s Aristophanes, vol. i. p. 139.

[78] With respect to the exact locality of Sphacteria, see the memoir at the end of the second volume of Arnold’s Thucydides.

[79] See vol. i. chap. 2.

[80] North’s Plutarch—Nicias. This reference of all the evils which befell Athens to the indecorous behaviour of one speaker is rather characteristic.

[81] Thucycd., iv. 28.

[82] Thucyd. v. 7.

[83] Philological Museum, vol. ii. p. 706.

[84] Mus. Crit. vol. ii. p. 75, _seq._

[85] Mus. Crit., vol. ii. p. 207.

[86] See the Frogs.

[87] Comedy is divided by the Grecian critics into three branches; the old, the middle, and the new. Of the two latter we know little, since the works of Aristophanes, the only perfect comedies extant, belong, with one exception, to the first. It would be foreign to our purpose to enter here into a description of them; but it may be generally stated that they were of a milder character; the licence of personality was gradually retrenched, and with it, the political importance of the stage. The lines of distinction cannot be drawn with much precision, but the former of them seems to commence early in the fourth century B.C., the latter in the reign of Alexander, which began B.C. 336. The total loss of the new comedy, and especially of Menander, is perhaps the greatest that classic literature has sustained. It appears from the remaining fragments to have been of a highly polished and moral cast. But a good idea of its general form and tendency may be derived from Plautus and Terence, of whose plays several are little more than translations from it.

[88] Knights, line 231, ed. Bekk., see the Scholia. It was usual for authors to perform a part in their own comedies. Aristophanes had not hitherto complied with this custom.

[89] The following extracts are from Mr. Mitchell’s translation; to whom apology is due for occasional omissions, where the allusions would have required a large body of notes to render them generally intelligible, without being necessary to the general effect of the passage, and a few slight alterations.

[90] The Athenian judges used beans in giving their votes. Each received three obols, about five–pence, for his fee, and in one of the courts the common number of judges was from two to five hundred or more. The poorer classes made a livelihood in this way, and hence there sprung an extraordinary love of litigation, which Aristophanes is continually satirizing. The ‘Wasps’ is expressly directed against it.

[91] Pnyx, the place of general assembly. It was filled with stone seats, to which reference will be made hereafter.

[92] Cleon’s father was a tanner, and the poet is continually twitting him with his dirty trade.

[93] Eucrates.

[94] Lysicles.

[95] A mountain torrent of Attica.

[96] It has been generally said that Cleon lost his popularity and incurred this fine in consequence of the representation of the Knights; but there is no authority for the former supposition, and the latter is disproved by the mention of this fine in the opening of the Acharnians, acted the year before, in the sixth year of the Peloponnesian war. The prosecution was conducted by the Knights; which probably led to the mistake.

[97] In the original it occupies altogether more than 100 lines in a play of 1400.

[98] Thunder from the right hand was an omen of good fortune. See the original, ver. 639.

[99] A crown or chaplet was the usual reward of such persons as brought good news.

[100] A sacrifice and a public feast were synonymous, for only a small portion of the victims were offered to the gods.

[101] “The sausage–seller in Aristophanes promises to offer a thousand goats to Artemis Agrotera (outbidding in jest the offering of thanks for the battle of Marathon), whenever a hundred trichides, a small kind of fish, were sold for an obolus, which was therefore an impossibility.” Boeckh, Public Economy of Athens.

[102] The seats in the Pnyx.

[103] _κᾷτα καθίζου μαλακῶς ἵνα μὴ τρίβῃς τἠ ν ἐν Σαλαμίνι_, v. 783. That the respected member on which the chief stress of the battle of Salamis had fallen, might be exempt in future from all common friction.

[104] Bacis was an ancient Bœotian seer of high reputation, who prophesied the Persian invasion among other things: see Herod, viii. 77. The name and existence of Glanis, like the oracles to be produced, is a ready fiction of the sausage–seller.

[105] We are not answerable for the fidelity of Mr. Mitchell’s translation of this, or of some other lines. The corresponding line in the original is indeed hardly susceptible of translation.

[106] A city of Arcadia. A word of similar sound means “lame.”

[107] The Grecians indulged their luxury in the article of drinking–vessels in an extravagant degree, and every sort of cup had its peculiar appellation. There is no allusion contained in the names introduced here.

[108] Pallas, the tutelary deity of Athens.

[109] _Ros._ Take you me for a sponge, my lord?

_Hamlet._ Aye, sir, that soaks up the king’s countenance, his rewards, his authorities. But such officers do the king best service in the end. He keeps them, like an ape, in the corner of his jaw; first mouthed, to be last swallowed. When he needs what you have gleaned, it is but squeezing, and then, sponge, you shall be dry again.—_Hamlet_, iv. 2.

Mr. Mitchell’s translation is plainly modelled on this passage; and is more like that than the original. Vespasian is said to have promoted the most rapacious collectors to the highest offices, whom he was commonly said to use as _sponges_, that he might squeeze them out when they had sucked up enough.—_Sueton._ c. 16.

[110] Where he had served Demosthenes the same trick, see p. 232–3.

[111] Cleon had received a chaplet in full assembly from the people.

[112] The lowest tradesmen only took their stand at the gates of the town: every answer is made to show the utter baseness of Cleon’s rival, and thus to place himself in the most ignominious light.

[113] Parodied from Euripides’ description of the dying Alcestis taking leave of her bridal bed, v. 181.

[114] Jupiter, the protector of Greece.

[115] Thucyd. v. 16.

[116] Evelyn’s Memoirs.

[117] Roger North, Examen, p. 204.

[118] Queen Elizabeth’s birth–day. These processions were in 1679 and 1680.

[119] Life of Edmund Calamy, vol. i. p. 84.

[120] Burnet, Hist. of his own Times, p. 430. Oates had before only deposed to a plot among the Jesuits to murder the king.

[121] North’s Examen, p. 186. Oates, in addition to his personal peculiarities, which are described in a passage presently to be quoted, was remarkable for a drawling way of speech, which is caricatured above, “I, Titus Oates,” &c.

[122] Howell’s State Trials, vol. vii. p. 56.

[123] State Trials, vol. vii. p. 120.

[124] Burnet, p. 468.

[125] So in the original. The sense seems to require “not without.”—Evelyn’s Memoirs.

[126] Evelyn’s Memoirs.

[127] Hist. of his own Times, p. 428.

[128] The readiness of the Athenians to listen to unfounded and malicious accusations has been noticed in the Knights, and is a favourite subject of ridicule and reproach throughout Aristophanes. The following passage of the Wasps is worth notice:—

Be the fault great or small, this cuckoo song
Of tyranny rings ever in our ears;
These fifty years it slept, but now the cry
Is bandied even at Billingsgate, as stale
As mackerel in July. Suppose a turbot
Should suit your palate, straight the sprat–seller
Next stall exclaims, “Why, this is tyranny!
No tastes aristocratical in Athens!”

Or if you buy anchovies, and demand,
Gratis, a leek for sauce, some herb–woman,
Squinting, growls out, “So you’re for tyranny,
Dost think the state will furnish you with garnish?”

Ver. 488.

[129] See Aristophanes, every where, more particularly in the Knights. Demus demands from Cleon his ring of office:—

Why, how now, rogue?
This is no ring of mine—it tallies not
With my device, or much my eyes deceive me.

_Saus._ Allow me, sir,—what might be your impression?

_Dem._ A roasted thrium,(1) with thick fat enclosed.

_Saus._ (_looking at the ring_) I see no thrium.

_Dem._ What the impression, then?

_Saus._ A wide–mouthed gull, seated upon a rock,
In act to make a speech.

_Mitchell_, p. 245. See also ver. 1260. (Ed. Bekk).

(1) In case the reader should have any curiosity about Athenian cookery, the following is the recipe for a thrium. Take a certain quantity of rice, fine flour or grain, boil it till enough done, then pour off the water, and mix it with soft cheese and a few eggs: roll the mixture in fig–leaves, tie it in a cloth, and stew it for some time in gravy. Then remove the cloth, pour over it a plate of fresh boiling honey, and let it stew till it becomes yellow, observing to turn it continually. Serve it up with the honey poured over it. Another recipe gives brains and cheese, mixed up with a rich and highly–esteemed fish–pickle, as the ingredients.

[130] Burnet, p. 424–5.

[131] North, Examen, p. 225.

[132] North, Examen. p. 176.

[133] Ib. p. 204.

[134] L’Estrange, Dialogue between Zekiel and Ephraim.

[135] State Trials, vol. x. p. 1316.

[136] Hist. of his own Times, p. 627. In Narcissus Luttrell’s MS. Brief Narration, &c., it is said, under date August 11, 1688, “Titus Oates stood in the pillory at Charing Cross, according to annual custom.” State Trials, vol. x. p. 1317.

[137] North, Examen, p. 225.

[138] Life of Calamy, p. 120.

[139] Greece, p. 74.

[140] Thucyd. vii. 87.

[141] Thucyd. vi. 1.

[142] Thucyd. vi. 24.

[143] _τριήραριαρχοι_ The heavy expense of equipping ships of war was thrown chiefly upon individuals of wealth. Sometimes, as here, the state provided ships, and the trierarch only the equipment; at others the trierarch was obliged to build the vessels. The subject is too intricate to be treated in a note; the curious reader will find it fully handled in Wolff’s Prolegomena to the Oration against Leptines. See also a short notice in Dr. Arnold’s note, vi. 31.

[144] About nine–pence halfpenny.

[145] _ὑπηρεσίας_. Petty officers, as the pilot, boatswain, &c. See Arnold’s notes on the passage.

[146] _Θρανίται_. There being three banks of oars one above another, the uppermost were called Thranitæ, the middlemost Zeugitæ, and the lowest Thalamitæ, whereof the thranitæ managed the longest oar, and therefore in respect of their greater labour might deserve a greater pay.

[147] _Σημεῖα_. The images which being set on the fore–part of the galley did give it the name for the most part.

[148] Thucyd. vi. 30. 32.

[149] Grecian citizens on service were always attended by slaves, as we have often had occasion to observe, who served as light infantry. The Athenians, however, also employed regular light–armed mercenaries, archers, and slingers from Crete and elsewhere.

[150] The rock of the citadel. So in Cumberland and Westmoreland there a score of Castle Crags.

[151] Supposing that the enemy had already occupied the valley of the Cacyparis; and hoping to reach the interior by turning up this valley.

[152] Goeller and Arnold read fifty stadia only.

[153] “The Syracusan heavy–armed infantry seems to have been of a very inferior description, and never to have encountered the Athenians with effect, except when supported by their cavalry. So the disciplined troops of Peloponnesus under Gylippus alone, ventured to close with the enemy, while the Syracusans confined themselves to harassing them from a distance with their missiles.”—_Arnold._

[154] That is, such as the captors concealed, to make slaves of them for their own private advantage.

[155] A minute account of the transactions of the siege, of the geography of the neighbourhood of Syracuse, and the portion of country traversed by the Athenians, will be found at the end of the third volume of Arnold’s Thucydides.

[156] Sphacteria.

[157] A small measure about half a pint.

[158] Free men, that is.

[159] Thucyd., vi. 1.

[160] “And though it were thus great, yet the Athenians longed very much to send an army against it out of a desire to bring it all unto subjection (which was the true motive), but as having withal this fair pretext of aiding their kinsmen and new confederates.”—vi. 6.

[161] _ὑπερεσίας_.—See above.

[162] Thucyd., viii. 1.

[163] See vol. i. p. 229.

[164] Ségur, Gourgaud, Napoleon in Russia.

[165] Sismondi, Hist. Rep. Ital. Poggio Bracciolini, Hist. Florent.

[166] Thucyd. viii. 97.

[167] Xenophon, Hellenica, lib. i. c. 7.

[168] Xenoph. Hellen., lib. i. cap. 6, 7.

[169] Temple, ‘Essay on the Origin and Nature of Government.’

[170] Temple, ‘Observations on the United Provinces,’ ch. ii.

[171] ‘Histoire de la Vie et de la Mort des deux illustres Frères, Corneille et Jean de Witt.’ Liv. ii. c. 11.

[172] ‘Histoire de la Vie et de la Mort des deux illustres Frères, Corneille et Jean de Witt.’

[173] ‘General Biography.’

[174] Fox, ‘History of James II.,’ p. 29.

[175] Clinton, ‘Fast. Hellen.’ For a notice of this worthy, see the Frogs of Aristophanes, v. 677, ed. Bekker.

[176] _ἀπέσφαξεν_—slew him with his own hand, it should seem; a pleasant office for the commander–in–chief of a civilized nation. Xenoph. Hellen. ii. c. 1.

[177] Life of Lysander.

[178] Xen. Hellen. ii. c. 2.

[179] Memorabilia, book i. chap. 1, p. 10.

[180] Those readers who wish to inquire into it will find a learned and able paper on this subject by Schleiermacher, in the Berlin Transactions, translated in the Philological Museum, vol. ii. No. 6, “On the worth of Socrates as a philosopher.”

[181] Ibid., p. 544.

[182] The earliest extant notice of this curious question is contained in the recently discovered Republic of Cicero, edited by Maii, lib. i. c. 10. As this treatise is not contained in the general editions of the philosopher we shall translate it:—“You have heard, Tubero, that after the death of Socrates, Plato, to acquire knowledge, travelled first to Egypt, then to Sicily and Italy, that he might learn the discoveries of Pythagoras; and that he had much intercourse with Archytas of Tarentum and Timæus the Locrian, and got possession of the Commentaries of Philolaus; and that, as the name of Pythagoras was then in much credit in those parts, he devoted himself to men of the Pythagorean school and to those studies. Therefore since he loved Socrates singly, and wished to refer everything to him, he blended the Socratic humour and subtlety of language with the obscurity of Pythagoras and that air of gravity given by so many kinds of learning.”

[183] Tusc. Quæst. v. 4.

[184] Schleiermacher, as above. The rest of this paragraph is taken, with some trivial alterations, from the History of Greece.

[185] For an account of this class of men, see vol. ii. pp. 153–157.

[186] Mr. Cumberland, in the ‘Observer,’ has made a violent attack on the moral character of Socrates. Mr. Mitchell has taken a more moderate and candid tone in the ‘Preliminary Discourse’ to his translation of Aristophanes. We have to acknowledge ourselves indebted to his extensive acquaintance with the Socratic writings, for references to several valuable and characteristic passages.

[187] This is described by Xenophon in his Banquet, in a passage which we must regard as his genuine recollection of a similar pleasantry on the part of Socrates. Had it been found in Plato, this might have been doubtful; but it is not Xenophon’s habit to introduce his master in this ludicrous manner. At a drinking party in the house of Callias, Socrates is introduced contesting the point of beauty with Critobulus. To prove his own superiority, he asks, “whether beauty resides in man only, or in other things?”

_Critobulus._ I think, by Jupiter, that it exists in a horse also, and an ox, and many inanimate things: as, for instance, I know of a handsome shield, or sword, or spear.

_Socrates._ And how is it possible that these things, being all unlike each other, should all be handsome?

_Critob._ If things are well fitted for the purposes for which we have them, or are well constituted by nature for useful ends, even these things are handsome.(a)

_Socr._ Do you know, then, for what you want eyes?

_Critob._ Plainly, to see.

_Socr._ On this ground, then, my eyes would be handsomer than yours.

_Critob._ How so?

_Socr._ Because yours see straight forward only; but mine, which project, can see to the side also.

_Critob._ You say, then, that a crab is the best eyed of animals?

_Socr._ By all means: since it has eyes the best constituted for that which is the purpose of eyes.

_Critob._ Granted. But of our noses, which is the handsomest, mine or yours?

_Socr._ I indeed think mine the handsomest, if the gods, in truth, made noses for us to smell with: for your nostrils point downwards to the ground, while mine are spread open, so as to collect smells from all quarters.

_Critob._ But how can a pug nose be handsomer than a straight one?

_Socr._ Because it constitutes no barrier, but lets the eyes look straight where they choose; but a high nose, as if out of insolence, sets a wall between the eyes.

_Critob._ For the mouth, I give up: for if mouths were made to bite with, you can take a much bigger mouthful than I.

_Socr._ And do you consider it no proof that I am handsomer than you that the Naiads, who are goddesses, have for children Sileni, who are more like me than you?

_Critob._ I have nothing to say in reply: but let the votes be taken, that I may know as soon as possible what penalty I incur.

Verdict for Critobulus.

(a) There is a sort of ambiguity in the Greek word _καλὸς_, which is applicable to any sort of excellence, whether beauty of form or aptness to a purpose; so that neither handsome, nor any English single word which occurs to us, exactly expresses its whole meaning. Familiarly, indeed, we do use the term beautiful much in the same way; and speak of a beautiful woman, and a beautiful cricket–bat, without meaning that there is any more similarity between them, either of form or purpose, than Critobulus, when he applies the term _καλὸς_ equally to a man, an ox, or a shield.

[188] Convivium: end.

[189] Convivium, § xxxix., part ii., vol. ii., p. 452, ed. Bekker.