Chapter XXI (2)

But what shall we say of all those many regiments of colored men who were raised in many different States, and drilled and put in a state of readiness to march forward to the war, and assist in knocking down the tottering powers of old and bigoted Spain? Did those men do nothing for their country, after all their drillings and other mighty preparations for the purpose of going to the field? What was the use of Camp This, or Camp That, or Camp the Other Place to them? Either for good luck, or bad luck, as it turned out, all those camps were of no use at all to them. And it was just the same with the white volunteers and their camps. All, indeed, were drilled, and lay to be called away at any moment--all were in perfect readiness to go, and even very greatly desired to go; but few went, for their services were not required, as the war came to an end on the 12th of August, because "Old Spain" was fast going to the wall, as the Bible says of the wicked, "I will laugh at your calamity, and mock when your fear cometh." In fact, most that had been done in the war so far had been done upon the sea. Dewey and Schley had sunk Spain's best war ships, which circumstance placed the Spanish peninsula entirely at our mercy. Then she was bankrupt and inferior to the United States in every way. We had lost 264 men in the war, who were killed outright; but how many thousands Spain lost, she is probably too proud ever to let us know. She probably lost at least fifty to our one.

A great deal has been written about the hospitals in and around Santiago, and the conduct and sufferings of the patients who were treated there. It has been universally stated of the colored men who were treated for wounds that they were most exemplary and patient in every way, and even ready and willing to give way in favor of those white soldiers who lay side by side with them, waiting to be treated by the doctors on hand. It is really touching to read in the public papers how our own men insisted on their unfortunate suffering neighbors being treated first, and that they themselves would wait. "He is worse than I am, I can wait!"--and--"He is shot through the body, while I am only wounded in the arms; save him first!" This is the very essence of all generosity. This, indeed, is the most tender-hearted mercy and Christianity. If there is any bravery and nobility of character upon earth, this, indeed, is it. And the white Americans in the hospital were quite as generous as the colored men--to both their colored and white companions, according to the direct testimony and eye witness of foreign and domestic correspondents right there and then on the ground. There was no color line even dreamed of in the fields and hospitals of Santiago. It is only in the day of health and pride that people can afford to draw that line. But in the day of distress, and when death is hovering over us, then all that kind of foolishness is driven far away, and we only know that God has made of one blood all the nations upon earth.

It is quite refreshing to look back even now, and think upon the grand times we had when flags were raised on our houses, or flags were presented to regiments of volunteers getting ready to go to fight the Spaniards. I here select from the Southwestern Christian Advocate, of New Orleans, an organ of the M. E. Church, the following vivid description of the presentation of a flag to colored troops at New Orleans:

"A GLORIOUS DAY AND A GREAT CROWD.

"On Wednesday of last week, July 20th, there took place in this city, the most patriotic demonstration that it has ever been my privilege to witness. It was the occasion of the formal presentation of the regimental flag, the national colors, and a Red Cross flag to the Ninth Infantry Regiment of United States Volunteers, by the Afro-American citizens of New Orleans. Fully ten thousand people took part in what has been said to be the most enthusiastic gathering around the Nation's flag that has ever assembled in the Crescent City for years, if ever before. Political parties and denominational antagonisms were lost sight of in the fixed purpose to do honor to our boys in blue. It was thrilling, inspiring, to see a thousand black soldiers standing in line before the grandstand, with eyes to the front, and ears attentive to the words of the speakers.

"The committee on programme had done their work well in selecting such an array of talent for the occasion. The Hon. J. Madison Vance, was master of ceremonies. The grace and dignity with which he conducted the exercises were worthy of the occasion.

"Rev. W. R. Butler, pastor of the First Street M. E. Church, led in a fervent and earnest prayer for the protection of our boys, and the success of our army. Rev. Dr. Scott, the editor of The Southwestern Christian Advocate, was the orator of the day. His speech was scholarly, burning with eloquence, and full of patriotism, and words of advice for the black boys in blue. Again and again he was interrupted by the wildest applause by the vast concourse of people.

"I am sorry that space forbids the giving of the whole address. I simply give this. He said: 'We shall always look to you as our regiment, our boys. We are glad to see you here; glad to have you respond so readily to your country's call; glad you had the opportunity to do so. We present this flag, hoping it will ever signify to you the interest we feel in you, and impress you with your responsibility to your country and your race. We are a part of a great nation, and there are many reasons why we should be patriotic and true. The strength of a nation is largely measured by its patriotism. If the citizens of a country are devoted to the highest and best interests of that country there is little cause to fear. Patriotism enlists armies and develops martyrs.'

"The flag was presented by Dr. L. H. Reynolds, editor 'The African Methodist,' published in this city. Dr. Reynolds is gifted as a speaker, and the thrilling occasion warmed his heart. His words, patriotic and weighty, stirred the entire assembly, which cheered him to the echo.

"At the conclusion of the address, Mr. Vance introduced Major Armand Romain, 'as a remarkable son, from one of the best homes of the South,' who received the beautiful and costly flag with well-chosen words. As the flag was unfolded, the cheering was deafening. The officers and soldiers joined with the people in cheering the colors of the Ninth Regiment. This flag was purchased by a committee of ladies and gentlemen organized for that purpose.

"The Red Cross flag was presented by Miss Emma M. Williams, who represented the donor, 'The Phillis Wheatley Club,' and it was received on behalf of the regiment by Lieutenant Barnett. The National colors were given by the Israel Lodge of the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows, and they were presented in a happy speech by the Rev. R. A. Alston, of this city. Major Harrison, in his characteristic and earnest way, received the colors for the regiment amid great applause. Colonel Crane, Major Harrison, and the other members of the staff, were called forward and given three cheers, most heartily.

"The Rev. T. A. Wilson, on behalf of the A. M. E. Church, presented the regiment with a number of small Bibles and song books. Resolutions pledging loyal support to President McKinley and the country were unanimously adopted.

"Among others who served on the programme were Miss E. V. Edwards, Miss Ida Cohen, Miss Naomi Kitchens and Mr. A. Lewis. The soldiers seemed happy over the way their friends and loved ones remembered them, and I am sure they will sustain the confidence of the friends at home--never letting the old flag touch the ground.

"R. E. J."

The above article is taken from the Southwestern Christian Advocate, of New Orleans, for Thursday, the 28th of July, 1898. There is more of it, but the lines that follow are only taken up with the names of those who were on the different committees.

The careful reader must have observed in the article given above what a large share the preachers of the gospel had in the above flag presentations at New Orleans. And right here it may be proper for me to remark that the entire press of this country, so far as they have written on the subject, had given the greatest praise to the colored chaplains of the four regular regiments, United States cavalry and infantry, and mention what a deal their fatherly care and guidance had to do with the building up of the troops. And the same is equally true of those chaplains of those volunteer regiments that got ready for the field, but never went to the war, because they were not called upon to do so.

Although the war with Spain is now over, at this writing (September, 1898), I know not what may be the ultimate destination of the numerous colored volunteer regiments that were organized for the war, which will be retained for the country's service, and which will be disbanded and sent home. There is, however, one regiment from Illinois, all the officers being colored, from the colonel down, who have been sent to assist in the garrisoning of Santiago de Cuba.

The authorities at Washington have not been slow to reward bravery in the late war with Spain, as the following short article from an exchange will show:

"NEGRO BRAVERY REWARDED.

"Washington, D. C., August, 1898.--Six colored non-commissioned officers, who rendered particularly gallant and meritorious service in the face of the enemy in the actions around Santiago on July 1st and 2nd, have been appointed second lieutenants in two of the colored immune regiments recently organized under special acts of Congress. These men are Sergeants William Washington, of Troop F, and John C. Proctor, of Troop I, of the Ninth Cavalry; and Sergeants William McBonjar, of Company H; Wyatt Hoffman, of Company G; Mason Russell, of Company H, and Andrew J. Smith, of Company B, of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, commanded by Colonel Daggatt. These two Negro regiments were in the thick of the fierce fighting at El Caney and San Juan, and won high praise for their courage and efficiency. The Ninth Cavalry was also with the Rough Riders at La Quasina."

As the above extract will show, there has been a disposition shown at Washington to reward bravery, and reward it at once. People have not been wanting to point out who ought to be honored, and honor has been forthcoming on all hands.

While I am engaged writing these pages, the war is practically over, and a great many of the regiments are being disbanded and sent home. It is expected, however, that a larger army will be maintained at the national expense than ever before. We used to support 25,000 men, but now we have the Philippine Islands, Cuba and Porto Rico on our hands, besides home duties and the Hawaiian Islands, and therefore we shall need more men than before; at least, for some time to come. But all these things must be settled by the authorities at Washington.

While it is now my mournful task once more to revert to the 266 men killed on the Maine, and the 264 killed in battle, our list of wounded was much higher; while those who died of fevers contracted in the tropical climates, and came home sick, were, indeed, a mournful subject for us to think about. Our men were not used to the heat and rains of the East and West Indies, or even to the lowlands of Florida, and other far Southern States, which rendered them more helpless than children, so that many died far away from home, while others were too weak to be moved. Some died on the way, and many were carried into our hospitals as soon as they arrived at their destinations. Most of those who could stand the journey were sent on their way home, and all seemed to be glad that the war was over.

It is hardly necessary for me to say that this war has largely had the happy result of greatly elevating the character of the United States before the whole world. We are now a second-class naval power, and our praises are sung in all lands, from one end of the world to the other. Our armies that fought on shore at Manilla and Santiago have been honored by the nations of the earth, "Mother England," and all the rest--no matter whether they are willing or not. Immense good will follow to Cuba, Porto Rico, the Philippines, and, indeed, all mankind, for we will teach them what a moral, Christian and talented people we are. And we have done all this in less than four months--at the loss of very few lives, indeed, and not at much expense. I feel that Almighty God has been the head and spring of all this; and I am also proud that my own people have done their whole duty, and done it well.

BEULAH LINCOLN.

BLACKS IN THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR AND IN 1812.

I now undertake to write a history of the part which the colored men took in the great American Rebellion. Previous to entering upon that subject, however, I may be pardoned for bringing before the reader the condition of the blacks previous to the breaking out of the war.

The Declaration of American Independence, made July 4th, 1776, had scarcely been enunciated, and an organization of the government commenced, ere the people found themselves surrounded by new and trying difficulties, which, for a time, threatened to wreck the ship of state. The forty-five slaves landed on the banks of the James river, in the colony of Virginia, from the coast of Africa, in 1620, had multiplied to several thousands, and were influencing the political, social and religious institutions of the country. Brought into the colonies against their will; made the hewers of wood, and the drawers of water; considered in the light of law and public opinion as mere chattels, things to be bought and sold at the will of the owner; driven to their unrequited toil by unfeeling men, picked for the purpose from the lowest and most degraded of the uneducated whites, whose moral, social and political degradation by slavery was equal to that of the slave--the condition of the Negro was indeed a sad one!

The history of this people, full of sorrow, blood and tears, is full also of instruction for mankind. God has so ordered it that one class shall not degrade another without becoming themselves contaminated. So with slavery in America. The institution bred in the master insulting arrogance, deteriorating sloth, pampered the loathsome lust it inflamed until licentious luxury sapped the strength and rottened the virtue of the slave owners of the South.

Never were the institutions of a people, or the principles of liberty, put to such a severe test as those of the American Republic. The convention to frame the Constitution for the Government of the United States had not organized before the slave-masters began to press the claims of their system upon the delegates. They wanted their property represented in the National Congress, and undue guarantees thrown around it; they wanted the African slave-trade made lawful, and their victims returned if they should attempt to escape; they begged that an article might be inserted in the Constitution making it the duty of the general government to put down the slaves if they should imitate their masters in striking a blow for freedom. They seemed afraid of the very evil they were clinging to closely to. "Thus conscience doth make cowards of us all."

In all this early difficulty, South Carolina took the lead against humanity, her delegates ever showing themselves the foes of freedom. Both in the Federal Convention to frame the Constitution, and in the State Conventions to ratify the same, it was admitted that the blacks had fought bravely against the British, and in favor of the American Republic, for the fact that a black man (Crispus Attucks) was the first to give his life at the commencement of the Revolution, was still fresh in their minds. Eighteen years previous to the breaking out of the war, Attucks was held as a slave by Mr. William Brown, of Framingham, Mass., and from whom he escaped about that time, taking up his residence in Boston.

The Boston Massacre, March, 5th, 1770, may be regarded as the first act of the great drama of the American Revolution. "From that moment," said Daniel Webster, "we may date the severance of the British Empire." The presence of the British soldiers in King street excited the patriotic indignation of the people. The whole community was stirred, and sage counsellors were deliberating, and writing, and talking about the public grievance. But it was not for "the wise and prudent" to be the first to act against the encroachments of arbitrary power. "A motley rabble of saucy boys, Negroes and mulattoes, Irish teagues, and outlandish Jacktars" (as John Adams described them in his plea in defence of the soldiers) could not restrain their emotion, or stop to inquire if what they must do was according to the letter of any law. Led by Crispus Attucks, the mulatto slave, and shouting, "The way to get rid of these soldiers is to attack the mainguard; strike at the root; this is the nest!" with more valor than discretion, they rushed to King street, and were fired upon by Captain Preston's company. Crispus Attucks was the first to fall; he and Samuel Gray and Jonas Caldwell were killed on the spot; Samuel Maverick and Patrick Carr were mortally wounded.

The excitement which followed was intense. The bells of the town were rung; an impromptu town meeting was held, and an immense assembly was gathered. Three days after, on the 8th, a public funeral of the martyrs took place. The shops of Boston were closed, and all the bells of Boston and the neighboring towns were rung. It is said that a greater number of persons assembled on this occasion than were ever before gathered on this continent for a similar purpose. The body of Crispus Attucks, the mulatto slave, had been placed in Faneuil Hall, with that of Caldwell, both being strangers in the city. Maverick was buried from his mother's house, on Union street, and Gray from his brothers, in Royal Exchange Lane. The four hearses formed a junction in King street, and there the procession marched in columns six deep, with a long file of coaches belonging to the most distinguished citizens, to the Middle burying-ground, where the four victims were deposited in one grave, over which a stone was placed with this inscription:

"Long as in Freedom's cause the wise contend,
Dear to your country shall your fame extend;
While to the world the lettered stone shall tell
Where Caldwell, Attucks, Gray, Maverick fell."

The anniversary of this event was publicly commemorated in Boston by an ovation and other exercises every year until after our national independence was achieved, when the Fourth of July was substituted for the Fifth of March, as the more proper day for a general celebration. Not only was the event commemorated, but the martyrs who then gave up their lives were remembered and honored.

For half a century after the close of the war, the name of Crispus Attucks was honorably mentioned by the most noted men of the country, who were not blinded by foolish prejudice. At the battle of Bunker Hill, Peter Salem, a Negro, distinguished himself by shooting Major Pitcairn, who, in the midst of the battle, having passed the storm of fire without mounting the redoubt, and waving the sword, cried to the rebels to surrender. The fall of Pitcairn ended the battle in favor of liberty.

A single passage from Mr. Bancroft's history will give a succinct and clear account of the condition of the army in respect to colored soldiers, at the time of the battle of Bunker Hill:

"Nor should history forget to record that as in the army of Cambridge, so also in this gallant band, the free Negroes of the colony had their representatives. For the right of free Negroes to bear arms in the public defence was at that day as little disputed in New England as their other rights. They took their place, not in a separate corps, but in the ranks with the white man; and their names may be read on the pension rolls of the country, side by side with those of other soldiers of the Revolution."--Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. VII, p. 421.

The capture of Major-General Prescott, of the British army, on the 9th of July, 1777, was an occasion of great joy throughout the country. Prince, the valiant Negro who seized that officer, ought always to be remembered with honor for his important service. The exploit was much commended at the time, as its results were highly important; and Colonel Barton very properly received from Congress the compliment of a sword for his ingenuity and bravery. It seems, however, that it took more than one head to plan and to execute the undertaking. The following account of the capture is historical:

"They landed about five miles from Newport, and three-quarters of a mile from the house, which they approached cautiously, avoiding the mainguard, which was at some distance. The Colonel went foremost, with a stout, active Negro close behind him, and another at a small distance; the rest followed so as to be near, but not seen.

"A single sentinel at the door saw and hailed the Colonel. He answered by exclaiming against and inquiring for rebel prisoners, but kept slowly advancing. The sentinel again challenged him, and required the countersign. He said he had not the countersign, but amused the sentry by talking about rebel prisoners, and still advancing till he came within reach of the bayonet, which, he presenting, the colonel suddenly struck aside and seized him. He was immediately secured, and ordered to be silent on pain of instant death.

"Meanwhile the rest of the men surrounding the house, the Negro, with his head, at the second stroke, forced a passage into it, and then into the landlord's apartment. The landlord at first refused to give the necessary intelligence, but on the prospect of present death, he pointed to the general's chamber, which, being instantly opened by the Negro's head, the Colonel calling the general by name, told him he was a prisoner."--Pennsylvania Evening Post, August 7th, 1777 (in Frank Moore's "Diary of the American Revolution," Vol. I, p. 468).

There is abundant evidence of the fidelity and bravery of the colored patriots of Rhode Island during the whole war. Before they had been formed into a separate regiment, they had fought valiantly with the white soldiers at Red Bank and elsewhere. Their conduct at the battle of Rhode Island, on the 29th of August, 1778, entitles them to perpetual honor. That battle has been pronounced by military authorities to have been one of the best-fought battles of the Revolutionary War. Its success was owing, in a great degree, to the good fighting of the Negro soldiers. Mr. Arnold, in his "History of Rhode Island," thus closes his account of it:

"A third time the enemy, with desperate courage and increased strength, attempted to assail the redoubt, and would have carried it, but for the timely aid of two Continental battalions despatched by Sullivan to support his almost exhausted troops. It was in repelling these furious onsets that the newly-raised black regiment, under Col. Greene, distinguished itself by deeds of desperate valor. Posted behind a thicket in the valley, they three times drove back the Hessians, who charged repeatedly down the hill to dislodge them; and so determined were the enemy in these successive charges that the day after the battle, the Hessian colonel, upon whom this duty had devolved, applied to exchange his command, and go to New York, because he dared not lead his regiment again to battle, lest his men should shoot him by having caused them so much loss."--Arnold's History of Rhode Island, Vol. II, pp. 427, 428.

Three years later, these soldiers are thus mentioned by the Marquis de Chastellux:

"The 5th (of January, 1781), I did not set out till eleven, although I had thirty miles' journey to Lebanon. At the passage to the ferry, I met with a detachment of the Rhode Island regiment--the same corps we had with us all the last summer; but they have since been recruited and clothed. The greatest part of them are Negroes, or mulattoes; they are strong, robust men, and those I have seen had a very good appearance."

When Colonel Greene was surprised and murdered near Point Bridge, New York, on the 14th of May, 1781, his colored soldiers heroically defended him till they were cut to pieces; and the Negro reached him over the dead bodies of his faithful Negroes. That large numbers of Negroes were enrolled in the army, and served faithfully as soldiers during the whole period of the war of the revolution, may be regarded as a well-established historical fact, and it should be borne in mind that the enlistment was not confined, by any means, to those who had before enjoyed the privileges of free citizens. Very many slaves were offered to and received by the army, on the condition that they were to be emancipated either at the time of enlistment, or when they had served out the term of their enlistment. The inconsistency of keeping in slavery any person who had taken up arms for the defence of our national liberty had led to the passing of an order forbidding slaves, as such, to be received as soldiers.

That colored men were equally serviceable in the last war with Great Britain is true, as the following historical document will show:

"GEN. JACKSON'S PROCLAMATION TO THE NEGROES.

"Headquarters, Seventh Military District,

"MOBILE, September 21st, 1814.

"To the Free Colored Inhabitants of Louisiana:--

"Through a mistaken policy, you have heretofore been deprived of a participation in the glorious struggle for national rights, in which our country is engaged. This no longer shall exist. As sons of freemen, you are now called upon to defend our most inestimable blessing. As Americans, your country looks with confidence to her adopted children for a valorous support, as a faithful return for the advantages enjoyed under her mild and equitable government. As fathers, husbands and brothers, you are summoned to rally around the standard of the Eagle, to defend all which is dear in existence. Your country, although calling for your exertions, does not wish you to engage in her cause without amply remunerating you for the services rendered. Your intelligent minds are not to be led away by false representations. Your love of honor would cause you to despise the man who should attempt to deceive you. In the sincerity of a soldier, and the language of truth, I address you. To every noble-hearted, generous freeman of color, volunteering to serve during the present contest with Great Britain, and no longer, there will be paid the same bounty in money and lands now received by the white soldiers of the United States, viz: one hundred and twenty dollars in money, and one hundred and sixty acres of land. The non-commissioned officers and privates will also be entitled to the same monthly pay and daily rations and clothes furnished to any American soldier.

"On enrolling yourselves in companies, the Major-General commanding will select officers for your government from your white fellow citizens; your non-commissioned officers will be appointed from among yourselves.

"Due regard will be paid to the feelings of freemen and soldiers. You will not, by being associated with white men in the same corps, be exposed to improper comparisons or unjust sarcasm. As a distinct, independent battalion or regiment, pursuing the path of glory, you will, undivided, receive the applause and gratitude of your countrymen. To assure you of the sincerity of my intentions, and my anxiety to engage your invaluable services to our country, I have communicated my wishes to the Governor of Louisiana, who is fully informed as to the manner of enrollment, and will give you every necessary information on the subject of this address.

"ANDREW JACKSON, Major-General Commanding."

Three months later General Jackson addressed the same troops as follows:

"To the Men of Color, Soldiers:--

"From the shores of Mobile I collected you to arms. I invited you to share in the perils, and to divide the glory of your white countrymen. I expected much from you, for I was not uninformed of those qualities which must render you so formidable to an invading foe. I knew that you could endure hunger and thirst, and all the hardships of war. I knew that you loved the land of your nativity, and that, like ourselves, you had to defend all that is most dear to man. But you surpass my hopes. I have found in you, united to these qualities, that noble enthusiasm which impels to great deeds.

"Soldiers, the President of the United States shall be informed of your conduct on the present occasion, and the voice of the Representatives of the American nation shall applaud your valor, as your General now praises your ardor. The enemy is near! His sails cover the lakes. But the brave are united, and if he finds us contending with ourselves, it will be for the prize of valor and fame--its noblest reward."

Black men served in the navy with great credit to themselves, receiving the commendation of Commodore Perry and other brave officers.

Extract of a letter from Nathaniel Shaler, commander of the private armed schooner General Tompkins, to his agent in New York, dated--

"AT SEA, January 1st, 1813.

"Before I could get our light sails in, and almost before I could turn round, I was under the guns, not of a transport, but of a large frigate, and not more than a quarter of a mile from her! Her first broadside killed two men, and wounded six others. My officers conducted themselves in a way that would have done honor to a more permanent service. The name of one of my poor fellows who was killed ought to be registered in the book of fame, and remembered with reverence as long as bravery is considered a virtue. He was a black man, by the name of John Johnson. A twenty-four pound shot struck him on the hip, and took away all the lower part of his body. In this state, the poor, brave fellow lay on the deck, and several times exclaimed to his shipmates, 'Fire away, my boy! No haul a color down!' The other was also a black man, by the name of John Davis, and was struck in much the same way. He fell near me, and several times requested to be thrown overboard, saying he was only in the way of others. When America has such tars she has little to fear from the tyrants of the ocean."

"NICK" BIDDLE.

The title of "First Defenders" has been given to the five companies of Pennsylvania troops, two of which were from Schuylkill Co., one from Reading, one from Allentown, and one from Lewistown, Pa., that marched through Baltimore on the day before the Massachusetts soldiers were mobbed in the streets on the way to defend the national capital. After running the gauntlet of a furious rabble, the five companies reached Washington on the evening of the 18th, and were quartered in the Capitol Building. A pool of blood, which ran from the wounded cheek of "Nick" Biddle, marked the spot on the Capitol floor, where he lay that night. It was the first blood shed in the war for the Union. His grave is in the colored churchyard in Pottsville, Pa.

The grave of "Nick" Biddle a Mecca should be,
To Pilgrims who seek in this land of the free,
The tombs of the lowly as well as the great,
Who struggled for freedom in war or debate;
For there lies a black man distinguished from all
In that his veins furnished the first blood to fall
In war for the Union, when traitors assailed
Its brave "First Defenders," whose hearts never quailed.
The eighteenth of April, eighteen sixty-one,
Was the day "Nick" Biddle his great laurels won,
In Baltimore city, where riot ran high,
He stood by our banner to do or to die;
And onward, responsive to liberty's call--
The Capital City to reach ere it fall.
Brave Biddle with others as true and as brave,
Marched through the wild tempest, the nation to save.
Their pathway was fearful, surrounded by foes,
Who strove in fierce madness their course to oppose;
Who hurl threats and curses defiant of law,
And think by such methods they may overawe
The gallant defenders, who nevertheless
Hold back their resentment as forward they press,
And conscious of noble endeavor, despise
The flashing of weapons and traitorous eyes.
Behold now the crisis! The mob thirsts for blood!
It strikes down "Nick" Biddle, and opens the flood;
The torrents of crimson from hearts that are true,
That shall deepen and widen, shall clean and renew,
The land of our fathers by slavery cursed.
The blood of "Nick" Biddle--yes, it is the first,
The patter of raindrops presaging the storm,
That will rage and destroy till the nation reform.
How strange, too, it seems that the Capitol floor,
Where slave-holders sat in the Congress of yore,
And forged for his kindred chains heavy to bear,
To bind down the black man in endless despair,
Should be stained with his blood, and thus sanctified,
Made sacred to Freedom, through time to abide,
A temple of justice, with every right
For all of the nation--black, red men and white.
The grave of "Nick" Biddle, though humble it be,
Is nobler by far in the sight of the free
Than tombs of those chieftains whose sinful crusade,
Brought long years of mourning, and countless graves made;
In striving to fetter their black fellow-men,
And make of the Southland a vast prison pen,
Their cause was unholy, but "Nick" Biddle was just--
And hosts of pure spirits watch over his dust.

Deeds are indestructible; ideas are imperishable, and mind is immortal. "Children," says George Eliot, "may be strangled, deeds never; they have an indestructible life, both in mind and outside of our consciousness." It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that many of the ancients of the distant past should have predicated eternal life upon deeds and ideas. Deeds which are formidable, and ideas which grow and expand, and gather strength, until they become the very life of the social, moral and religious structure of the nation. To my mind there can be no truer measurement of a man, or a race, or a nation, than the standard of ideas which formulate themselves into deeds. "Deeds and ideas," which, according to Disraeli, "render a man independent of his constituencies, independent of dissolution, independent even of the course of time."

Measure from this standard Theodore Roosevelt, the President of the United States of America, is the most unique figure before the American people to-day. No President since the days of Lincoln, the emancipator, merits in a larger degree the unselfish praise and devotion, not only of his countrymen, but of the whole civilized world. In the strictest sense of the term, he is a man of destiny. Born, like all true leaders and reformers, at a particular time, for a particular purpose; endowed by nature with a constitution which defies the encroachment of disease; with an intellect which craves the most rigid discipline; with a courage which knows no daring, and a conscience which repels the slightest innovation which might result to the detriment of his fellow-man, regardless of race, color or creed. It was for Abraham Lincoln to issue the proclamation of freedom, and thus save the nation from disintegration; it is for Theodore Roosevelt to preserve that proclamation, and preserve the amendments to the Constitution, which is the very life of the freedom guaranteed to the emancipated. From the time of President Grant down to the present time, there has been a persistent attempt on the part of the South to paralyze the spirit and practice of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments to the Constitution, without which freed men would have no legal standing in the nation.

The amendments received a dangerous wound during the administration of President Hayes. From the effects of this wound it hardly ever recovered. When, by a strange Providence, Theodore Roosevelt was called suddenly to occupy the place of the martyred President McKinley, a most lovable and peaceful man, black men and their friends, all over the country, rejoiced in the hope of a better day, when right and justice would succeed policy and conciliation. In this we were not mistaken. Not that Theodore Roosevelt loves the black man any more than any of his predecessors, but that Theodore Roosevelt has convictions and the courage of his convictions, regardless of consequences. The appended correspondence, which explains itself, will render him immortal, and will keep his memory fresh in the recollection of his fellow-men, and when future historians chronicle his acts, they shall speak of him as "Theodore, the Great and the Good."

COLOR IS NO BAR TO OFFICE.

_President Roosevelt Defines His Attitude--In a Letter to a South Carolinian, Who Includes in a Number of Objections to the Appointment of Dr. Crum as Collector of the Port of Charleston the Statement That He is a Negro, the President Declares That He Will Continue to Appoint Colored Men of Intelligence and Standing--Incentive to Good Citizenship._

Washington, November 27.--The President has sent the following communication to a prominent citizen of Charleston, S. C.:

"Personal.

"WHITE HOUSE,

"Washington, November 26th, 1902.

"My Dear Sir:--I am in receipt of your letter of November 10th, and one from Mr. ----, under date of November 11th, in reference to the appointment of Dr. Crum as collector of the port of Charleston.

"In your letter you make certain specific charges against Dr. Crum, tending to show his unfitness in several respects for the office sought. These charges are entitled to the utmost consideration from me, and I shall go over them carefully before taking any action. After making these charges, you add, as a further reason for opposition to him, that he is a colored man; and after reciting the misdeeds that followed carpet-bag rule and Negro domination in South Carolina, you say that 'we have sworn never again to submit to the rule of the African, and such an appointment as that of Dr. Crum to any such office forces us to protest unanimously against this insult to the white blood,' and you add that you understood me to say that I would never force a Negro on such a community as yours. Mr. ---- puts the objection of color first, saying, 'First, he is a colored man, and that of itself ought to bar him from the office.'

"In view of these last statements, I think I ought to make clear to you why I am concerned and pained by your making them, and what my attitude is as regards all such appointments. How anyone could have gained the idea that I had said I would not appoint reputable and upright colored men to office when objection was made to them solely on account of their color, I confess I am wholly unable to understand. At the time of my visit to Charleston last spring, I had made, and since that time I have made, a number of such appointments from several States in which there was considerable colored population. For example, I made one such appointment in Mississippi, and another in Alabama shortly before my visit to Charleston. I had at that time appointed two colored men as judicial magistrates in the District of Columbia. I have recently announced another such appointment for New Orleans, and have just made one from Pennsylvania. The great majority of my appointments in every State have been of white men. North and South alike it has been my sedulous endeavor to appoint only men of high character and good capacity, whether white or black. But it has been my consistent policy in every State where their numbers warranted it to recognize colored men of good repute and standing in making appointments to office. These appointments of colored men have in no State made more than a small proportion of the total number of appointments. I am unable to see how I can legitimately be asked to make an exception for South Carolina. In South Carolina, to the four most important positions in the State, I have appointed three men and continued in office a fourth, all of them white men--three originally Gold Democrats; two of them, as I am informed, the sons of Confederate soldiers. I have been informed by the citizens of Charleston whom I met that these four men represent a high grade of public service.

"I do not intend to appoint any unfit man to office. So far as I legitimately can I shall always endeavor to pay regard to the wishes and feelings of the people of each locality, but I cannot consent to take the position that the door of hope--the door of opportunity--is to be shut upon any man, no matter how worthy, purely upon the grounds of race or color. Such an attitude would, according to my convictions, be fundamentally wrong. If, as you hold, the great bulk of the colored people are not yet fit in point of character and influence to hold such positions, it seems to me that it is worth while putting a premium upon the effort among them to achieve the character and standing which will fit them.

"The question of 'Negro domination' does not enter into the matter at all. It might as well be asserted that when I was Governor of New York, I sought to bring about Negro domination in that State because I appointed two colored men of good character and standing to responsible positions--one of them to a position paying a salary twice as large as that paid in the office now under consideration; one of them as a director of the Buffalo Exposition. The question raised by you and Mr.---- in the statements to which I refer is simply whether it is to be declared that under no circumstances shall any man of color, no matter how upright and honest, no matter how good a citizen, no matter how fair in his dealings with all his fellows, be permitted to hold any office under our government.

"I certainly cannot assume such an attitude, and you must permit me to say that in my view it is an attitude no man should assume, whether he looks at it from the standpoint of the true interest of the white man of the South or of the colored man of the South--not to speak of any other section of the Union. It seems to me that it is a good thing from every standpoint to let the colored man know that if he shows in marked degree the qualities of good citizenship--that the qualities which in a white man we feel are entitled to reward--then he will not be cut off from all hope of similar reward.

"Without any regard as to what my decision may be on the merits of this particular applicant for this particular place, I feel that I ought to let you know clearly my attitude on the far broader question raised by you and Mr. ----, an attitude from which I have not varied during my term of office.

"Faithfully yours,

"THEODORE ROOSEVELT.

"Hon. ----

"Charleston, S. C."

[Transcriber's note: Original spelling varieties have been maintained.]

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