Chapter II: Part 2

In 1417 Walter Sheryngton, Prebendary of Goderynghill, is confirmed in his possession of the estate and the “free chapel” of Rouncevall in the Diocese of London. During his tenure of office there appears to have been an action at law between the Prior of the Hospital and the Warden, the exact nature of which is uncertain; but during its course the conditions of the early foundation of the Convent at Charing Cross came under discussion.

In 1432 Roger Westwode, who was also a Prebendary of the Chapel Royal, St. Stephen’s, was Warden of the Chapel or Hospital of St. Mary Roncevall. He was clearly conscious of the advantages to be gained by the connexion with the House in the Pyrenees, as he obtained a royal licence to receive bulls and letters of indulgence for the profit of his own chapel from the Prior in Navarre, and also to remit alms for the poor and other monies to the Priory. An echo of the old difficulties can be noted in this document, as the royal licence states clearly that the said Priory is “outside our allegiance, and the licence is to continue so long as there is no war between us and the King of Navarre.”

The fortunes of the Hospital in the middle fifteenth century can only be judged by inference, but there can be little doubt that it continued to be useful, and that gradually its functions as a place for the cure of the needy sick became more developed. The co-operation of nursing sisters must have also become familiar to the London community by this time. The brethren and sisters had pursued their avocation in tending and in nursing the infirm from very early days in the history of the community of St. Mary both in Navarre and in England. As the religious house became more distinctly a hospital their services must have been in constantly increasing request.

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRATERNITY OF ST. MARY RONCEVALL (1475).

The year 1475 marks the official commencement of the last stage of the existence of the Hospital. In that year a royal charter of Edward IV records the “foundation of a fraternity or perpetual gild of a master, two wardens and the brethren and sisters who may wish to be of the same in the Chapel of St. Mary Rounsidevall by Charyng Crosse, and of a perpetual chantry of one chaplain to celebrate divine service at the High Altar in the said chapel.” In 1478 a grant in mortmain is recorded to the Master, Wardens, Brethren and Sisters of the Fraternity of the said Chapel or Hospital, and of its property, revenues and privileges, for the sustenance of the chaplain and two additional clergy who now seem to have been required for the services of the chapel, and of “the poor people flocking to the Hospital.”

In the years following, the affairs of the Hospital seem to have been administered with energy and prudence, for we have records in 1494, 1495 and 1496 of legal proceedings concerning the property and privileges of the Hospital, in which the master and wardens vigorously upheld their position and successfully defended their rights. The litigation, which seems to have gone on intermittently chiefly for the recovery of the ancient possessions of the Hospital, appears to have been brought to a conclusion in the year 1510, when, in the Mastership of Laurence Long, the fraternity paid the sum of 20_s._ into the hanaper for the confirmation of the various charters granted to the fraternity by the King.

Again there seems to have been a period of comparative calm and, no doubt, of successful performance of the duties of the Hospital. The fraternity may have even thought that the storm which burst over the Church in the time of Henry VIII would leave them unharmed on account of the fulfilment of their useful functions in the community, for so late as the year 1542, while William Jenyns was Master, a record can be read giving evidence of their continuing interest and careful management of their affairs. In this year they obtained certain property and a wharf in the parish of St. Margaret, in respect of rents to be paid from a tenement called the “Shippe” and certain lands in the Parish of St. Clement Danes without Temple Bar. This, however, is the last deed recorded of the ancient community, with the exception of the final act which was very soon to take place.

DISSOLUTION OF THE FRATERNITY BY HENRY VIII (1544).

The policy of the King, enforced in many cases by the greed of his agents and other members of the Court, could not leave the Hospital unscathed, and not even the charitable deeds of the fraternity were sufficient to save them from dispersion. The grief with which the master, wardens and members of the fraternity assembled to ratify their last official act in a corporate capacity may be conceived, and it is possible to some faint extent to imagine the feelings of despair and of bitter irony uppermost in the minds of the brethren and sisters when they heard the words of the Deed of Surrender read aloud. In this document the master, wardens, brethren and sisters of the fraternity declared that they are “specially influenced at the present time by divers causes and considerations to give and concede by this Charter to the most excellent and invincible prince, our Lord Henry VIII, by the Grace of God, King of England, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith and Supreme Head of the Church in England and Ireland,” their Church, Hospital, and all other property and privileges. The affixing of their Common Seal to this document concludes the chequered history of the Convent of St. Mary Roncevall at Charing Cross (November 11, 1544).

Though the remaining members of the Community were deprived of their offices and ejected from the home which they had so long possessed at Charing Cross, their lot was not so hard as in the case of many others driven into the world at this time. A pittance from their income was left. There may be read in a book of payments of Edward VI, under the heading “Pencions out of Monasteries” that the guardians of Roncevall were allotted the munificent annual income of 6_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ Very oddly in this document the larger sum of 8_l._ is entered and crossed out in favour of the smaller amount mentioned. The amount of the pension was measured with parsimonious exactness. Quarterly payments of 33 shillings and 4 pence are entered as being paid to the few surviving members of the fraternity so late as at Christmas, the Annunciation, Midsummer and Michaelmas, 1551 and 1552.

FIG. 10.—The common seal of the Fraternity of St. Mary Roncevall.
FIG. 11.—From the imperfect impression attached to the Deed of
Surrender.
]

THE LATER HISTORY OF THE ESTATE OF RONCEVALL.

The subsequent fate of the Chapel and Hospital and the land on which they stood may be shortly stated. The site was granted, no doubt with the buildings on it, in the year 1550 to Sir Thomas Cawarden.[14] Cawarden had been master of the revels to Henry VIII and had established claims to reward or remuneration from the King which had not been satisfied on his death. He was able to establish and enforce these claims in the early years of Edward VI. With some difficulty he obtained in discharge of his claims on the Crown the estate and property of Roncevall and also the church and property of the Blackfriars within the City of London. He seems also to have secured at this time the stewardship of Nonsuch Palace and its lands in the County of Surrey.

Footnote 14:

“A Survey of London,” by John Stow, 1603. The edition by Charles L.
Kingsford, Clarendon Press, 1908, i, p. 341; ii, p. 350.

The properties of Roncevall and of the Blackfriars soon passed from the hands of Cawarden, probably during the period of wild speculation in land and real estate which followed the dissolution of the religious houses, but the stewardship of Nonsuch he continued to hold with much tenacity in spite of the efforts to dislodge him from this favourite position by Cardinal Pole during the reign of Queen Mary.

Cawarden died in the year 1559. In the meantime the Roncevall property had passed to Sir Robert Brett. It was purchased early in the seventeenth century by Henry Howard, Earl of Northampton, who built himself a town house, described as a “sumptuous palace,” on the site, using for the purpose the material of the ancient Convent. This house was completed in the year 1605 and was known for some years as Northampton House. It consisted of buildings arranged on three sides of a quadrangle, and open towards the garden and river. From him the property passed by inheritance to his nephew, Thomas Howard, first Earl of Suffolk, the second son of Thomas, fourth Duke of Norfolk, who completed the quadrangle, the house being then known as Suffolk House. From the Howard family the property passed by an heiress to Algernon Percy, Earl of Northumberland, in 1642; another heiress of the Percy family brought the property to Charles Seymour, Duke of Somerset. While in the possession of the Somerset family and their immediate successors, the Strand front was much improved and acquired the architectural features so long associated with Northumberland House at Charing Cross. By another heiress, Lady Elizabeth Seymour, the property passed into the possession of the present Duke of Northumberland’s family.

In consequence of the construction of the Thames Embankment, and the necessity for making a wide approach from Charing Cross, the late Metropolitan Board of Works bought the property from the Duke of Northumberland, in 1874, for the sum of £500,000. Northumberland House, the last of the old river-side mansions, was completely demolished and now Northumberland Avenue and the great buildings near it occupy the site of the Convent and Hospital of St. Mary Roncevall.[15]

Footnote 15:

“Old and New London,” V. iii, by Edward Walford (Cassell, Petter and
Galpin). “Charing Cross,” by J. H. MacMichael (Chatto and Windus),
1905.

THE RONCEVALL PROPERTY IN LONDON; FROM INFORMATION IN AN UNPUBLISHED
MANUSCRIPT OF THE BEGINNING OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY IN THE LIBRARY AT
RONCESVALLES.[16]

Footnote 16:

The author is indebted to Don José Urrutia, the Abbot-Prior, for a
précis of this document.

Most of the ancient documents dealing with the history of the Priory have been destroyed or lost as the result of war, fires and other causes. There remains in the Library at Roncesvalles an unpublished MS. dealing with the early history of the Priory and its dependencies, written about the second quarter of the seventeenth century by Don Juan Huarte. This MS. incorporates information obtained by the writer from various sources, and especially under the date April 12, 1623, from a certain Brother Miguel de Spiritu Sancto, who derived it in his turn from a certain Don Francisco Olastro—(Francis Oliver?)—who is stated to have been an ambassador from England in Madrid. This document states that there is situated in the suburbs of London a wide street named “the Street of Our Lady of Roncesvalles.” The houses in this street have sculptured over their doorways a single cross according to the use of Roncesvalles. At the end of the street is a large building, now nearly dismantled, which was a sumptuous church in the time of the Catholic Religion. Over the portico of the church were sculptured three crosses of the same form, and in addition there was a clearly engraved Latin inscription to the effect that this church was built and completely finished in honour of the Blessed Virgin by Henry IV, King of England, who, in addition, granted to the Community of St. Mary of Roncevall large possessions and revenues for the service of the Priory and Hospital. The inscription is dated in the MS. 1378, but this date, which is clearly impossible, is probably an error of transcription for 1408, arising from peculiarities in the formation of the figures, and there are other errors to be noted, showing that the information is derived through indirect channels. The inscription is given as follows:—

“Henricus quartus Dei gratia Rex Angliæ, Iberniæ et Irlandæ,
Princeps Gales, et Dux (_Lancastrie?_). Hanc ecclesiam
sacratissimæ Virginis et Matris Mariæ construxit locupletavit et
a fundamentis edificavit, et eam in honorem dictæ Sanctissimæ
Virginis et Matris multis possessionibus et redditibus et
inquiliniis ditavit, et eam cum suis omnibus possessionibus,
inquiliniis subditis et redditibus donavit in donum perpetuum
ordini et hospitali generali coenobii Sanctæ Mariæ Roncesvallis
in anno domini Salvatoris nostri Jhesu Christi, MCCCLXXVIII.”

The document goes on to say that the Priory possessed in England property including the Chapel and Convent at Charing Cross (“Caringrasso”) of the yearly value of 9,300 pounds English money, corresponding to 8,223 Spanish ducats, and that it also owned property in Canterbury (“Conturbel”) of the yearly value of 4,000 pounds, and in Oxford (“Oxonia”) of 5,700 pounds. A Procurator was appointed directly by the Abbot at Roncesvalles, who had his headquarters in London at Charing Cross, and had complete powers of administration to deal with the property of the Convent scattered through England, Scotland, and Ireland, and he also directed the Hospital and other enterprises of the Brotherhood.

The Huarte MS. also states that, in the ancient archives of the Abbey there existed a record in alphabetical arrangement, from which it is gathered that Henry VI of England, finding that no official was being sent from Roncesvalles, directed one of his chaplains to obtain from Roncesvalles an account of the property in London and Charing Cross belonging to the Priory: “Las pertenecientes á la capilla y encomienda de Roncesvalles situada junto á Caringrasso de Inglaterra,” and a warrant to collect the income and charitable contributions and send them to Roncesvalles for the maintenance of the clergy and the poor. There is also a statement on the authority of a “military personage in the City of London,” that there existed in London a large house which had belonged to Roncesvalles, as shown by the crosses of the special form used by the Order still to be seen on the stones, and that this house had been converted into a seminary of the Anglican Church.

It will be observed that much of the information in the Huarte MS. is traditional and cannot be accepted without careful collation with the more complete and authentic information contained in the English records. It is, however, of much interest to know that a document perpetuating the memory of the Hospital of Roncevall in London still exists in the parent House.

THE ILLUSTRATIONS.

FIG. 1.—The Chapel of St. Mary Roncevall on the bank of the Thames previous to 1544. The chapel is of the middle of the thirteenth century, in two storeys, with later additions, probably of the Tudor period, to the south of the church and at the north-east angle. The tower and belfry are at the north-east end of the church. The chapel is built on a terrace, faced by a high wall, pierced by a door giving access by steps to the river. The sketch gives indications of portions of the conventual buildings, some of which may be identified by referring to the inventory contained in the grant to Sir Thomas Cawarden; for instance, the gardens, the churchyard, wharf, the almshouse. The Cross at Charing, St Martin’s Church of that period, other features in the village of Charing, and St. Giles’s in the Fields, may be identified.

FIG. 2.—A chart of the Western Pyrenees, showing the roads through the passes, and the position of Roncesvalles and Ibañeta.

FIGS. 3 and 4.—The effigy of William Marshall, Earl of Pembroke (_ob._ 1219), in the Temple Church.

FIGS. 5, 6, and 7.—The effigy of William Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, son of the preceding (_ob._ 1231). These figures of the Marshalls are from Edward Richardson’s “Monumental Effigies of the Temple Church.” Longmans, 1843. William Marshall, sen., the regent, and his son were closely associated with the Knights Templars, and benefactors of the Order. It will be noted that the effigy of the father shows the figure in a straight position, whereas the effigy of the son is in the cross-legged attitude. The question is naturally raised as to the significance of the cross-legged position. There is no doubt that William Marshall the elder did go to the Holy Land in fulfilment of the dying request of Henry, the eldest son of Henry II, in the years 1185-87. In the case of the son there is no evidence of a journey to Palestine, though it is possible that he may have taken part in campaigns against the Moors in Spain.

FIG. 8.—A copy of an ancient drawing lately in the possession of Mr. E. Gardner, now in the collection of Sir Edward F. Coates, Bart. The drawing is supposed to be contemporary and to have been the work of an early Italian artist resident in England. It was purchased at the Strawberry Hill sale by Dr. Wellesley for the Gardner collection; and the Marquis of Salisbury is stated to have several drawings by the same early Italian artist. The sketch shows part of the north-westerly aspect of the Chapel of St. Mary Roncevall, with some of the later Tudor additions. The battlements were probably added when additions were built, perhaps in the time of Henry IV, or later. The Tudor chimneys appearing over the battlements are reminiscent of the work of Cardinal Wolsey at Hampton Court and would have been constructed in brick. The building on the extreme left of the sketch is probably the corner of a north porch. The sketch also shows the gardens of the Convent of which very special note is made in Cawarden’s inventory, and in the distance the buildings of Whitehall and of Westminster.

FIG. 9.—Copy of an official stamp now used in the Priory, showing the Cross of Roncesvalles.

FIGS. 10 and 11.—The common seal of the Fraternity and Guild of St. Mary Roncevall. The seal appears to be of the fifteenth century and was no doubt the seal specially mentioned as being given to the Fraternity by Edward IV. The seal is round, the engraved part being 2-1/4 in. in diameter. Unfortunately the impression is imperfect.

Fig. 10 is from a cast taken by Doubleday in the middle of the last century.

Fig. 11 is from a cast taken by Mr. Ready from the impression still attached to the Deed of Surrender. It will be noted on careful examination that there are certain interesting differences in the state of preservation of these two casts. The seal on the Deed of Surrender has been backed and strengthened, but this repair does not altogether account for the differences noticed in the impressions. It is possible that another impression may have existed when Doubleday made his cast. The seal represents “the assumption of the Virgin, who is standing on a crescent upheld by an angel and surrounded by radiance. At each side three flying angels issuing from clouds. Overhead in clouds the Trinity. The legend reads:—

‘SIGILLU(M COĒ FRATER)NITATIS BĒ MARIE DE ROUNCIVA(LL).’”

(Birch’s Catalogue of Seals.)

The author cannot conclude this account of the Convent and Hospital without expressing his cordial thanks to those from whom he has sought assistance and criticisms. He desires especially to acknowledge his obligations to Mr. E. Salisbury and other officials of the Public Record Office for their courteous and patient guidance; to Mr. E. Gardner for his kind permission to see the valuable collection of material illustrating the history of London formerly in his possession, and to reproduce one of the drawings in this paper; to Mr. Herbert Wigglesworth and his assistant, Mr. L. H. Glencross, for drawings of the Chapel of St. Mary, and for important criticisms respecting its structure and architectural features; and to Don José Urrutia, the Abbot-Prior, and Don Ignacio Ibarbia Fernandez de Guevara, Canon of Roncesvalles, for much information respecting the present state of the Convent, and for their sympathetic interest in the history of one of the ancient “cells” of the Real Colegiata.

CALENDAR OF THE HOSPITAL OF ST. MARY RONCEVALL, CHARING CROSS.

[Sidenote: ANNO 1229.]

Letters of Protection to the Brethren of St. Mary Roncesvalles.

_De Protectione._ Fratres hospitalis Sancti Marie Roscidi Vallis habent literas de protectione sine termino cum hac clausula:—

“Rogamus vos quatinus cum nuncii ejusdem hospitalis ad vos venerint elemosinas petituri,” &c.

Calendar Patent Rolls, 13 Henry III, p. 265.

[Sidenote: 1232.]

Record of the grant to St. Mary and the Hospital of Roncevaux (Roscida Vallis) of the gift which William Marshall, sometime Earl of Pembroke, made to them of all his houses at Cherring, and the houses and curtilages adjoining them, formerly belonging to William Briwere, and of 100_s._ at Suthanton, payable from the houses of the said Earl there, of 13_l._ of land in the Moor of Magor and of a carucate of land in Assendon which he bought from Robert de Rochford. 11th August; Wenlock.

Calend. Charter Rolls, 16 Henry III, p. 168.

[Sidenote: 1240.]

Grant by the King to the Brethren of “Roscida Valle” of 32 acres which they have sown in Pevensey, of land which William Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, gave to them. 26th July; Quicfeld.

Calend. Close Rolls, 24 Henry III, m. 8.

[Sidenote: 1242.]

Grant of pasturage by King Henry III beyond the water called “Lador” (Adour) to the Prior and Brethren of the Hospital of St. Mary Roncevaux. La Sauve Majeure.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 26-27 Henry III, p. 334.

[Sidenote: 1242.]

Bond by the King for payment of 90 pounds of Morlaas to Dominic Paschalis, Provost of Roncevaux. La Sauve Majeure.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 27 Henry III, p. 349.

[Sidenote: 1253.]

Simple protection, without term, for the prior and brethren of the Hospital of St. Mary, Rouncevall. 11th February; Windsor.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 37 Henry III, m. 17.

[Sidenote: 1253.]

Protection for one year for the Master and brethren of Roscidevalle, with this clause, that all their beasts may feed throughout the King’s land of Gascony, as they have been accustomed to do. 1st October: Benauge.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 37-38 Henry III, m. 20.

[Sidenote: 1254.]

Protection for four years, as above. 26th August; Bordeaux.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 37-38 Henry III, m. 8.

[Sidenote: 1278.]

Henry, son of William of Smalebrok, nominated Attorney for 2 years for the Prior of the Hospital of Roncevaux. Westminster.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 6 Ed. I, p. 283.

[Sidenote: 1279.]

The sum of 16_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ charged on the pedage of “Maramande” (Myramand), to be paid to the hospital of Roncevaux (Rossidevall). Westminster.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 7 Ed. I, p. 7.

[Sidenote: 1280.]

Henry, son of William of Smalebrok, nominated Attorney for 2 years for the Prior of the Hospital of Roncedevall. Westminster.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 8 Ed. I, p. 382.

[Sidenote: 1281.]

Note in a Record of Accounts that the King’s lands granted to Eleanor his mother, of the town of Myramand, are charged with 20_l._ Arvaldenses equivalent to 16_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ of Tours to the hospital of Rossedevall. Westminster.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 9 Ed. I, p. 447.

[Sidenote: 1283.]

Protection for Brother Lupus, Priest, Envoy, and Preceptor of the Houses in England and Ireland of the Prior and Convent of the Hospital of St. Mary Roncevaux, coming from the Pope with indulgences for the remission of sins. Macclesfield.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 11 Ed. I, p. 75.

[Sidenote: 1290.]

G. Prior and the Hospital of Roncevaux (Roscida Vallis) to Edward I, praying the King to be attentive to what shall be told him by certain Brethren of the Hospital who are bearing the present letter to England and to grant their request. 2 Id. July.

Ancient Correspondence, vol. xx, No. 44.

[Sidenote: 1291.]

_Emendæ._ Item, fratre Lupo procuratori Hospitali Runcivallis dampnis fratrum dicti Hospitalis adjudicatis coram auditoribus querelarum pro domibus suis Suthamtonæ xiiij _li_, ij _s._ xiiij _li_, ij _s._

19 Ed. I. Extract. Liberationes factæ per
Executores Dominæ Alienoræ Consortis Edwardi
Regis Angliæ Primi: Rot. primus.

(_Vide_ Manners and Household expenses of England: p.
105, Roxburghe Club; edited by T. Hudson Turner,
presented by Beriah Botfield: 1841 (London, William
Nicol, Shakespeare Press).

[Sidenote: 1292.]

William de Cestre, and Peter Arnaldi de Sancto Michaele nominated attorneys for 5 years for the Prior of Roncyvall staying beyond seas. Westminster.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 20 Ed. I, p. 476.

[Sidenote: 1293.]

Lupus de Canone, preceptor of the Houses of Ronceval in Bordeaux, and Arnaldus de Sancto Johanne, a lay person, nominated attorneys for the Prior of Ronceval (Roscidevall), staying beyond seas for three years. 12th May; Westminster.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 21 Ed. I, p. 14.

[Sidenote: 1293-94.]

The Prior of the Hospital of Rosci de Vall seeks against Adam, son of Walter the Scot, one toft with appurtenances as the right of the said Hospital, by writ of entry. A predecessor of the Prior is admitted to have held this toft and tenements 15 years previously (in 1279).

Assize Rolls, No. 544, 22 Ed. I, m. 21.

[Sidenote: Probably late Ed. I, or Ed. II.]

A petition from the Prior of the Convent and Hospital of Roncevall to restore to them property consisting of a site before the Cross at Charing, and also certain other small rents and three acres of land which John of Lincoln, Burgess of London, had held for a period of ten years, and which on his death, on account of the default of the Attorney of the said Prior and Convent and Hospital, were taken into the hand of the King. The petition requests the restoration of this property to the Prior and Convent to hold them as they had been in the custom of doing “come les gentz dil pais le sauont bien et toute la veisinetee.” Undated.

Ancient Petitions, 9635.

[Sidenote: 1310.]

Evidence of property held in Norwich by the House of Roncevaux, in a licence for alienation in mortmain by William But of Norwich, to the Friars Preachers of that place. 30th March; Westminster.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 3 Ed. II, p. 222.

[Sidenote: 1321.]

William Roberti, Canon of the Hospital of St. Mary Roncevall, appointed Proctor in England for the recovery of their lands and rents. Their late Proctor, John de Rouncevall, having died, and not being aware of his death, they did not appoint a new Proctor, wars and other impediments hindering them, so that their lands and rents were taken by divers men. 24th August; Westminster.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 15 Ed. II, p. 23.

[Sidenote: 1321.]

Protection granted to the messengers sent to England by William Roberti, Canon of the Hospital of St. Mary Roncevall, and Proctor-General in England of the Prior and Convent of that place, in consideration of the benefits constantly given in that hospital to poor pilgrims visiting the shrine of Santiago. 25th August; Westminster.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 15 Ed. II, p. 15.

F. (?) Prior and the Hospital of Roncevaux to Edward II, on behalf of the citizens of Bayonne, greatly impoverished by the late wars.

Ancient Correspondence, xxxiv, No. 167.

[Sidenote: 1335.]

An account of the abandonment of the 10 acres of land known as “Ronsevalcroft,” in Kensyngton, by the brethren of the Hospital of Roncevaux; how the land was taken by Simon de Kensyngton without the King’s licence, escheated to the Crown, and finally restored to the Convent. 12th July; Carlisle.

Calend. Close Rolls, 9 Ed. III, p. 423.

[Sidenote: 1348-49.]

THE BLACK DEATH.

[Sidenote: 1379.]

The chapel and lands of St. Mary Rounceval seized into the King’s hands in accordance with a statute, dated at Gloucester, for the forfeiture of the lands of schismatic aliens. 2 Ric. II.

Cf. Close Rolls, 10 Henry IV, m. 7. 1409, _vide infra_.

[Sidenote: 1382.]

Nicholas Slake,[17] Master of the Hospital of St. Mary Roncevalles.

Footnote 17:

Hennessy: “Nov. Repert. Ecclesiast. Paroch. Londin.” Nicholas Slake,
Prebendary of Wenlakesbarn; of Erdington in Briggenorth; of Shirecote
in Tamworth; Rector of St. Mary Abchurch; and Dean of St. Stephen’s
Chapel Royal, Westminster (1396).

The King grants a writ of aid for Ralph Archer, Proctor of Nicholas Slake, to arrest and bring before the King and Council all persons whom he shall prove to have collected alms in the realm as proctor of the Hospital, and converted the same to their own use. 18th July. Westminster.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 6 Ric. II, p. 195.

[Sidenote: 1383.]

Inquisition into the foundation of the Hospital of Rouncevall, before the King’s Court at Westminster.

Plac. coram Rege apud West. de term. Mich. 7 Ric. II, Rot. 21 Middx.; also Chancery Miscellanea, 68/466.

It appears that the Crown had resumed possession of the Hospital and land and all its possessions after the forfeiture of 1379, and that a cleric, Nicholas Slake, had obtained the Wardenship of the Hospital and Chapel of “Rounsyvale.” On inquisition, however, it was shown that the Hospital and Chapel and its property pertained to the Prior of the Hospital of the Blessed Mary of Rounsyvall, and was accordingly restored. 23rd April.

Cf. Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum, edit. 1820, vi, pt. 2, p. 677.

[Sidenote: 1389.]

Garcias, Canon of Roncivale, ratified as Warden of the Chapel of Roncivall by Charyncroix, at the supplication of the King’s kinsman, Charles of Navarre. 16th November; Westminster.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 13 Ric. II, p. 152.

[Sidenote: 1390.]

John Hadham, the King’s clerk, Warden of the Hospital of St. Mary of Ronsyvale at Charryng by Westminster. 18th February; Westminster.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 13 Ric. II, p. 205.

[Sidenote: 1396.]

Grant for life to John Newerk of the Wardenship of the Hospital of St. Mary Rouncyvall by Charryng Crouch. 20th October; Westminster.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 20 Ric. II, p. 30, pt. 1, m. 15.

[Sidenote: 1396.]

Grant to John Newerk of the Hospital of St. Mary Rouncyvall. 5th October; Calais.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 20 Ric. II, p. 44, pt. 1, m. 6.

[Sidenote: 1399.]

Ratification of the estate of John Newerk, Warden of the Hospital of St. Mary Rouncyvale by Charing Crouch. 28th October; Westminster.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 1 Henry IV, p. 25, pt. 1, m. 16.

[Sidenote: 1409.]

Exemplification at the request of John Newerk, of:—

(1) Letters patent dated 5th October, 20 Richard II
(1396), granting to him the hospital of St. Mary
Rouncyvall.

(2) Letters patent dated 20th October, 20 Richard II,
granting to him for life the wardenship of the hospital
of St. Mary Rouncyvall by Charryngcrouch. 5th February;
Westminster.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 10 Henry IV, pt. 1, m. 10.

[Sidenote: 1409.]

Francis, Prior of the Hospital of St. Mary de Rouncyvall of the diocese of Pampeluna and Warden of St. Mary of Rouncyvall by Charyng Crosse, impleaded John Newerk, clerk, for having broken into a close and houses of the said Prior in the parish of St. Martin’s in the Fields, and taken away a sealed chest worth 20_s._, containing charters, writings, bulls, apostolic instruments and other muniments, and committed other offences to the damage of £200 in the reign of Richard II. John Newerk alleges that the said chapel and all its property had been seized in the King’s hands according to the statute dated at Gloucester, 2 Ric. II, and that afterwards the Wardenship of the said chapel was granted to the said John by letters patent, dated 20th October, 20 Ric. II, and that he is not answerable for the above property, etc., to the said Prior without consulting the King, and whereas the suit has been long delayed the King orders the Justices to proceed therein, but not to give judgment without consulting him. Westminster.

Close Roll, 10 Henry IV, m. 7 (see also m. 11).

[Sidenote: 1409.]

Record of the above-mentioned plea between Francis, Prior of St. Mary de Rouncyvall, and John Newerk, Clerk, returned on a writ _de causis certiorari_, dated 1st September, 5 Henry V, 1417.

Placita coram rege, Hilary Term. 10 Henry IV, 1409.

This document recites the conditions of the trespass of John Newerk on the Monday after the Feast of All Saints, 21 Ric. II, when with force and arms he broke into the close and houses of the said Prior in the town of Westminster, mentioning the sealed chest and charters and the amount of damage done to the Prior. It continues to recite John Newerk’s defence and especially that he, John Newerk, had been granted the custody of the said Chapel.

_Judgment:_ That at the time of the trespass the close and houses were the sole and free tenement of the said Prior—damages for the said Prior 100 marks. As to the said chest and writings the said Newerk is found “not guilty.”

Chancery Miscellanea, 68/466.

[Sidenote: 1411.]

Pardon to John Newerk, Clerk, for his outlawry in the County of Middlesex for not appearing before the King to satisfy the Prior of St. Mary Rouncivall ... of 100 marks which the Prior recovered against him on account of a trespass in the time of Richard II, he having surrendered to the Marshalsea Prison and satisfied the Prior. 5th May; Westminster.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 12 Henry IV, m. 12.

[Sidenote: 1417.]

Confirmation to Walter Shiryngton,[18] Prebendary of Goderynghill, in the Collegiate Church of Westbury, of the free chapel of Rouncevale, in the diocese of London, of his estate and possession to the said prebend and chapel. Westminster.

Pat. Roll, 5 Henry V, m. 10. (By Privy seal.)

Footnote 18:

Hennessy: Loc. cit. Walter Shiryngton, Prebendary of Gevendale oin
York; of Offley; of Mora, &c.; Chancellor of Duchy of Lancaster; _ob._
1448. Buried in St. Paul’s Cathedral.

[Sidenote: 1418.]

Recorda 5 Henry V, pt. 1. “Recordum et processus inter Prior Hosp. beate Mar. ibidem et Custodem Capelle ibidem ubi fit mentio de primata fundatione.”

The reference of this note has not been found in the Memoranda Rolls of the reign of Henry V.

[Sidenote: 1432.]

Royal licence to “our chaplain,” Roger Westwode,[19] Master of the Chapel or Hospital of St. Marie de Roncidevall by Charyngcroix in the diocese of London, his successors or their proctors, to receive bulls and other letters of indulgence for the profit of the said Chapel, from the Prior and Convent of Rouncidevall in Navarre, in the diocese of Pamploma, and to remit alms for the poor and other moneys to the Priory in Navarre, because the said Priory is outside our allegiance, to last so long as there is no war between us and the King of Navarre. Westminster.

Pat. Roll, 11 Henry VI, pt. 1, m. 16.

Footnote 19:

Hennessy: Loc. cit. Roger Westrode, Prebendary of St. Stephen’s Royal
Chapel, Westminster, 1422; _ob._ 1433.

[Sidenote: 1440.]

Grant to John Gourney of a parcel of land, late of the King of Scotland, lying between a plot of the Archbishop of York towards the south, and the chapel of St. Mary Rouncevale towards the north (etc.). 1st April; Westminster.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 18 Henry VI, pt. 3, m. 12.

[Sidenote: 1440.]

Grant of the alien Priories in England and Wales to Henry, Archbishop of Canterbury, and others.

Rymer’s Fœdera. 12th September, 19 Henry VI.

[Sidenote: 1475.]

Foundation of a fraternity or perpetual gild of a Master, and two Wardens, and the Brethren and Sisters who may wish to be of the same in the Chapel of St. Mary Rounsidevall by Charyng Crosse in the suburbs of London: “They shall form one body, and shall have perpetual succession and a Common Seal”; and of a perpetual Chantry of one Chaplain to celebrate divine service daily at the High Altar in the said Chapel, for the good estate of the King and his Consort Elizabeth, Queen of England, and his firstborn son Edward, and the Brethren and Sisters of the fraternity, and for their souls after death. 28th October; Westminster.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 15 Ed. IV, pt. 2, m. 10, p. 542.

[Sidenote: 1478.]

Grant in mortmain to the Master, Wardens, Brethren and Sisters of the fraternity or gild in the Chapel of St. Mary de Rouncidevale, by Charing Crosse, of the said Chapel or Hospital, and of its property, oblations, and other privileges, for the sustenance of three chaplains celebrating divine service, and of the poor people flocking to the Hospital; provided that they grant for life to Elizabeth Berde, widow, 6 marks yearly for her sustenance, and a fair house for her by the said Chapel or Hospital. 9th March; Westminster.

Calend. Pat. Rolls, 18 Ed. IV, pt. 2, m. 34, p. 114.

[Sidenote: 1494-95.]

A suit brought against the Warden of the Chapel of St. Marie de Rounsewal as to half an acre of land. There follows a long legal argument respecting the patronage of the Chapel, and other matters.

Year Book. 10 Henry VII, Easter Term (No. 5).

[Sidenote: 1495-96.]

Argument as to whether the Hospital can plead under the name of the Master and Wardens only, or under the full title of Master, Wardens, Brethren and Sisters of Rounceval.

Licence to plead in the former designation appears to have been granted in their patent of incorporation.

Year Book. 11 Henry VII, Trinity Term (No. 12).

[Sidenote: 1509-10.]

Laurence Long, Master, Robert Day and William Goodwyn, Wardens of the Fraternity or Gild in the Chapel of Saint Mary Rounceval juxta Charing Cross, pay 20_s._ into the Hanaper for the confirmation of various letters granted to the Fraternity by the King and certain of his progenitors.

L.T.R. Originalia Roll. 1 Henry VIII, Rot. 139.

[Sidenote: 1539-44.]

A statement by the Treasurer of the Court of Augmentations of payments made by the King’s warrant in 1542-43 includes two payments of 40_li._ and 44_s._ on the 28th April and 1st May, 1542, respectively, to William Jenyns, Master of the Fraternity of Roncevalle, for the use of the Wardens there, made by virtue of a deed of exchange bearing the date 13th March, 1542 (33 Henry VIII), between His Majesty and the Master and Wardens, leaving a balance still due from the King of 43_li._ 4_s._

The Account of Edward North, Lord Treasurer of the Court of Augmentations (31 and 35 Henry VIII).

Roll 2 B., pt. 1, m. 80.

[Sidenote: 1542.]

Will. Jenyns,[20] Master, and John Ap Hoell and Ric. More, Wardens of the fraternity or gild of St. Mary Rouncedevall by Charing Crosse, near London, grant in exchange for three messuages and one wharf in the parish of Saint Margaret, certain rents to be paid from the messuage or tenement called the “Shippe” and a field of land called “Cuppefeld,” adjoining a field called “Conninggarfeld of Lyncolnes Inne,” in the parish of St. Clement Danes without Temple Barre, Midd.; which belonged to St. John’s of Jerusalem. 12th April; Greenwich.

Pat. Roll, 33 Henry VIII, pt. 6, m. 11. Calend. of State Papers
Domestic, Henry VIII, vol. xvii, p. 162.

Footnote 20:

Hennessy; Loc. cit. A William Jenyns was Rector of St. Mary Staining,
1583-84.

[Sidenote: 1544.]

The Deed of Surrender, whereby the Master, Wardens, Brethren and Sisters of the Fraternity or Gild of the Chapel of Saint Mary of Rounsidevall by Charinge-crosse, in the suburbs of London, concede to the King in perpetuity all rights and ownership in the said Chapel and Church of Saint Mary of Rounsidevall, the Belfry and Cemetery adjacent to the Chapel, likewise all messuages, houses, buildings, lands, tenements, meadows, grazing-lands, pastures, rents, reversions, services, and other hereditaments whatsoever. (11th November.)

Deed of Surrender. No. 138, Augmentation Office.

_The impression of the Common Seal of the Fraternity is attached._

[Sidenote: 1550.]

(Abstract.) Grant to Sir Thomas Cawarden, knight, one of the gentlemen of the Privy Chamber (in completion and performance of a grant of the same premises made to him by Henry VIII before his journey into France in the 35th year of his reign, the letters patent for which were never made and sealed), of the following premises: All that Chapel of the late Hospital of St. Mary de Rowncevall, in the parish of St. Martin’s, late called the parish of St. Margaret’s, with the churchyard thereto belonging containing about 1-1/2 roods; also the messuage called the almeshouse, 80 feet north and south by 23 feet east and west; also “le wharff,” a stable, and all cellars and land called “le bakeside”; one garden 108 feet by 104 feet; 2 other gardens, 150 feet by 50 feet, and 120 feet by 45 feet respectively; another garden 126 feet by 84 feet, abutting on the south on a piece of vacant ground called Scotland and on the east on the water flowing in “le barge-house” and on the west upon “le comon Sewer”; another garden 102 feet by 84 feet; a messuage; a shop called “le longe shoppe” (the above are in the respective tenures of John Rede, Richard Attsell, Hugh Haward, John Yonge, and Richard Harryson), all which premises are of the clear yearly value of £12 6s. 8d.; to have and to hold to the said Sir Thomas Cawarden, his heirs and assigns for ever, in socage as of the honour of Westminster by fealty only and not in chief; paying yearly to the Court of Augmentations for the chapel and churchyard, 12d.; for the almeshouse, 4s. 8d., and 19s. for the other premises (the rents are given separately for each). 21st January; Westminster.

Pat. Roll, 3 Ed. VI, pt. 10.

AUGMENTATION OFFICE. MISCELLANEOUS BOOKS. NO. 259.

_Book of payments from 20th March, 4 Edward VI, to 20th March, 5 Edward
VI._

[Sidenote: 1551-52.]

“Pencions out of Monasteries”

f. 16 d. ROUNDESIVALL.

Alloc’. Gardiani ibidem per annum vj li. xiij s. iiij d.[21] ex^r.

Footnote 21:

The above sum is written below _viij_ _li_, crossed out.

Paide to them the xij of Aprill for theire quarters pencion due at
Christenmas laste paste xxxiij s. iiij d.

Paide to him the xij of Aprill for theire quarters pencion due at Th
annunciacion last past xxxiij s. iiij d.

Paide to them the xxij of Novembre for her quarters pencion due at
Midsomer last past xxxiij s. iiij d.

Paide to them the xxij of Novembre for her quarters pencion due at
Mighelmas last past xxxiij s. iiij d.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

ELEANOR OF CASTILE

------------------------------------------------------------------------

FIG. 12.
The Effigy of Queen Eleanor in Westminster Abbey; made by William
Torel (anno 1291): from the drawing by Basire; Gough, “Sepulchral
Monuments of Great Britain,” i, part i, plate xxiii.
]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

ELEANOR OF CASTILE,

QUEEN OF ENGLAND
AND THE
MONUMENTS ERECTED IN HER MEMORY.

-------

TRADITION for over six hundred years has conferred the title of the “Good Queen Eleanor” on the Consort of Edward I, and does not fail to repeat the tale of one of the most beautiful episodes in the domestic annals of the mediæval English court; but the force of this tradition has, without doubt, been greatly strengthened by the existence of the remarkable series of monuments erected by King Edward to perpetuate the memory of the Queen.

The story of the “Regina bonæ memoriæ” may be of interest to those who read these pages, not only because the Cross erected at Charing was the finest of the memorial crosses, but because the artistic conception and much of the excellent craftsmanship lavished on these beautiful monuments had their origin in the district of London specially associated with the work of Charing Cross Hospital.

It will first of all be needful to recall something of the life and character of a Queen who made so powerful an impression on her people. That her influence must have been remarkable is sufficiently indicated by the fact that the crosses partook of the nature of shrines. They were built on consecrated ground and were intended to claim the prayers of the wayfarer. This great demand on the devotion of her people, which might readily have given the impression of being forced or exaggerated, was clearly held to be entirely fitting.

THE COMING OF ELEANOR TO ENGLAND.

The omens at the commencement of Eleanor’s career in England were by no means favourable, and little indicated the event. At the age of about nine, Eleanor, a princess of Castile, was married to Edward, the heir to the English Crown, who had reached the mature age of fifteen years. The marriage took place in the year 1254, in the ancient city of Burgos, and was celebrated with the utmost pomp; but the magnificence of the occasion fails to conceal the features of the hard diplomatic bargain driven between Henry III, the father of the bridegroom, and Alfonso X of Leon and Castile, Eleanor’s half-brother. As a condition of this treaty Alfonso merged all his claims and rights in Guienne and the South of France in the English Crown; and the marriage, arranged after much difficulty, placed the seal on this compact, terminating a long period of petty warfare and intrigue, during which Alfonso had sought to encourage the Gascons and other Gallic subjects of Henry against their liege lord.

This Spanish marriage was by no means a popular one amongst the English; and although in the following year, 1255, when Eleanor came to London, her reception was marked with much circumstance and great official cordiality, it is clear that the Londoners had no great love for the Spaniards. Henry had given sufficient reason for the people’s jealousy of foreigners; his prodigality and many acts of favouritism already shown to foreign relations of the royal house and their retainers gave good earnest that a similar outburst of extravagance on the part of the King would result from this Spanish invasion. Preceding the arrival of Eleanor, an embassy led by her brother, Don Sancho, the young Archbishop of Toledo, had arrived to make certain preliminary arrangements. They had been greeted with only a modified degree of favour by the London populace. Their manners were considered to be anything but up to the London standard. Under an aspect of richness and profusion their habits were considered to be sordid and mean; one of the complaints made by the grumbling Londoners was that the Spaniards, not content with hanging the walls of their lodging with tapestry, must also use tapestry for covering the floors! The unfortunate young Prelate himself on riding through the streets of London had ventured to confer his benediction on the populace with upraised hand—an act which was interpreted with but little generosity. The hapless ten years old Princess and wife presents a pathetic picture, for in the midst of all this political intrigue even the little maiden herself did not escape the animadversions of her future people. Special notice is taken of the fact that though landing with a great retinue at Dover, and with much bravery of outward attire, she had but a very scanty wardrobe (_minus bene munita hernesio_). One of the first disbursements on the part of Henry for his daughter-in-law was to remedy this grave defect.[22]

Footnote 22:

Rot. Lit. Claus., 39 Henry III, m. 2. (No. 69).

The young Prince, her husband, appears to have been a headstrong and undisciplined young man; though nominally in possession of great estates in France and England, his actual income in money was small, and he and his friends and retainers seem to have lived on the land as if they were a band of foreign robbers. Edward’s thoughtlessness and the harshness and cruelty of those around him are unfavourably commented on at this time. The hard discipline, which the young Prince received in the years immediately following, was very necessary to render him the great king of England which he subsequently became, and many years also were required before the little Princess acquired the gracious firmness of character which is recognized in the “Regina bonæ memoriæ” of English history.

THE EARLY INFLUENCES AFFECTING ELEANOR’S CHARACTER.

The young Princess did not stay long in England at this time. She returned to the Continent, no doubt to continue her education under the influence of her royal relatives in Spain and France. Her half-brother, Alfonso, was a man of much ability and high culture. His astronomical researches are known to this day, and he is distinguished by the title of “El Sabio” among the early Kings of Spain. Eleanor’s education was, therefore, carried on under conditions more favourable than might be expected in such a troubled age. The influences thus exerted on her developing character left their mark throughout her life, and more than once her love of beautiful things and the encouragement she gave to learning appear in the fragmentary records of her history.

Edward, on the other hand, probably gained little in the way of discipline or of military or political training from his father. It was in the merciless school of rebellion and civil strife that he was to receive his first hard lessons, the results of which may be traced throughout his career. His early association with Simon de Montfort, a leader of much genius, afforded him his first training in warfare. This training never stood him in better stead than when, after his final rupture with this great leader, the battle of Evesham gave him the opportunity of putting in practice what he had learned against his old master. At the same time his experience of the meaner side of the miserable politics of this period produced the distortion of Edward’s character which marred many of his great actions in the future.

It was not till the Barons’ Wars were approaching their termination that Eleanor definitely took up her residence in England. The domestic life of the young Prince and Princess may be reckoned as commencing about the year 1264, ten years after their marriage, when their eldest child, named after her mother, was born. Eleanor seems to have lived a very domesticated life,[23] principally at Windsor and in her Castle at Guildford, and there is evidence that her gracious character and many acts of kindness to the neighbouring people soon began to have their inevitable effect. She showed early the desire to accompany her husband on his travels, one of the most characteristic features of her later life. Edward, on the other hand, was still under the shadow of his father. The state of English politics was exceedingly perturbed, and the King’s eldest son was much involved in the intrigues of the time. The strength of Edward’s character frequently showed itself by courage and enterprise in the field of battle, by political insight and evidences of good statesmanship; but his impetuosity and his lack of consideration led to frequent acts of harshness which must have alienated many who would otherwise have been supporters of the royal house, and his conduct in private must have frequently been a cause of anxiety and mental distress to his young Princess.

Footnote 23:

Eleanor did not escape experience of the alarms of war, even at this
early age, as may be inferred from the sudden orders for the
retirement of the Princess and her household from Windsor to
Westminster after the battle of Lewes. (Foedera i, part ii, p. 563.)

ELEANOR JOURNEYS TO THE HOLY LAND WITH EDWARD.

There must have been, therefore, a great sense of relief to many within the land when, in the year 1270, Edward, having taken the Cross, entrusted his children and all his possessions to his uncle Richard and departed to join the French King on crusade to the Holy Land. The dangers from pestilence and sword besetting such expeditions to the East were perfectly well understood—repeated and painful experience had brought them home to all, both of high and of low degree. With this full knowledge Eleanor made the momentous decision to accompany her husband and to share the trials and dangers of the crusade.

Before they had actually left France on their journey to the East, intelligence was received of the death of Louis of France, the leader of this crusade, in Tunis, and although it must have been clear to Edward that the chance of a successful issue of the crusade was much diminished, nevertheless, accompanied by his comparatively small English force, he went on towards Palestine.

The next two years were spent in the East. The crusade ended in failure, scarcely relieved by the exploits of Edward in raising the siege of Acre, at the battle of Nazareth, and in one or two smaller engagements. From among the incidents of the crusade, the attempted assassination of Edward by an emissary of one of the Sultan’s emirs stands out most clearly. During the struggle Edward was badly wounded in his arm. The wound suppurated, the arm swelled, and threatened to become gangrenous. At this juncture the physician in the household of the Master of the Temple was called in to advise, and stated his opinion that the only chance of recovery was by means of free incision of the affected arm. Edward decided that this should be done. On hearing the decision of her husband, the Princess, worn out with anxiety, broke down completely, and had to be conveyed from the tent in charge of her brother-in-law, Edmund, and John De Vescy.[24] The operation was then performed, and Edward made a satisfactory recovery. During his convalescence, he must have owed much to the devoted care of his wife and to the skill of his medical attendants. It was during these three years of close association, while Edward had to bear the trial of repeated disappointments in addition to the severe hardships and imminent perils of foreign warfare, that a bond of firm comradeship was formed between the future King and Queen.

Footnote 24:

Hemingford, Walter: Historiae Angliae Scriptores. Gale; ii, p. 591,
Oxford, 1687. Hemingburgh, Walterus de: Hamilton, H. C., Eng. Hist.
Soc., ii, p. 335.