Chapter XIX: Part 19

59 Appian, _De Bello Civili_, Lib. IV. 47.

60 Berwick’s _Lives of Asin. Pollio, M. Varro, &c._

_ 61 Scaligerana prima_, p. 144.

62 Πολυγραφωτατος. _Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. III. Ep. 18.

63 Cicero, _De Divinat._ Lib. I. c. 18. Seneca, _Epist._ 98.

64 Suetonius, _De Illust. Grammat._ c. 1.

65 Suetonius (_De Illust. Gram._) says, that he was sent by Attalus, at
the moment of the death of Ennius. Now, Ennius died in 585, at which
time Eumenes reigned at Pergamus, and was not succeeded by Attalus
till the year 595; so that Suetonius was mistaken, either as to the
year in which Crates came to Rome, or the king by whom he was sent—I
rather think he was wrong in the latter point; for, if Crates was
the first Greek rhetorician who taught at Rome, which seems
universally admitted, he must have been there before 593, in which
year the rhetoricians were expressly banished from Rome, along with
the philosophers.

66 Suetonius, c. 2.

67 Court de Gebelin, _Monde Primitif_, T. VI. Disc. Prelim. p. 12.

_ 68 Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. XIII. Ep. 12.

69 Ibid. Lib. XIII. Ep. 18.

_ 70 Epist. Famil._ Lib. IX. Ep. 8.

71 Aulus Gellius, Lib. I. c. 18

72 See also as to the Celtic derivations, Court de Gebelin, _Monde
Primitif_. Disc. Prelim. T. VI. p. 23.

73 Jupiter, Juno, Saturnus, Vulcanus, Vesta, et alii plurimi quos Varro
conatur ad mundi partes sive elementa transferre. (_St August.
Civit. Dei_, Lib. VIII. c. 5.)

74 Lactantius, _Div. Inst._ Lib. I. c. 6.

75 Bolingbroke, _Use and Study of History_, Lett. 3.

76 Au. Gellius, Lib. XIV. c. 7.

77 St Augustine, _De Civitat. Dei_, Lib. XIX. c. 1.

78 Antiochus of Ascalon, a teacher of the old Academy.

79 Fabricius, _Biblioth. Latin._ Lib. I. c. 7.

80 Au. Gellius, _Noct. Attic._ Lib. XIII. c. 11.

_ 81 Ibid._ Lib. VII. c. 16.

82 Tom. I. p. 241.

83 It was long believed, that Pope Gregory the First had destroyed the
works of Varro, in order to conceal the plagiarisms of St Augustine,
who had borrowed largely from the theological and philosophic
writings of the Roman scholar. This, however, is not likely. That
illustrious Father of the Christian Church is constantly referring
to the learned heathen, without any apparent purpose of concealment;
and he extols him in terms calculated to attract notice to the
subject of his eulogy. Nor did St Augustine possess such meagre
powers of genius, as to require him to build up the city of the true
God from the crumbling fragments of Pagan temples.

_ 84 Academ. Poster._ Lib. I. c. 3.

85 Morhof, _Polyhistor_. Tom. I. Lib. I. Falsterus, _Hist. Rei Liter.
ap. Roman._

86 Middendorp, _De Academ._ Lib. III.

87 Tiraboschi, _Stor. dell Lett. Ital._ Part III. Lib. III. c. 8.

88 Plin. _Hist. Nat._ Lib. XVIII. c. 3.

89 Plutarch, _in Paul. Æmil._

90 Id. _in Sylla_.

91 Plutarch, _in Lucullo_.

_ 92 Ibid._

_ 93 Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. IV. Ep. 4 and 8.

_ 94 Epist. ad Quint. Frat._ Lib. II. Ep. 4. According to some writers,
it was a younger Tyrannio, the disciple of the elder, who arranged
Cicero’s library, and taught his nephew.—Mater, _Ecole
d’Alexandrie_, Tom. I. p. 179.

95 Suidas, _Lexic._

96 Plin. _Hist. Nat._ Lib. VII. c. 30.

97 Plin. _Hist. Nat._ Lib. XXXV. c. 14.

98 Au. Gellius, Lib. IV. c. 9.

99 Plutarch, _in Cicero._

_ 100 Chron. Euseb._

101 Suetonius, _in August._ c. 94.

102 Au. Gellius, _Noct. Attic._ Lib. XIX. c. 14.

_ 103 Ibid._

104 Au. Gellius, Lib. X. c. 4.

105 See farther, with regard to Nigidius Figulus, Bayle, _Dict. Histor._
Art. Nigidius, and _Mem. de l’Acad. des Inscriptions_, Tom. XXIX. p.
190.

106 Au. Gellius, _Noct. Attic._ Lib. XIII. c. 9.

107 Griffet, _De Arte Regnandi_.

_ 108 De Oratore_, Lib. II. c. 13.

109 Vopiscus, _Vit. Taciti Imp._

_ 110 Römische Geschichte_, Tom. I. p. 367.

111 Cicero, _De Oratore_, Lib. II. c. 13.

112 Lib. I. c. 2.

113 Quæ in Commentariis Pontificum aliisque publicis privatisque erant
monumentis, incensâ urbe, pleræque interîere. Livy, Lib. VI. c. 1.

114 Livy, Lib. VI. c. 1.

115 Polybius, Lib. III. c. 22, 25, 26.

_ 116 Epist._ Lib. II. Ep. 1.

117 Lib. IV. p. 257. ed. Sylburg, 1586.

118 Lib. II. p. 111.

119 Lib. III. p. 174.

120 Lib. IV. c. 7.

121 Lib. III. c. 22.

_ 122 Hist. Nat._ Lib. XXXIV. c. 14.

_ 123 Hist. Nat._ Lib. XXXIV. c. 14.

124 Livy, Lib. IV. c. 23.

125 Dionys. Halic. Lib. I. p. 60.

126 Pliny, _Hist. Nat._ Lib. XXXV. c. 2.

_ 127 In Numa_.

128 Lib. VIII. c. 40.

129 His laudationibus historia rerum nostrarum est facta mendosior.
Multa enim scripta sunt in iis, quæ facta non sunt—falsi triumphi,
plures consulatus, genera etiam falsa. _Brutus_, c. 16.

130 Lib. III. c. 20.

_ 131 L’Evesque, Hist. Critique de la Republique Romaine_, T. I.

132 Livy, Lib. V. c. 21.

133 Bankes, _Civil History of Rome_, Vol. I.

_ 134 Brutus_, c. 11.

135 Livy, Lib. II. c. 40.

136 The question concerning the authenticity or uncertainty of the Roman
history, was long, and still continues to be, a subject of much
discussion in France.—“At Paris,” said Lord Bolingbroke, “they have
a set of stated paradoxical orations. The business of one of these
was to show that the history of Rome, for the four first centuries
was a mere fiction. The person engaged in it proved that point so
strongly, and so well, that several of the audience, as they were
coming out, said, the person who had set that question had played
booty, and that it was so far from being a paradox, that it was a
plain and evident truth.”—SPENCE’S _Anecdotes_, p. 197. It was
chiefly in the _Memoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions_, &c. that
this literary controversy was plied. M. de Pouilly, in the Memoirs
for the year 1722, produced his proofs and arguments against the
authenticity. He was weakly opposed, in the following year, by M.
Sallier, and defended by M. Beaufort, in the Memoirs of the Academy,
and at greater length in his _Dissert. sur l’Incertitude des cinq
premiers siècles de l’Hist. Romaine_, (1738,) which contains a clear
and conclusive exposition of the state of the question. The dispute
has been lately renewed in the Memoirs of the Institute, in the
proceedings of which, for 1815, there is a long paper, by M.
Levesque, maintaining the total uncertainty of the Roman history
previous to the invasion of the Gauls; while the opposite side of
the question has been strenuously espoused by M. Larcher. This
controversy, though it commenced in France, has not been confined to
that country. Hooke and Gibbon have argued for the certainty,
(_Miscell. Works_, Vol. IV. p. 40,) and Cluverius for the
uncertainty, of the Roman history, (_Ital. Antiq._ Lib. III. c. 2.)
Niebuhr, the late German historian of Rome, considers all before
Tullus Hostilius as utterly fabulous. The time that elapsed from his
accession to the war with Pyrrhus, he regards as a period to be
found in almost every history, between mere fable and authentic
record. Beck, in the introduction to his German translation of
Ferguson’s Roman Republic, _Ueber die Quellen der altesten Römischen
Geschichte und ihren Werth_, has attempted to vindicate the
authenticity of the Roman history to a certain extent; but his
reasonings and citations go little farther than to prove, what never
can be disputed, that there is much truth in the general outline of
events—that the kings were expelled—that the Etruscans were finally
subdued; and that consuls were created. He admits, that much rested
on tradition; but tradition, he maintains, is so much interwoven
with every history, that it cannot be safely thrown away. The
remainder of the treatise is occupied with a feeble attempt to show,
that more monuments existed at Rome after its capture by the Gauls,
than is generally supposed, and that Fabius Pictor made a good use
of them.

137 Pliny, _Hist. Nat._ Lib. XXXV. c. 4.

138 Hankius, _De Romanar. Rerum Scriptor._ Pars I. c. 1.

139 Lib. VII.

140 Lib. IV. p. 234.

_ 141 In Romulo_.

142 Lib. III. c. 9.

143 Lib. I.

144 Lib. III. c. 8.

145 Ernesti has attempted, but I think unsuccessfully, to support the
authenticity of the Annals of Fabius against the censures of
Polybius, in his dissertation, entitled, _Pro Fabii Fide adversus
Polybium_, inserted in his _Opuscula Philologica_, Leipsic,
1746—Lugd. Bat. 1764. He attempts to show, from other passages, that
Polybius was a great detractor of preceding historians, and that he
judged of events more from what was probable and likely to have
occurred, than from what actually happened, and that no historian
could have better information than Fabius. To the interrogatories
which Polybius puts to Fabius, with regard to the causes assigned by
him as the origin of the second Punic war, Ernesti replies for him,
that the Senate of Carthage could no more have taken the command
from Hannibal in Spain, or delivered him up, than the Roman Senate
could have deprived Cæsar of his army, when on the banks of the
Rubicon; and as to the support which Hannibal received while in
Italy, it is answered, that it was quite consistent with political
wisdom, and the practice of other nations, for a government
involuntarily forced into a struggle, by the disobedience or evil
counsels of its subjects, to use every exertion to obtain ultimate
success, or extricate itself with honour, from the difficulties in
which it had been reluctantly involved.

146 Lib. I. p. 64.

147 Fabium æqualem temporibus hujusce belli potissimum auctorem habui.
Lib. XXII. c. 7.

_ 148 Brutus_, c. 27.

_ 149 Hist. Nat._ Lib. XI. c. 53.

_ 150 Noct. Attic._ Lib. XI. c. 14.

151 He also probably suggested to Sallust a phrase which has given much
scandal in so grave a historian. Cicero says, in one of his letters,
(_Epist. Famil._ Lib. IX. Ep. 22,) “At vero Piso, in annalibus suis,
queritur, adolescentes peni deditos esse.”

_ 152 Römische Geschichte_, Tom. I. p. 245.
As his account of Roman affairs was written in Greek, I omit in the
list of Latin annalists Lucius Cincius Alimentus, who was
contemporary with Fabius, having been taken prisoner by Hannibal
during the second Punic war. But though his history was in Greek, he
wrote in Latin a biographical sketch of the Sicilian Rhetorician
Gorgias Leontinus, and also a book, _De Re Militari_, which has been
cited by Au. Gellius, and acknowledged by Vegetius as the foundation
of his more elaborate Commentaries on the same subject.

_ 153 Brutus_, c. 26.

154 The passage is a fragment from the first book of Sallust’s lost
history. Mar. Victorinus _in prim. Ciceronis de Inventione_.

_ 155 De Fontibus et Auctoritate Vitarum Parallel. Plutarchi_, p. 134.
Gotteng. 1820.

156 Lib. I. c. 7.

_ 157 Brutus_, c. 26.

158 Lib. I. c. 7.

159 Æl. Spartianus, _in Hadriano_.

160 Au. Gellius, _Noct. Attic._ Lib. II. c. 13.

_ 161 De Legibus_, Lib. I. c. 2.

162 Lib. V. c. 18.

_ 163 Brutus_, c. 35.

_ 164 Noct. Attic._ Lib. IX. c. 13.

_ 165 Noct. Attic._ Lib. XIII. c. 28.

166 Ibid. Lib. VII. c. 19.

_ 167 Noct. Attic._ Lib. VI. c. 8.

168 See above, Vol. I. p. 322.

_ 169 Brutus_, c. 63.

170 Lib. II. c. 9.

_ 171 Jugurtha_, c. 95.

_ 172 Brutus_, c. 63.

_ 173 De Legibus_, Lib. I. c. 2.

_ 174 Brutus_, c. 29. Some persons have supposed that Cicero did not here
mean Xenophon’s _Cyropædia_, but a life of Cyrus, written by
Scaurus. This, indeed, seems at first a more probable meaning than
that he should have bestowed a compliment apparently so extravagant
on the Memoirs of Scaurus; but his words do not admit of this
interpretation.—“Præclaram illam quidem, sed neque tam rebus nostris
aptam, nec tamen Scauri laudibus anteponendam.”

175 Lib. VII.

_ 176 In Mario_.

177 Lib. II. c. 13.

178 Lib. II. c. 5. Lib. VI. c. 4.

179 Plutarch, _in Lucullo_.

180 Plutarch, _In Sylla_.—Appian.

_ 181 In Mario_.

_ 182 Memoirs of the Court of Augustus_, Vol. I.

_ 183 In Vespasiano_, c. 8.

184 Malheureux sort de l’histoire! Les spectateurs sont trop peu
instruits, et les acteurs trop interessés pour que nous puissions
compter sur les recits des uns ou des autres.—GIBBON’S _Miscell.
Works_, Vol. IV.

_ 185 Noct. Att._ Lib. XVII. c. 18.

186 Nardini, _Roma Antica_. Lib. IV. c. 7.

187 Steuart’s _Sallust_, Essay I.

_ 188 Classical Tour_, Vol. II. c. 6.

_ 189 Sat._ Lib. I. Sat. 2.

190 Suetonius, _De Grammaticis_.

_ 191 Leben des Sallust_.

192 Bankes, _Civil Hist. of Rome_, Vol. II.

193 The authors of the Universal History suppose that these books were
Phœnician and Punic volumes, carried off from Carthage by Scipio,
after its destruction, and presented by him to Micipsa; and they
give a curious account of these books, of which some memory still
subsists, and which they conjecture to have formed part of the royal
collection of Numidia.

194 Senec. _Epist._ 114.

195 It is curious into what gross blunders the most learned and accurate
writers occasionally fall. Fabricius, speaking of these letters,
says, “Duæ orationes (sive epistolæ potius) de Rep. ordinandâ ad
Cæsarem missæ, cum in Hispanias proficisceretur contra Petreium et
Afranium, _victo Cn. Pompeio_.”—_Bibliothec. Latin._ Lib. I. c. 9.

_ 196 Lectiones Subsecivæ_, Lib. I. c. 3. Lib. II. c. 2.

197 Asinius Pollio, however, as we learn from Suetonius, thought that
the Commentaries were drawn up with little care or accuracy, that
the author was very credulous as to the actions of others, and that
he had very hastily written down what regarded himself, with the
intention, which he never accomplished, of afterwards revising and
correcting.—Sueton. _in Cæsar._ c. 56.

198 Bankes, _Civil Hist. of Rome_, Vol. II.

199 Neque Druides habent, qui rebus divinis præsint; neque sacrificiis
student. Deorum numero eos solos ducunt, quos cernunt, et quorum
opibus aperte juvantur—Solem, et Vulcanum, et Lunam: reliquos ne
famâ quidem acceperunt. Lib. VI. c. 21.

200 Deorum maximè Mercurium colunt, cui, certis diebus, humanis quoque
hostiis, litare fas habent. Herculem ac Martem concessis animalibus
placant ... Lucos ac nemora consecrant, deorumque nominibus
appellant Secretum illud, quod solâ reverentia vident. _De Mor.
Germ._ c. 9.

_ 201 Germ. Antiqua_, Lib. I. c. 3.

_ 202 Brutus_, c. 72.

203 See Plutarch _In Cæsare_, where it is related that Cæsar wrote
verses and speeches, and read them to the pirates by whom he was
taken prisoner, on his return to Rome from Bithynia, where he had
sought refuge from the power of Sylla.

_ 204 Hist. Critic. Ling. Lat._ p. 537.

_ 205 Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. XII. ep. 40.

206 Middleton’s _Life of Cicero_, Vol. II, p. 347, 2d ed.

_ 207 Hist. Nat._ Lib. XVIII. c. 26.

208 Sueton. _In Cæsar._ c. 56.

209 Cicero, _Brutus_ c. 72.

210 Au. Gellius, _Noct. Attic._ Lib. I. c. 10.

211 Charisius, Lib. I.

212 Au. Gellius, Lib VII, c. 9.

213 Sueton. _In Cæsar._ c. 56.

214 Ibid.

215 See above, Vol. I. p. 204.

216 See also Blondellus, _Hist. du Calendrier Romain_. Paris, 1682, 4to;
Bianchinus, _Dissert. de Calendario et Cyclo Cæsaris_, Rom. 1703,
folio; and Court de Gebelin, _Monde Primit._ T. IV.

217 Mihi non illud quidem accidit, ut Alexandrino atque Africano bello
interessem; quæ bella tamen ex parte nobis Cæsaris sermone sunt
nota. _De Bell. Gall._ Lib. VIII.

218 Imperfecta ab rebus gestis Alexandriæ confeci, usque ad exitum, non
quidem civilis dissensionis, cujus finem nullum videmus, sed vitæ
Cæsaris. _De Bell. Gall._

_ 219 De Hist. Lat._ Lib. I. c. 13.

220 Sueton. _In Cæsar._ c. 72.

_ 221 Epist. Famil._ Lib. V. Ep. 12.

222 Lib. IV. Ep. 6.

_ 223 De Ling. Lat._ Lib. IV.

_ 224 Hist. Nat._ Lib. VIII. c. 2.

_ 225 Epist. Famil._ Lib. VI. Ep. 7.

226 “Duæ sunt artes,” says Cicero, “quæ possunt locare homines in
amplissimo gradu dignitatis: una imperatoris, altera oratoris boni:
Ab hoc enim pacis ornamenta retinentur; ab illo belli pericula
repelluntur.” _Orat. pro Muræna_, c. 14.

227 Ratio ipsa in hanc sententiam ducit, ut existimem sapientiam sine
eloquentia parum prodesse civitatibus. _Rhetoricorum_, Lib. I. c. 1.

228 Lib. II.

_ 229 Brutus_, c. 22.

_ 230 De Orat._ Lib. I. c. 60.

_ 231 Rhetoric. seu De Inventione_, Lib. I. c. 1.

232 Plutarch, _In Tiber. Graccho_.

233 Plutarch, _In Tiber. Graccho_.

_ 234 Noct. Attic._ Lib. X. c. 3.

235 Plutarch, _In Tib. Graccho_.

_ 236 De Orator._ Lib. III. c. 60. Plutarch and Cicero’s accounts of the
eloquence of C. Gracchus, seem not quite consistent with what is
delivered on the subject by Gellius.

237 Funccius, _De Virili Ætate Lat. Ling._ c. 1. § 24.

238 Lib. IV. Od. 1.

239 Cicero, _De Oratore_, Lib. II. c. 2.

240 Valer. Maxim. Lib. VII. c. 3.

241 Valer. Maxim. Lib. III. c. 7; and Lib. VI. c. 8.

_ 242 De Oratore_, Lib. II. c. 28, 29, 48, 49.

_ 243 Id._ Lib. II. c. 47.

244 Plutarch _In Mario_. Valerius Maximus, Lib. VIII. c. 9.

245 Cicero, _De Oratore_, Lib. III. c. 3.

_ 246 Id._ Lib. I. c. 33.

247 Cicero, _De Orat._. Lib. I. c. 26, 27.

248 Cicero, _De Orat._ Lib. II. c. 1.

249 Plutarch, _In Sylla_.

_ 250 De Oratore_, Lib. III. c. 3.

251 Plutarch, _In Sylla_.

_ 252 De Oratore_, Lib. III. c. 3.

_ 253 Brutus_, c. 89.

_ 254 Brutus_, c. 63.

255 Ibid.

_ 256 De Oratore_, Lib. III. c. 61.

257 Cicero, _Brutus_, c. 89.

258 Ibid.

259 Ibid.

260 Plin. _Hist. Nat._ Lib. XVII. c. 1.

261 Ibid. Lib. XXXIII. c. 11.

262 Nardini, _Roma Antica_, Lib. VI. c. 15.

263 Sueton. _in Augusto_, c. 72.

264 Varro, _De Re Rustica_, Lib. III. c. 6.

265 Macrobius, _Saturnalia_, Lib. III. c. 13.

266 Plin. _Hist. Nat._ Lib. XIV. c. 14.

267 Ibid. Lib. XXV. c. 11.

268 Varro, _De Re Rustica_, Lib. III. c. 3.

269 Ibid. Lib. III. c. 17.

270 Ibid.

271 Plin. _Hist. Nat._ Lib. IX. c. 55.

272 Cicer. _Academica_, Lib. II. c. 25, 31, 33.

273 Bonstetten, _Voyage dans le Latium_, p. 152–160. Nibby, _Viaggio
Antiquario ne contorni di Roma_, T. II.

274 Varro, _De Re Rustica_, Lib. III. c. 13.

275 Cicero, _Brutus_, c. 95.

276 Varro, _De Re Rustica_. Cicero, _Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. V. Ep. 2.

277 Seren. Samonicus, _De Medicina_, c. 15.

278 Cicero, _Epist. Familiares_, Lib. VIII. Ep. 2.

_ 279 Dio__ Cassius_, Lib. XXXIX.

280 Quint. _Inst. Orat._ Lib. XI. c. 3.

_ 281 Epist. ad Atticum_, Lib. III. Ep. 9, &c.

282 As a proof of his astonishing memory, it is recorded by Seneca,
that, for a trial of his powers of recollection, he remained a whole
day at a public auction, and when it was concluded, he repeated in
order what had been sold, to whom, and at what price. His recital
was compared with the clerk’s account, and his memory was found to
have served him faithfully in every particular. Senec. _Præf._ Lib.
I. _Controv._

283 Aulus Gellius, _Noct. Attic._ Lib. I. c. 5.

284 Valerius Maximus, Lib. VIII. c. 10.

285 Ibid.

286 Macrobius, _Saturnalia_, Lib. III. c. 13.

287 Ibid.

288 Meiners, _Decadence des Mœurs chez les Romains_.

289 Hortensius was first married to a daughter of Q. Catulus, the
orator, who is one of the speakers in the Dialogue _De Oratore_.
(Cicero, _De Oratore_, Lib. III. c. 61.) He afterwards asked, and
obtained from Cato, his wife Marcia; who, having succeeded to a
great part of the wealth of Hortensius on his death, was then taken
back by her former husband. (Plutarch, _In Catone_.) By his first
wife, Hortensius had a son and daughter. In his son Quintus, he was
not more fortunate than his rival, Cicero, in his son Marcus.
Cicero, while Proconsul of Cilicia, mentions, in one of his letters,
the ruffian and scandalous appearance made by the younger Hortensius
at Laodicea, during the shows of gladiators.—“I invited him once to
supper,” says he, “on his father’s account; and, on the same
account, only once.” (_Epist. Ad Attic._ Lib. VI. Ep. 3.) Such,
indeed, was his unworthy conduct, that his father at this time
entertained thoughts of disinheriting him, and making his nephew,
Messala, his heir; but in this intention he did not persevere.
(Valer. Maxim. Lib. V. c. 9.) After his father’s death, he joined
the party of Cæsar, (Cicero, _Epist. Ad Att._ Lib. X. Ep. 16, 17,
18,) by whom he was appointed Proconsul of Macedonia; in which
situation he espoused the side of the conspirators, subsequently to
the assassination of Cæsar. (Cicero, _Philip._ X. c. 5 and 6.) By
order of Brutus, he slew Caius Antonius, brother to the Triumvir,
who had fallen into his hands; and, being afterwards taken prisoner
at the battle of Philippi, he was slain by Marc Antony, by way of
reprisal, on the tomb of his brother. (Plutarch, _In M. Bruto_.)
Hortensia, the daughter, inherited something of the spirit and
eloquence of her father. A severe tribute having been imposed on the
Roman matrons by the Triumvirs, Antony, Octavius, and Lepidus, she
boldly pleaded their cause before these noted extortioners, and
obtained some alleviation of the impost. (Valer. Maxim. Lib. VIII.
c. 3.)
Quintus, the son of the orator, left two children, Q. Hortensius
Corbio, and M. Hortensius Hortalus. The former of these was a
monster of debauchery; and is mentioned by his contemporary,
Valerius Maximus, among the most striking examples of those
descendants who have degenerated from the honour of their ancestors.
(Lib. III. c. 5.) This wretch, not being likely to become a father,
and the wealth of the family having been partly settled on the wife
of Cato, partly dissipated by extravagance, and partly confiscated
in the civil wars, Augustus Cæsar, who was a great promoter of
matrimony, gave Hortensius Hortalus a pecuniary allowance to enable
him to marry, in order that so illustrious a family might not become
extinct. He and his children, however, fell into want during the
reign of his benefactor’s successor. Tacitus has painted, with his
usual power of striking delineation, that humiliating scene, in
which he appeared, with his four children, to beg relief from the
Senate; and the historian has also recorded the hard answer which he
received from the unrelenting Tiberius. Perceiving, however, that
his severity was disliked by the Senate, the Emperor said, that, if
they desired it, he would give a certain sum to each of Hortalus’s
male children. They returned thanks; but Hortalus, either from
terror or dignity of mind, said not a word; and, from this time,
Tiberius showing him no favour, his family sunk into the most abject
poverty: (Tacit. _Annal._ Lib. II. c. 37 and 38.) And such were the
descendants of the orator with the park, the plantations, the ponds,
and the pictures!

290 Catull. _Carm._ 53.

291 Pliny, _Epist._ Lib. I. ep. 2.

_ 292 Brutus_, c. 80.

293 Ibid.

294 According to some authorities it was a short while before, and
according to others a short while after, the expulsion of Tarquin.

295 “Exactis deinde regibus leges hæ exoleverunt; iterumque cœpit
populus Romanus incerto magis jure et consuetudine ali, quam per
latam legem.”—POMPON. LÆTUS, _De Leg._ II. § 3.

296 Gibbon, _Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_, c. 44.

_ 297 De Legibus_, Lib. II. c. 23. _De Oratore_, Lib. I, c. 42.

298 “Decem tabularum leges,” says Livy, “nunc quoque, in hoc immenso
aliarum super aliis acervatarum legum cumulo, fons omnis publici
privatique est juris.”

299 Cicero, _De Oratore_, Lib. II. c. 33.

300 Saint Prix, _Hist. du Droit Romain_, p. 23. Ed. Paris, 1821.

_ 301 Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_, c. 44.

302 Cicero, _De Orat._ Lib. I. c. 57.

303 Ibid. Lib. I. c. 58.

304 It must be admitted, however, that Cicero, in other passages of his
works, has given the study of civil law high encomiums, particularly
in the following beautiful passage delivered in the person of
Crassus: “Senectuti vero celebrandæ et ornandæ quid honestius potest
esse perfugium, quàm juris interpretatio? Equidem mihi hoc subsidium
jam inde ab adolescentiâ comparavi, non solum ad causarum usum
forensem, sed etiam ad decus atque ornamentum senectutis; ut cùm me
vires (quod fere jam tempus adventat) deficere cœpissent, ab
solitudine domum meam vindicarem.” (_De Oratore_, Lib. I. c. 45.)
Schultingius, the celebrated civilian, in his dissertation _De
Jurisprudentia Ciceronis_, tries to prove, from various passages in
his orations and rhetorical writings, that Cicero was well versed in
the most profound and nice questions of Roman jurisprudence, and
that he was well skilled in international law, as Grotius has
borrowed from him many of his principles and illustrations, in his
treatise _De Jure Belli et Pacis_.

_ 305 De Oratore_, Lib. I.

_ 306 Ibid._ Lib. II. c. 49.

307 “An non pudeat, certam creditam pecuniam periodis postulare, aut
circa stillicidia affici?”—Quint. _Inst. Orat._ Lib. VIII. c. 3.

308 Polletus, _Historia Fori Romani, ap. Supplement. ad Graevii et
Gronov. antiquitat._ T. I. p. 351.

_ 309 In Verrem_, Act. I. c. 14.

310 Nardini, _Roma Antica_, Lib. V. c. 2, &c.

311 Virg. _Æneid._ Lib. VII.

312 “Parvis de rebus,” says he, “sed fortasse necessariis consulimur,
Patres conscripti. De Appiâ viâ et de monetâ Consul—De Lupercis
tribunus plebis refert. Quarum rerum etsi facilis explicatio
videtur, tamen animus aberrat a sententiâ, suspensus curis
majoribus.”—C. I.

_ 313 Orator_, c. 30.

_ 314 Orator_, c. 30. spe et expectatione laudati.

_ 315 De Officiis_, Lib. II. c. 14.

_ 316 Brutus_, c. 91.

317 Cæcilius was _a Jew_, who had been domiciled in Sicily; whence
Cicero, playing on the name of Verres, asks, “Quid Judæo cum
_Verre_?” (a boar.)

318 He ultimately, however, met with a well-merited and appropriate
fate. Having refused to give up his Corinthian vases to Marc Antony,
he was proscribed for their sake, and put to death by the rapacious
Triumvir.

319 Livy, Lib. XXV. c. 40.

320 Gillies, _History of Greece_, Part II. T. IV. c. 27.

_ 321 Lectures on Rhetoric_, &c. Vol. II. Lect. XXVIII.

322 Lib. II. Ep. 1.

323 Wolf, in the preface to his edition of the Oration for Marcellus,
mentions having seen a scholastic declamation, entitled, _Oratio
Catilinæ, in M. Ciceronem_. It concludes thus,—“Me consularem
patricium, civem et amicum reipublicæ a faucibus inimici consulis
eripite; supplicem atque insontem pristinæ claritudini, omnium
civium gratiæ, et benevolentiæ vestræ restitute. _Amen._”

324 Funccius, _De Viril. Ætat. Ling. Lat._ Pars II. c. 2.

325 Aonius Palearius wrote a declamation in answer to this speech,
entitled, _Contra Murænam_.

_ 326 Origin and Progress of Language_, Book IV.

_ 327 Correspondence_, p. 85.

328 Jenisch, _Parallel der beiden grösten Redner des Althertum_, p. 124,
ed. Berlin, 1821.

329 Plutarch, _In Cicero._

_ 330 Philip._ VI. c. 1.

331 Juvenal, _Satir._ X. v. 118.

332 Quintil. _Inst. Orat._ Lib. V.

_ 333 Orator_, c. 67, 70.

_ 334 Hist. Nat._ Lib. VII. c. 30.

335 Plutarch, _In Cicer._

336 Macrobius, _Saturnal._ Lib. III. c. 14.

_ 337 Noct. Attic._ Lib. I. c. 7.

_ 338 Dio Cassius_, XXXIX. c. 9.

_ 339 Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. IV. Ep. 1.

_ 340 Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. IV. Ep. 2.

341 See Nichol’s _Literary Anecdotes_. Harles, also, seems to suppose
that Bishop Ross was in earnest:—“Orationem pro Sulla spuriam esse
audacter pronunciavit vir quidam doctus in—A Dissertation, in which
the defence of P. Sulla, &c. is proved to be spurious.”—HARLES,
_Introduct. in Notitiam Literat. Rom._ Tom. II. p. 153.

_ 342 Bib. Lat._ Lib. I. c. 8.

343 Lib. IV. Ep. 2.

344 “Cum Appendice De Oratione, quæ vulgo fertur, M. T. Ciceronis pro Q.
Ligario,” in which the author attempts to abjudicate from Cicero the
beautiful oration for Ligarius, which shook even the soul of Cæsar,
while he has translated into his own language the two wretched
orations, _Post Reditum_, and _Ad Quirites_, insisting on the
legitimacy of both, and enlarging on their truly classical beauties!
In his Preface, he has pleasantly enough parodied the arguments of
Wolf against the oration for Marcellus, ironically showing that they
came not from that great scholar, but from a _pseudo_ Wolf, who had
assumed his name.

_ 345 Paral. der Beyden Grösten Redner des Altherthums_.

_ 346 Brutus_, c. 12, &c.

_ 347 Epist. Famil._ Lib. I. Ep. 9.

_ 348 Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. XII. Ep. 5, &c.

_ 349 Epist. Famil._ Lib. VI. Ep. 18.

_ 350 Ibid._ Lib. VII. Ep. 19.

_ 351 Inst. Orat._ Lib. XII. c. 10.

_ 352 Brutus_, c. 91. Is dedit operam (si modo id consequi potuit) ut
nimis redundantes nos juvenili quâdam dicendi impunitate et licentiâ
reprimeret; et quasi extra ripas diffluentes coerceret.

_ 353 Observat. Critic. in Sophoc. et Ciceron._ Lips. 1802.

354 Fuhrmann, _Handbuch der Classisch. Literat._

_ 355 De Nat. et Const. Rhetor._ c. 13.

_ 356 Dissert. Utrum ars Rhetorica ad Herennium Ciceroni falsò
inscribitur_.

_ 357 De Re Poet._ Lib. III. c. 31. and 34.

358 See P. Burmanni Secund. _In __Præf.__ ad Rhetoric. ad Herennium._
Also Fabricius, _Bib. Lat._ Lib. I. c. 8.

_ 359 Paradise Regained_.

_ 360 De Orat._ Lib. I. c. 10. Ab illo fonte et capite Socrate.

_ 361 Academ._ Lib. II. c. 5.

_ 362 De Natur. Deor._ Lib. I. c. 43.

363 Pliny, _Hist. Nat._ Lib. XXXV. c. 11.

_ 364 Mem. de l’Instit. Royale_, Tom. XXX.

365 Cicero styles him Princeps Stoicorum, (_De Divin._ Lib. II. c. 47,)
and eruditissimum hominem, et pæne divinum (_Pro Muræna_, c. 31.)

366 Censuerunt ut M. Pomponius Prætor animadverteret uti e republicâ
fideque suâ videretur Romæ ne essent. (Au. Gellius, _Noct. Attic._
Lib. XV. c. 11.)

367 Ælian, _Histor. Var._ Lib. III. c. 17.

368 Plutarch, _In Catone_.

369 Au. Gellius, _Noct. Attic._ Lib. VII. c. 14.

_ 370 De Oratore_, Lib. III. c. 18.

_ 371 Ibid._ Lib. II. c. 38.

372 Hæc in philosophiâ ratio contra omnia disserendi, nullamque rem
aperte judicandi, profecta a Socrate, repetita ab Arcesilao,
confirmata a Carneade, usque ad nostram viguit ætatem. _De Nat.
Deor._ Lib. I. c. 5.

_ 373 Academ. Prior._ Lib. II. c. 48.

374 Valer. Max. Lib. VIII. c. 7.

_ 375 Academ. Prior._ Lib. II. c. 31.

376 Quintil. _Inst. Orat._ Lib. XII. c. 1. Lactant. _Instit._ Lib. V. c.
14.

377 Plutarch, _In Catone_. Plin. _Hist. Nat._ Lib. VII. c. 30.

_ 378 Divin. Institut._ Lib. V. c. 16.

379 Plutarch, _De Fortitud. Alexandri_.

380 Diog. Laert. _In Clitomacho_.

381 Cicero, _Academic. Prior._ Lib. II. c. 32.

_ 382 Academic. Prior._ Lib. II. c. 32.

383 Mater, _Ecole d’Alexandrie_, Tom. II. p. 131.

384 Dans la Grèce, aprés ces épreuves, commençoit enfin la vie champêtre
dans les jardins du Lycée ou de l’Academie, où l’on entreprenoit un
cours de philosophie, que les véritables amateurs avoient l’art
singulier de ne jamais finir. Ils restoient toute leur vie attachés
à quelque chef de secte comme Metrodore à Epicure, moudroient dans
les écoles, et étoient ensuite enterrés à l’ombre de ces mêmes
arbustes, sous lesquels ils avoient tant médité. (De Pauw,
_Recherches Philosophiques sur les Grecs_, T. II.)

385 Cicero, _Academ. Prior._ Lib. II. c. 4.

_ 386 Epist. Familiares_.

387 Garve, _Anmerk. zu Büchern von den Pflichten_. Breslau, 1819.
Schoell, _Hist. Abregée de la Litterat. Romaine_.

388 P. XII.

_ 389 Ciceron. Opera_, Tom. XIII. p. 15.

_ 390 Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. XII. Ep. 52.

_ 391 Epist._ Lib. XIII. Ep. 21.

_ 392 Dialog. Hipparchus_.

393 Black’s _Life of Tasso_, Vol. II.

394 Hulsemann, _Uber die Principien und den Geist der Gesetze_. Leipsic,
1802.

395 Quæque de optimâ republicâ sentiremus, in sex libris ante diximus;
accommodabimus hoc tempore leges ad illum, quem probamus civitatûs
statum. _De Legib._ Lib. III. c. 2.

_ 396 Epist. ad Quint. Frat._ Lib. II. Ep. 14. Lib. III. Ep. 5 and 6.

_ 397 De Legib._ Lib. II. c. 17.

_ 398 Ibid._ Lib. I. c. 20.

399 Hominis Amicissimi, Cn. Pompeii, laudes illustrabit. Lib. I. c. 3.

_ 400 De Legibus_, Lib. II. c. 1.

_ 401 Ibid._ Lib. I. c. 5.

_ 402 Excursion from Rome to Arpino_, p. 89. Ed. Geneva, 1820.

403 Plin. _Hist. Nat._ Lib. XXXI. c. 2.

404 “Cæruleus nos Liris amat.”—_Martial_, Lib. XIII. Ep. 83. See also
Lucan, Lib. II.

_ 405 De Legibus_, Lib. II. c. 2.

406 Kelsall, _Excursion_, p. 116.

_ 407 De Legibus_, Lib. II. c. 1.

_ 408 Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. XII. Ep. 12.

_ 409 Classic Tour through Italy_, by Sir R. C. Hoare, Vol. I. p. 293.

_ 410 Classical Tour_, Vol. II. c. 9.

_ 411 Classical Excursion from Rome to Arpino_, p. 99. Cicero always
considered the citizens of Arpinum as under his particular
protection and patronage; and it is pleasant to find, that its
modern inhabitants still testify, in various ways, due veneration
for their illustrious townsman. Their theatre is called the _Teatro
Tulliano_, of which the drop-scene is painted with a bust of the
orator; and even now, workmen are employed in building a new
town-hall, with niches, destined to receive statues of Marius and
Cicero.

412 Macrob. _Saturnal._ Lib. VI. c. 4.

_ 413 Saturnal._ Lib. VI. c. 4.

_ 414 Diogenes Laertius_, Lib. VII.

_ 415 Diog. Laert._ Lib. VII.

416 Plin. _Hist. Nat._ Lib. XXXI. c. 3.

_ 417 Academ. Prior._ Lib. II. c. 33.

_ 418 Epist. Famil._ Lib. IX. Ep. 8.

419 Et ut nos nunc sedemus ad Lucrinum, pisciculosque exsultantes
videmus. _De propriet. Serm._ c. 1. 335. voc. _exsultare_.

_ 420 Epist. Dedicat. ad Prælect. in Cic. Acad._

_ 421 Introduct. in Academic._ Ed. Lips. 1810.

422 Nec esse, nec dici posse novum opus, ac penitus mutatum; sed
tantummodo correctum, magis politum, et quoad formam et dictionem,
hîc et illic, splendidius mutatum. _De Lib. Cic. Academ. Comment._

_ 423 Classical Tour_, Vol. II. c. 8.

_ 424 Rome in the Nineteenth Century_, Vol. III. Let. 93.

_ 425 De Finibus_, Lib. III. and IV. Kelsall, _Excursion from Rome to
Arpino_, p. 193.

_ 426 Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. I. Ep. 1.

427 Middleton’s _Life of Cicero_, Vol. I. p. 142.

428 Blainville’s _Travels_, Vol. II.

429 Eustace, _Classical Tour_, Vol. II. c. 8. Grotta Ferrata was long
considered both by travellers (Addison, _Letters on Italy_,
Blainville, _Travels_, &c.) and antiquarians (Calmet, _Hist.
Univers._ Cluverius, _Italic. Antiq._) as the site of Cicero’s
Tusculan villa. The opinion thus generally received, was first
deliberately called in question by Zuzzeri, in a dissertation
published in 1746, entitled _Sopra un’ antica Villa scoperta sopra
Frescati nell appartenenze della nuova villa dell collegio Romano_.
This writer places the site close to the villa and convent of
Ruffinella, which is higher up the hill than Grotta Ferrata, lying
between Frescati and the town of Tusculum. He was answered by
Cardoni, a monk of the Basilian order of Grotta Ferrata, in his
_Disceptatio Apologetica de Tusculano Ciceronis_, Romæ, 1757.
Cardoni chiefly rests his argument on a passage of Strabo, where
that geographer says, that the _Tusculan hill_ is fertile, well
watered, and surrounded with beautiful villas. Now Cardoni,
referring this passage (which applies to the Tusculan hill in
general) solely to the Tusculan villa, argues somewhat unfairly,
that Strabo’s description answers to Grotta Ferrata, but not to
Ruffinella. (p. 8, &c.) Nibby in his _Viaggio Antiquario_, supports
the claims of Ruffinella, on the authority of a passage in
Frontinus, which he interprets with no greater candour or success.
(T. II. p. 41.) With exception of Eustace, however, all modern
travellers, whose works I have consulted, declare in favour of
Ruffinella. “At the convent of Ruffinella, says Forsyth, farther up
the hill than Grotta Ferrata, his (Cicero’s) name was found stamped
on some ancient tiles, which should ascertain the situation of a
villa in preference to any moveable.”—_Remarks on Italy_, p. 281.
See also _Rome in the Nineteenth Century_, Vol. III. Letter 92, and
Kelsall’s _Classical Excursion_, p. 192.

430 Alex. ab Alexandro, _Dies Geniales_, Lib. I. c. 23. Rossmini, _Vita
di Filelfo_, T. III. p. 59. Ed. Milan, 1808, 3 Tom. 8vo.

_ 431 Tusc. Disp._ Lib. II. c. 3. Lib. III. c. 3.

432 Juvenal, I think, had probably this passage of the Tusculan
Disputations in view, in the noble and pathetic lines of his tenth
Satire—

“Provida Pompeio dederat Campania febres,” &c.

433 Some of the advantages and disadvantages of the method of writing in
dialogue, are stated by Mr. Hume, in the introduction to his
_Dialogues concerning Natural Religion_, (London, 1779, 8vo,) a work
apparently modelled on Cicero’s Nature of the Gods.

434 In the English extracts from Cicero _De Nat. Deor._ I have availed
myself of a very good but anonymous translation, printed Lond. 1741,
8vo.

435 In the Herculanensia, (p. 22,) Sir William Drummond contends, at
considerable length, that a work _On Piety according to Epicurus_,
(Περι Ευσεβεῖας κατ’ Επικουρον,) of which a fragment has been
discovered at Herculaneum, was the prototype of a considerable part
of the discourse of Velleius. The reader will find a version of the
passages in which a resemblance appears, in the Quarterly Review,
(No. V.) where it is also remarked, “that Sir William seems to us to
have failed altogether in rendering it probable that Cicero had ever
seen this important fragment, the passages in which there is any
resemblance, relating, without exception, to what each author is
reporting of the doctrines of certain older philosophers, as
expressed in their works; and the reports are not by any means so
precisely similar as to induce us to suppose that Cicero had even
taken the very justifiable liberty of saving himself some little
trouble, by making use of another author’s abstract, from
Chrysippus, and from Diogenes the Babylonian.” Schütz, the German
editor of Cicero, enumerates some works, which he thinks Cicero had
read, and others, which he seems to have known merely from summaries
and abridgments. The following is his conjecture with regard to the
writings of Epicurus:—“Epicuri denique κυριας δοξας, ejus κανονα seu
libros, de Judicio, item περι φυσεως et περι ὁσιοτητος, non ex
aliorum tantum testimoniis, sed ex suâ ipsius lectione ei notos
fuisse, facile, tot locis ubi de eo agitur inter se collatis,
intelligitur.” (Cicer. _Opera_, Tom. XV. p. 27.) Perhaps the
treatise, περι Ὁσιοτητος, was a similar work to that, Περι
Ευσεβεῖας.

436 In his Dialogues on Natural Religion, Mr. Hume puts two very good
remarks into the mouth of one of his characters. Speaking of
Cicero’s argument for a Deity, deduced from the grandeur and
magnificence of nature, he observes, “If this argument, I say, had
any force in former ages, how much greater must it have at present,
when the bounds of nature are so infinitely enlarged, and such a
magnificent scene is opened to us!” P. 103.—Again, in mentioning
that the infidelity of Galen was cured by the study of anatomy,
(which was much more extended by him than it had been in the days of
Cicero,) he says, “And if the infidelity of Galen, even when these
natural sciences were still imperfect, could not withstand such
striking appearances, to what pitch of pertinacious obstinacy must a
philosopher in this age have attained, who can now doubt of a
Supreme Intelligence!” P. 23.—See also Lactantius, _De Opificio
Dei_.

437 There was published, _Bononiæ_, 1811, _M. T. Ciceronis de Naturâ
Deorum Liber Quartus: e pervetusto Codice MS. Membranaceo nunc
primum edidit P. Seraphinus Ord. Fr. Min._—This tract was
republished, (Oxonii, 1813,) by Mr. Lunn, who says in a prefatory
note, that “he entertains no doubt, from the opinion of several of
his friends, of this production being a literary forgery.” Of this,
indeed, there can be no doubt, as appears among various other
proofs, from the minute account of the Jews.—“Sed etiam plures
adhibere deos vel divos, a quibus ipsi regantur, quos nomine Elohim
designare soleant, secundi ordinis,” &c. (p. 12.)—There is some
humour in the manner in which the Italian editor, in a preface
written in the rude style of a simple friar, obtests that the work
is not a forgery.—“Sed ne quis existimet, me ipsum fecisse hunc
librum, testor, detestor, obtestor, et contestor, per S. Franciscum
Assissium, me talem facere non posse, qui sacris incumbere cogor,
nec profanis possum,” &c.

438 C. 29.

439 C. 7.

440 Multis etiam sensi mirabile videri, eam nobis potissimum probatam
esse philosophiam, quæ lucem eriperet, et quasi noctem quandam rebus
offunderet, desertæque disciplinæ et jampridem relictæ patrocinium
nec opinatum a nobis esse susceptum.—(_De Nat. Deor._ Lib. I. c. 3.)

441 Warburton, _Divine Legation_, Vol. II. p. 168. Ed. 1755. Warburton
here alludes to Bentley—_Remarks on a late Discourse of
Free-thinking_, Part II. Rem. 53.

_ 442 Bolingbroke’s Works_, Vol. VIII. p. 81. ed. 8vo.

443 Ibid. p. 266, 278.

444 Fuerint qui judicarent oportere statui per Senatum ut aboleantur hæc
scripta, quibus religio Christiana comprobetur, et vetustatis
opprimatur auctoritas.—Arnobius, _Adversus Gentes_, Lib. III.

445 In the preface to the second book of this treatise, _De
Divinatione_, Cicero, enumerating his late philosophical
compositions, says, “Quibus libris editis, tres libri perfecti sunt
_De Naturâ Deorum_ * * quæ ut plene essent cumulateque perfecta, _De
Divinatione_ ingressi sumus his libris scribere.”—(_De Div._ Lib.
II. c. 1.)

446 Hoc sum contentus; quod, etiamsi, quomodo quidque fiat, ignorem,
quid fiat, intelligo.

447 C. 38.

448 C. 3.

449 Cowley.

450 Plin. _Hist. Nat._ Lib. XXXI. c. 2.

451 At least so says Middleton, (Vol. III. p. 297,) and he quotes as his
authority Spartian’s Life of Hadrian, (c. 25.) Spartian, however,
only tells, that he was _buried_ at Cicero’s villa of Puteoli—“Apud
ipsas Bajas periit, invisusque omnibus sepultus est in villâ
Ciceronianâ Puteolis.”

_ 452 Classical Tour_, Vol. II. c. 11.

_ 453 Philosophische Anmerkungen zu Cicero’s Büchern von den Pflichten_,
Breslau, 1819.

454 Lib. I. c. 39.

455 Rogers, _Human Life_.

456 “Fuit enim hoc in amicitiâ quasi quoddam jus inter illos, ut
militiæ, propter eximiam belli gloriam, Africanum ut deum coleret
Lælius; domi vicissim Lælium, quòd ætate antecedebat, observaret in
parentis loco Scipio.”

_ 457 Epist. Famil._ Lib. VII. ep. 18. In palimpsesto, laudo equidem
parsimoniam, sed miror, quid in illâ chartulâ fuerit, quod delere
malueris quam hæc non scribere; nisi forte tuas formulas: non enim
puto te meas epistolas delere, ut reponas tuas.

_ 458 Mem. de l’Academ. des Inscriptions, &c._ Tom. VI.

459 Mai published the _De Republicâ_ at Rome, with a preface, giving a
history of his discovery, notes, and an index of emendations. It was
reprinted from this edition at London, without change, 1823; also at
Paris, 1823, with the notes of Mai, and excerpts from his preface;
and _cura_ Steinacker at Leipsic, 1823. To this German edition there
is a prefatory epistle by Hermann, which I was disappointed to find
contained only some observations on a single passage of the _De
Republicâ_, with regard to the division of the citizens into classes
by Servius Tullius. In the same year an excellent French translation
was published by M. Villemain, accompanied with an introductory
review of the work he translates; as also notes and dissertations on
those topics of Education, Manners, and Religion, which he supposes
to have formed the subjects of the last three books which have not
yet been recovered.

_ 460 Epist. ad Quint. Frat._ Lib. II. ep. 14.

_ 461 Epist. ad Quint. Frat._ Lib. III. ep. 5 and 6.

462 Cælius ad Ciceronem, _Epist. Famil._ Lib. VIII. Ep. 1. Tui libri
politici omnibus vigent.

_ 463 Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. VI.

_ 464 Epist. ad Quint. Frat._ Lib. III. ep. 6.

465 The above quotation is from the XL. Number of the _North American
Review_, July 1823. It is highly creditable to the scholarship of
our Transatlantic brethren, that the work _De Republicâ_, should on
its first publication, have been the subject of an article in one of
their principal literary journals, while, as far as I know, the
reviews of this ancient land of colleges and universities, have
passed over, in absolute silence, the most important classical
discovery since the age of the Medici.

466 I do not know that this distinguishing feature of the character of
Cicero has been anywhere so well described as in the following
passage of M. Villemain, in which he has introduced in this respect
a beautiful comparison between Cicero and the most illustrious
writer of his own nation. Talking of the digression concerning the
Parhelion and Orrery, he admits it was little to the purpose, but he
adds, “Peut on se défendre d’un mouvement de respect, quand on songe
à ce beau caractère de curiosité philosophique, à ce goût universel
de la science dont fut animé Cicéron, et qui au milieu d’une vie
agitée par tant de travaux, et dans un état de civilisation encore
dénué de secours, lui fit rechercher avec un insatiable ardeur tous
les moyens de connoissances nouvelles et de lumières?
“Cet homme qui avait si laborieusement médité l’art de l’éloquence,
et le pratiquait chaque jour dans le Forum, dans le sénat, dans les
tribunaux; ce grand orateur, qui même pendant son consulat plaidait
encore des causes privées, au milieu d’une vie toute de gloire,
d’agitations, et de périls, dans ce mouvement d’inquiétudes et
d’affaires attesté par cette foule de lettres si admirables et si
rapidement écrites, étudiait encore tout ce que dans son siécle il
était possible de savoir. Il avait cultivé la poésie: il avait
approfondi et transporté chez les Romains toutes les philosophies de
la Grèce; il cherchait à récueillir les notions encore imparfaites
des sciences physiques. Nous voyons même par une de ses lettres
qu’il s’occupa de faire un traité technique de géographie, à peu
près comme VOLTAIRE compilait laborieusement un abrégé chronologique
de l’histoire d’Allemagne. Ces deux génies ont eu en effet ce
caractère distinctif de méler aux plus brillans trésors de
l’imagination et de goût, l’ardeur de toutes les connoissances, et
cette activité intellectuelle qui ne s’arrête, ni ne se lasse
jamais.
“Sans doute il y avait entre eux de grands dissemblances, surtout
dans cette vocation prédominante qui entrainait l’un vers
l’éloquence et l’autre vers la poésie; sans doute aussi la diversité
des temps et des situations mettait plus de difference encore entre
l’auteur Français de dix huitième siécle, et le Consul de la
republique Romaine: mais cette ardeur de tout savoir, ce mouvement
de la pensée qui s’appliquait également à tout, forme un trait
éminent qui les rapproche; et peutêtre le sentiment confus de cette
vérité agissait il sur Voltaire dans l’admiration si vivement
sentie, si sérieuse, que cet esprit contempteur de tant de renommées
antiques exprima toujours pour le génie de Cicéron.”—P. LXII.

467 This first book occupied in the palimpsest 211 pages. Of these, 72
are wanting; but two short fragments belonging to this book are to
be found in Lactantius and Nonius, so that about a third of the book
is still lost.

468 Mai cannot exactly state how much of the second book is wanting in
the palimpsest, but he thinks probably a third part; enough remains
of it to console the reader for the loss.

_ 469 Somnium Scipionis_.

_ 470 Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. XII. Ep. 14.

471 Lactantius, _Divin. Inst._ Lib. III. c. 18. Luendorum scelerum causâ
nasci homines.

472 Plin. _Hist. Nat._ Lib. I. _Pref._

_ 473 De Divin._ Lib. II. c. 9.

_ 474 Tusc. Disput._ Lib. III. c. 28.

475 Scharfii, _Dissert. de vero auctore Consolationis. Miscell. Lips.
Observ._ 130.

476 Rogers’ _Lines, written at Pæstum_.

477 Petrarch, _Epist. Rer. Senil._ Lib. XV. Ep. 1.

478 Varillas, _Vie de Louis XI. Menagiana_, Tom. II.

_ 479 In Comment. Epist. Ad Attic._ XV. 27.

_ 480 Eulogia_.

481 Mencken, _Præf. P. Alcyonî de Exilio_, Lips. 1707.

482 Tiraboschi, _Stor. dell. Letter. Ital._ Part. III. Lib. III. c. 4. §
14.—Ginguené thinks that Tiraboschi has completely succeeded in
justifying Alcyonius. _Hist. Litter. d’Ital._ T. VII. p. 254.

_ 483 Confess._ III. 4, and _De Vit. Beata_. proœm.

484 Tunstall, _Observations on the Epistles between Cicero and Brutus_,
p. 20. Ed. London, 1744.

_ 485 Vit. Attici_, c. 16.

_ 486 Epist._ Lib. VII. Ep. 1.

487 Ibid. Ep. 26.

488 A few unimportant letters which had passed between these two great
men, during Cicero’s proconsulship in Cilicia, were included among
the _Epistolæ Familiares_, and are of undisputed authenticity. It
does not seem clear, whether they ever formed part of the great
collection of eight books, which contained the subsequent
correspondence between Cicero and Brutus.

489 Middleton’s _Pref. to the Epistles of Cicero and Brutus_, p. 4.
London, 1743.

490 Tunstall, _Observations_, &c. p. 27.

491 Pliny, _Hist. Nat._

_ 492 Epist. ad Quint. Frat._ Lib. II. Ep. 15.

_ 493 Epist. __Ad__ Attic._ Lib. XIII. _passim_, ed. Schütz.

494 Ibid. _Epist._ 25.

_ 495 De Pueritia Ling. Lat._ c. 1. § 10. Adamum scribendi atque
_signandi_ modum præmonstrasse primitus ratio ipsa persuadet.

496 Lennep, _De Tirone_, p. 77. Ed. Amsteld. 1804.

497 Kopp, _Palæographia Critica_. Ed. Manheim, 1817. 2 Tom. 4to.

498 Isidorus, _Originum_, Lib. I. c. 21.

499 Manilius, _Astronom._ Lib. IV. v. 197.

500 Lib. XIV. Epig. 202.

501 Epigr. 138.

502 Kopp, _Palæographia Critica_.

503 Quintil. _Inst. Orator._ Lib. I. c. 3.

504 Ibid.

505 Funccius, _De Virili Ætat. Ling. Lat._ Pars II. c. 8. § 9.

_ 506 Epist.__ ad Quint. __Frat._ Lib. III. Ep. 5.

_ 507 Geograph._ Lib. XIII.

508 Lib. II. Ep. 8.

_ 509 Noct. Attic._ Lib. II. c. 14. _et passim_.

_ 510 Ibid._ Lib. XX. c. 6.

_ 511 Noct. Attic._ Lib. III. c. 10.

512 Tacit. _Annal._ Lib. XV. c. 38–41.

513 Joann. Sarisberiensis, _De Nug. Curial._ Lib. VIII. c. 19.
Lursenius, _Dissert. De Bibliothecis Veterum_, p. 297.

514 Sulp. Severus, _De Martini Vita_, c. 16.

_ 515 Epist._ XVIII. _Opera_.

516 Cassiodor. _Opera_.

517 Petit-Radel, _Recherches sur les Biblioth. Anciennes_.

_ 518 Stor. dell Letter. Ital._ Part I. Lib. I.

_ 519 Bibliotheca Latin._

_ 520 De Nug. Cur._ Lib. VIII. c. 19.

_ 521 Ibid._ Lib. II. c. 26.

522 Tom. I.

_ 523 De Historicis Latinis_, Lib. I, c. 19.

_ 524 Hist. Critic. Philosoph._ Tom. III.

_ 525 Stor. dell Letterat. Ital._ Tom. III. Lib. II. c. 2.

_ 526 Dict. Histor._ Art. GREGOIRE.

_ 527 Vicende della Letteratura_, Lib. I. c. 3.

_ 528 Hist. Litter. d’Italie_, Tom. I. c. 2.

529 Bayle, _Diction. Histor._ Art. GREGOIRE. Rem. M. Gibbon’s _Decline
and Fall of the Rom. Emp._ c. 45.

530 Muratori, _Antiquitates Italiæ Med. Ævi_. Tom. III. p. 853. ed.
Milan, 1741.

531 Tiraboschi, _Stor. dell. Letterat. Ital._ Tom. III. Lib. II.

_ 532 Ibid._

533 Petit-Radel, _Recherches sur les Biblioth. Anciennes_, p. 53.

534 Eichhorn, _Litterargeschichte_, ed. Gotting. 1812.

535 Lupi, _Epist._ 103. dated 855.

536 Ibid. Ep. 91.

537 Epist. 69.

538 Ginguené, _Hist. Litt. d’Italie_, Tom. I. p. 63.

539 Ziegel, _Hist. Rei Liter._ Tom. I. _Hist. Liter. de la France_, Tom.
IV.

540 Hallam’s _State of Europe during the Middle Ages_, Vol. III. p. 332,
2d ed.

_ 541 Annali d’Italia_, Ad. Ann. 899, &c.

_ 542 Epist._ 130.

_ 543 Epist._ 44.

_ 544 Antiquitates Italiæ Med. Ævi_, Tom. III. p. 818. The most valuable
books of the Bobbian collection were transferred, in the seventeenth
century, by the Cardinal Borromeo, to the Ambrosian library at
Milan; and it is from the Bobbian Palimpsesti there discovered, that
Mai has recently edited his fragments of orations of Cicero, and
plays of Plautus.

545 Mehus, _Vita Ambrosii Camaldulensis_, p. 157. ed. Florent. 1759.

_ 546 Ibid._ p. 183.

547 Petrarc. _Epist. ad M. Varronem_.

548 Mill’s _Travels of Theodore Ducas_, Vol. I. p. 28.

_ 549 Vita Ambrosii Camaldulensis_, p. 290.

_ 550 Ibid._ p. 291.

_ 551 Ibid._ p. 335.

552 Roscoe’s _Life of Lorenzo de Medici_, c. 1.

_ 553 Epist._ Lib. V.

554 Morhoff, _Polyhistor_. Lib. I. c. 7. Lomeierus, _De Bibliothecis_,
c. 9. § 2.

555 Ap. Mehus, _Pref. ad Epist. Ambros. Camaldulensis_, p. 33. ed.
Florent. 1759.

556 Ibid. p. 31.

557 Ibid. p. 50.

558 Ibid. p. 44.

559 Ibid. p. 31.

560 Roscoe’s _Life of Lorenzo de Medici_, c. 1.

561 Mehus, _Pref._ p. 67.

562 Avogradi, _De Magnificentiâ Cosmi Medices_, Lib. II.

“O mira in tectis bibliotheca tuis!
Nunc legis altisoni sparsim pia scripta Maronis,
Nunc ea quæ Cicero ——” &c.

563 Roscoe, _Life of Lorenzo_, c. 7.

_ 564 Polit. Epist._ Lib. IV. Ep. 2.

_ 565 Travels of Theod. Ducas_, c. 1.

566 Berrington, _Literary Hist. of the Middle Ages_, Book VI.

_ 567 Polyhistor_. Lib. IV. c. 10.

_ 568 De Luxurie Veterum Poet. Lat._

569 Eichhorn, _Litterargeschichte_, Tom. III. p. 569.

570 Evelyn’s _Memoirs and Corresp._ Vol. II. p. 173. Second ed.

571 Morhoff, _Polyhistor_. Lib. IV. c. 11.

572 Thuanus, _Hist._ Lib. LXXXIV.

_ 573 Handbuch__ der Classisch. Litteratur._ T. III. p. 31.

574 Osannus, _Analecta Critica_, c. 8.

_ 575 Præf. ad Plautum_, ed. Lambini.

_ 576 Epist. Famil._ Lib. V.

577 Bandini, _Catalog. Cod. Lat. Bibliothecæ Mediceæ-Laurentianæ_, Tom.
II. p. 243, &c.

578 Mehus, _Pref. ad Epist. Ambros. Camaldul._ p. 41.

579 Ibid.

_ 580 Ambros. Camaldul. Epist._ Lib. VIII. Ep. 31.

581 Harles, _Supplement. ad Not. Literat. Rom._ Tom. II. p. 483.

582 Renouard, _Hist. de l’Imprim. des Aldes_. Tom. I. p. 162.