Chapter IV: Part 4

The best account of the commerce of the colony is to be found in the
report to the Board of Trade in 1708, already referred to. (note 74)
The land on the island had been well taken up by this time and the
younger generation in that part of the colony was betaking itself, in
the words of the report, "to trades and callings," especially to
navigation for which their situation so well fitted them. Twenty-nine
vessels were now owned in the colony in place of the four or five of
twenty years before, and all but two or three were owned in Newport.
Ship building also became an important trade, no less than eighty-four
vessels having been built in the colony from 1698 to 1708. Direct
foreign trade existed with the Bermudas, the West Indies, Madeira,
Fayal and Curacoa, the colony sending out lumber, beef, pork, dairy
products, horses, cows, onions, cider, rum, and, sometimes money, and
receiving in return sugar, molasses, cotton, ginger, indigo, pimento,
rum, English goods, Spanish iron, brasalleta, wines, salt and cocoa.
Some of these articles, together with the products of the colony, were
taken to all the coast colonies to the South who gave in return, rice,
pitch, tar, turpentine, valuable woods, skins, flax, pork, grain, and
rigging. With England the colony had no direct trade but received most
of its English goods through Boston, paying for them in dairy products
and money. It was estimated that £20,000 in cash was annually sent to
Boston on this account. It is evident that the colony had entered upon
a new phase in its economic development.

Footnote 84:

The records of Providence do not show but the provision was complied
with.

Footnote 85:

The poll tax as we have seen was introduced under Andros, but does not
seem to have been assessed since his fall. It must be remembered that
the present act was not a general law (see p. 33). How the law of
October, 1699, (note 88) may have affected this question we do not
know. The law of January, 1703-4, is chiefly administrative and makes
no mention of a poll tax, and it would hardly seem to fall under the
law of May, 1704. (Note 90). It seems probable on the whole that the
poll tax was not as a rule assessed. The wording of the law in 1707,
exempting the governor from taxation might seem to imply that a poll
tax was assessed, (see note 75)

Footnote 86:

Indians had been exempted as early as 1672. (R.I. Col. Recs. II, 436)

Footnote 87:

For this law see R.I. Col. Recs. III, 343, et seq. If those appointed
to take account of estates neglected the work they were to be fined
twenty shillings.

Footnote 88:

The most important of the modifying laws seems to have been passed in
October, 1699. It is referred to as the model law in subsequent acts
assessing taxes before January, 1703-4. This law is unfortunately not
preserved in the records, but references go to show that it did not
essentially modify the administrative features of the law of the
previous year. By act of August, 1702, any assistant or justice
neglecting his duty under the act was made subject to a fine of £20.

Footnote 89:

For this law see R.I. Col. Recs. III, 484, et seq. The likeness to the
present law is seen still more fully in some of the details of
administration which have not been changed since that time. Later some
of the towns seem to have been divided into districts and constables
assigned to, and held responsible for, each district. The fine imposed
on an assessor for neglect of duty was 40s.

Footnote 90:

R.I. Col. Recs. III, 501. The oath was as follows: "You A.B., do, on
your solemn engagement, hereby declare the accounts and list as you
present of your estate, is the whole and true account of all your
rateable estate, as to your knowledge you know of (or is in your care
and custody), and this you declare to be the truth, and nothing but
the truth, upon the perill of the penalty of perjury". The same act
declares that what is rateable estate shall be known by the act of
1698. That act contains on the subject only what is given in the
previous pages. I have unfortunately found no return of estates by
individuals for this period, but there is no reason to suppose it
different from what it was before or after; that is, it included
everything with the possible exception of clothes and necessary
household furniture.

Footnote 91:

There were some three or four such returns ordered in all and severe
penalties were sometimes enacted for neglect. Complaints against the
apportionment among the towns do not seem to have been frequent,
though there are one or two instances of dissent on record.

Footnote 92:

As earlier, the difficulty was political rather than economic. There
seems to have been in the colony at this time a party, how strong it
would be difficult to say, in sympathy with the efforts to curtail the
charter privileges. There were also disputes between the towns as to
boundaries, while the colony dispute with Connecticut was not settled
until 1703. In 1700 the sheriff while attempting to collect a tax in
Westerly was carried off to Connecticut. It is worthy of note in
connection with this difficulty of collection that the severity of the
penalty seems to have had little influence. The assessors or
collectors were not infrequently made responsible for the whole tax in
case of neglect, but taxes were not promptly collected until
government had become firmly established and could rely on the united
support of the people. When it was strong enough to enforce the
penalties, the necessity had passed away. In the copy of the laws sent
to Bellemont in 1699, the sedition act (see page 20) seems to have
been included, though repealed nearly thirty years before. The act was
again repealed in March, 1702.

Footnote 93:

The first mention of the constables fees for collection which I have
seen was in 1684, and allowed two shillings on the pound. As long as
this lasted collectors' fees alone eat up ten per cent of the tax, but
by the law of January, 1703/4, the fees were reduced to one shilling.
Assessors were paid by the day, the amount varying from two to five
shillings. The act just referred to placed it at two shillings and six
pence, and a law of 1705 provided that no rate maker should charge for
more than three days. The most full and detailed statement of loss on
the articles in which taxes were paid, is in the accounts of the
treasurer under Andros. It was as follows: Loss by 935 bushels of corn
and rye £20-0-10, by 9 ferkins of butter £1-12-1. Twelve bushels of
corn had been sold and delivered but no payment had been made. In
addition there were the following expenses and losses: Freight £5-3-4,
warehouse room for 1300 lbs. of wool £1, turning corn ten or twelve
times 18s., "275 lbs. of wool taken out of my house £9 3-4." "Money
taken out of Major Goulding's house £32-10-0." As the total receipts
did not exceed £230 it will be seen that expenses and losses eat up a
good part of the revenue. They were in this case probably far larger
than usual, but they must always have been considerable in amount,
while no satisfactory money existed, in quantities sufficient for the
needs of the community.

Footnote 94:

R.I. Col. Recs. III, 357, et seq. The proceeds of the tax were to be
for the poor, highways and bridges. It was indeed a town and not a
colony tax.

Footnote 95:

R.I. Col. Recs. III, 421, et seq.

Footnote 96:

R.I. Col. Recs. III, 438.

Footnote 97:

The amount received as stated in the report on the treasurer's
accounts in 1711, was £2,032-19-2. The amount outstanding on bonds
given for land was £1,523-17-5. Arnold (Vol. II, p. 37, Note) says
that the report of a committee, subsequently made, shows that
£3,795-15s.-10d. was received at the rate of about 1s. 6d. per acre.

Footnote 98:

In 1709, four ferries were leased for seven years at an annual rental
of £4. This is the last record that I find of any payment made to the
general treasury. "Leases" were afterwards spoken of, but these seem
to refer simply to grants of the right of ferriage, bonds being
required for the observance of the law in regard to ferries. In 1748,
the colony purchased two of the ferries but does not seem to have been
successful in its enterprise and sold them again in 1750.

Footnote 99:

In 1837, Mr. E. R. Potter published a pamphlet entitled "A brief
Account of Emissions of paper money made by the Colony of Rhode
Island". It has been reprinted with additions in the "Historical
Sketches of American Paper Currency" (first series) by H. Phillips.
This little work contains about all the facts which are accessible,
including the reports made to the General Assembly, and much that
relates to Massachusetts and Continental money. In 1880, it was
reedited and enlarged by Mr. Sidney S. Rider, and published as number
eight of the Rhode Island Historical Tracts. Mr. Rider has added an
almost complete list of the fac similes of the various issues, but has
omitted other portions which are of more value to the economic
student.

Footnote 100:

Provision was made for sinking these bills by an annual tax of £1,000,
(R.I. Col. Recs. IV, pp. 100, 106, 150) The law however does not seem
to have been vigorously enforced and in some instances the taxes
collected were diverted to other purposes than that intended. Five
payments of this annual tax are entered on the credit side of the
treasurer's accounts, the last being in 1715. In that year the first
bank was issued and the sinking annually of £1,000 of the earlier
bills was one of the purposes to which the interest was to be applied.
The provision was not carried out. No further taxes for the purpose
seem to have been collected. From the manner of keeping accounts at
that time, it is not quite clear whether those taxes entered as
received in the treasurer's books had been actually received in full.
Up to 1715, only £1,102-8s. 6d. had been burnt. As regards the legal
tender character of this and future issues there seems to be some
uncertainty. The bills of the first issue of £5,000 emitted in 1710,
read "This indented bill x x x shall be equal in value to money, and
shall be accordingly accepted by the general treasurer and receivers
subordinate to him, in all public payments". The law as printed in the
colony records (Vol. IV, p. 96) makes no further reference to the
subject of tender, but, as printed in the Digest of 1744, (p. 43)
enacts that the bills "shall be received and paid for the same value
and equal to the current Coin passed in this Colony, for Goods or any
other thing bought or sold in all Payments to be made whatsoever;
(Specialties only excepted)". In the other issues of 1710 and 1711, it
is provided in some cases that the bills shall pass in "all Payments",
in other cases that they shall pass in "all publick Payments" as the
bills of the first issue do. The bills of the bank emitted in 1715,
were declared to be of the same tenor as those of former issues, but
in the same year there was passed an act "making public bills of
credit of this colony, to be lawful pay, on tendering the same for all
bonds and specialties." This caused so much opposition that in the
following year it was repealed and the act declared to extend "to no
other bonds and specialties that what mention current passable bills
of credit of this colony, or of any of the governments of New
England." (R.I. Col. Recs. IV, 210) The other bills emitted up to
1740, were "of the same Tenor" as those previously issued. The act
emitting the bank of 1740, declares the bills equal to silver at 6s.
9d. per ounce and that it "shall be accordingly accepted by the
Treasurer, and the Receiver thereof, in all Payments." (Dig. 1744, p.
230). In the following year 6s. 9d. of this "new tenor" was declared
equal to 27s. of the previous issues or "old tenor", and a sufficient
tender for the same in all payments. Courts of Justice were to govern
themselves accordingly. (Dig. 1744, p. 237). Subsequent issues until
1750, were in accordance with these acts. The most severe of the laws
to enforce circulation was passed in connection with the issue of
March, 1750. (Digest 1752, pp. 86, 99). The act recites that the
depreciation of the bills of credit is due to "illegal Practices" in
"offering from time to time, for Gold and Silver, and Bills of
Exchange, for Sterling Money," larger sums in bills than was stated in
the acts of emission. The new bills were declared equal to silver at
6s. 9d. per ounce--to 16s. "new tenor" and to 64s. "old tenor". Any
person who should receive or pay bills of credit at any higher rate
for gold, silver, or bills of exchange, was to be fined £50 in the new
bills. In case of suits for money due (specialties excepted) the
courts were to make their judgments in accordance with the above
values. Clerks of courts were forbidden to issue execution or process
on any judgment in favor of any person until such person should make
oath that he had not violated the above law. No person could enter a
public office without taking the same oath. Foreigners coming into the
colony to trade were required to take the same oath under penalty of
£50. In August, 1751, (Acts and Laws of Rhode Island 1745-1752, p.
104), probably in accordance with the act of Parliament already
referred to, it was provided that in all debts which should come due,
for every sixty-four shillings appearing to be due in old tenor,
sixteen shillings in new tenor, and six shillings and nine pence in
the present bills, the debtor should pay as much in any of the
afore-mentioned bills as should at the time be worth one ounce of
silver sterling.

Footnote 101:

The expenditure for the year ending June, 1718, was £818-3s.-3-3/4d.
The more important items were as follows:

Public buildings (court house and jail) £206-0-0
Salaries (including £20 for gunner) 180-0-0
Bounties on wolves 62-10-0
Cost of revenue (treasurers' fees) 54-8-4
Agent 66-19-4
Weybosset bridge 30-0-0

The items however vary very much from year to year. The payment for
the wolf bounty is in this year unusually large. In several years the
cost of printing and loaning the paper money is considerable. In the
year 1715, the expenditure for that purpose was about £300. The growth
of the colony necessitated the erection of colony court houses and
jails. Before 1729, however, there were only two counties, the number
being increased to three in that year, and the buildings required were
of a very primitive kind costing as a rule considerably less than
£1,000. The fort was a considerable item of expense; it was rebuilt so
as to be able to mount sixty guns though not much more than half that
number seem to have been supplied. Previous to 1739, £6,000 in bills
were issued to meet the expenses of the fort, and, in the case of
several of the banks, the fort is mentioned as one of the purposes to
which the interest is to be devoted. In 1739, the assembly ordered the
erection of a brick colony house at Newport, which from the
treasurer's accounts appears to have cost over £20,000. The agent
remained a considerable source of expense. Among the papers in the
state house at Providence is preserved the itemized account between
the colony and its agent for the period 1715-1746. The amount
transmitted to the agent during that period was £4,562-15-10 sterling
and there was a balance due of £438-15-5. The agent's salary was only
£40 per annum. The principal expense was incurred in opposition to the
"molasses act" which passed parliament in 1733, and in connection with
the boundary dispute with Massachusetts. The agent also made some
purchases of military stores for the colony. Some of the agent's
charges throw an interesting light on the character of political
methods in England at this time. "To money given Lord Presidents and
other Noblemens Servts. when I waited on them Sundry times about the
committees report x x 6-1-6." Another charge is for a fee given at the
Board of Trade "on the Report for Stores, being in our favor 21-0-0".
In 1720, also the colony sent a special agent to England at an expense
of over £800 in paper money. As regards salaries, I have found no
legislation in regard to that of the governor subsequent to what has
been already mentioned. (Note 75). The treasury reports show that
after 1711, it was customary to grant £100 a year. He also received
gratuities from time to time, in some instances as large as his
salary. In 1729, he received £200 in recompense for all services and
in 1731, £300. The Colonial Records show that like grants were made in
1732, 1736, and 1744. Douglass (in his Summary) writing about 1750,
says that the governor's salary was then £300, and that with
perquisites it did not exceed £1,000. The only explanation of
"perquisites" which I have found is by an act of October, 1732,
(Digest 1744, p. 169) by which the governor is allowed 5s. for each
commission signed, and for taxing Bills of cost 2s. 6d. He also seems
to have enjoyed a share in prizes. About 1715, it became customary to
grant the deputy governor £20 for his year's service. In 1722, his
salary was fixed at £30. Like the governor he was frequently granted a
gratuity, sometimes as large in amount as his salary. In 1736, and
1744, he is allowed £50 and Douglas states his salary as the same as
that of the governor. A law of 1721, granted the assistants a salary
of £10 and the deputies 6s. a day, the latter to be paid by the towns.
By an act of 1746/7 this law was repealed and these officers remained
without pay. By law of 1729, the treasurer was given a fixed salary of
£100 which was doubled two years later. Gratuities were sometimes
granted for the labor entailed by paper money. He was required to give
bonds in £20,000. No other officers received a stated salary. The
payments made to them out of the treasury were sometimes comparatively
large, those made to the secretary in some instances being from £100
to £200.

Footnote 102:

The population at the periods named was as follows, 1730, 17,935;
1748, 32,773; 1755, 40,414; 1774, 59,707. According to the report made
by the governor to the Board of Trade in 1740/1 over one hundred and
twenty vessels were owned by inhabitants of the colony, "all
constantly employed in trade, some on the coast of Africa, others in
the neighboring colonies, many in the West Indies, and a few in
Europe." Accompanying this economic development we find a rapid
progress in wealth as shown in the great increase of comforts and the
introduction of luxuries, and a greater diversification of industries.
Many persons in the middle of the century left personal estates of
from £1,000 to £2,000 in value aside from all real estate. An
excellent and detailed account of this development may be found in
Dorr's Planting and Growth of Providence. R.I. Hist. Tracts, No. 15.

Footnote 103:

These bills were termed "new tenor" in distinction from the former
issues or "old tenor." One shilling of new tenor was declared equal to
four shillings old tenor. Acts and Laws 1744, pp. 226, 230.

Footnote 104:

At the time of this issue an ounce of silver was declared equal to 6s.
9d. of the new bills, to 16s. new tenor and 64s. old tenor. Acts and
Laws 1745-1752, p. 99.

Footnote 105:

In the case of Bank IX repayment was to be made in five annual
installments, interest to be paid until the last installment (Ibid
85). To what extent the interest from these loans was the only source
of revenue can be seen from the following table. The first column
states, for the period given, the average annual amounts received from
interest bonds as shown by the treasury books, and the second column
the total receipts for the same periods, exclusive of money issued to
the treasurer to exchange torn bills. The amounts are all given in old
tenor value.

1716-1728 £1,999 £2,118

1729-1731 3,984 4,082

1732-1733 6,817 6,853

1734 12,000 12,108

1735-1738 10,000 10,249

1739-1741 15,000 15,004

1742-1743 13,200 (1739)

1744 8,200 Direct issues of money
and receipts from taxes,
loans, &c. render
interest money a
comparatively
unimportant source of
revenue after 1739.

1745-1748 14,600 „

1749-1751 9,000 „

1752-1754 18,251 „

1755-1762 11,851 „

1763 9,841 „

1764 7,111 „

1765 4,741 „

The above sums do not include £2,000 emitted in 1728 for use on the
fort. Portions of the bills emitted to exchange torn bills seem to
have been turned from that purpose to meet ordinary expenses. In June,
1726, £46,634 were emitted to exchange £5 and 40s. notes, but only
£30,383 seem to have been applied to that purpose. (See report of
1739, given in Potter's history.) This seems to be the only important
instance.

Footnote 106:

These figures are taken from a report made by Governor Ward to the
Board of Trade (R.I. Col. Recs. IV, 8). It is stated in the same
report that the then value of paper money in silver was 27s. per
ounce. The value of sterling silver is reckoned at 5s. 3d. per ounce.
On this basis the sterling value of the £340,000 would be £77,777,
instead of £88,074. If we estimate the population at 25,000 this would
give a nominal per capita debt of £13 12s. or in sterling £3 2s. or £3
5s., according to the estimate which we adopt, a large amount in
either case. Redemption, it must be remembered however, was to be
accomplished not by taxation by repayment of loans on the part of the
citizens. There is reason to believe the actual amount outstanding
exceeded £340,000. We must also add about £12,000 (nominal) of bills
not loaned but issued directly from the treasury and redeemable only
by taxation. (See text and succeeding note)

Footnote 107:

The first bank expired in 1728 and repayment by ten annual
installments should then have begun. In 1732, £1,066 was due on the
second installment, and none of the third was accounted for (R.I. Col.
Recs. IV, 476). In some instances persons had neglected altogether to
give tenth bonds, as they were called. In 1741, there were five
hundred and forty-nine suits on bonds and mortgages in six towns in
Providence County. In 1742, one thousand and forty more suits were
instituted. The aggregate amount of the latter being only £3,880,
which would show that the bonds were taken up in small quantities.
(Rider's edition of Potter, p. 56). An examination of the accounts of
the grand committee which had charge of these banks shows
approximately the amounts (old tenor value) outstanding at the dates
given. The second column shows the amounts legally outstanding:

August, 1749 £ 459,000 £ 420,000
March, 1750/1 426,000 360,000
February, 1753 398,000 302,000
August, 1759 218,000 120,000
August, 1762 129,000 48,000

In these statements bank IX which amounted to £237,000 old tenor is
not included. All loans should have been repaid in 1767, but a report
of May, 1770, shows that £92,615-15-7 was still outstanding. These
figures of course do not show the exact amount of the bank money in
circulation, but the amount of loans unpaid. Between 1770 and 1775,
there is record of £95,144 old tenor burnt.

Footnote 108:

There are several points not clear in this report. In the first place
it does not agree with the report of 1739, which, from a comparison
with the yearly treasury reports, I believe is correct. The present
report places the amount of bills issued to supply the treasury before
1739, at £106,300, and the amount burnt before that time at £88,329.
In the second place it states the amount of the bills to supply the
treasury, issued between 1739 and 1749, as £206,000 (old tenor value)
whereas the records and treasury reports show £219,600. If we adopt
the report of 1739, to that date, and rely upon the records and
treasury reports after that period we have the following result.

Bills issued to supply the £ 336,611 old tenor value. treasury previous to 1749

Burnt during same period 194,429

---------

Outstanding January, 1749/50 142,182

Of which there were in the 24,891 treasury

---------

In circulation 117,291 per cap. of population £3 11s.

Sterling Value at 11 to 1 10,663 per cap. of population 6s. 5d.

These bills must be redeemed by taxation. There were also actually
outstanding probably from £430,000-£440,000 of bank money, of sterling
value of about £40,000. Adding these amounts we should have a nominal
per capita debt of £16 15s. sterling £1 10s. 7d. Douglas in his
Summary (p. ) estimates outstanding bills (old tenor value) of the
colonies in 1745, as follows:

Massachusetts £2,466,612
Connecticut 281,000
Rhode Island 550,000
New Hampshire 450,000

A committee petitioning the king against further issues in September,
1750, places the amount outstanding at £525,335. (R.I. Col. Recs. V,
312)

Footnote 109:

In addition to the taxes specifically levied for continental purposes
the state before June, 1779, has paid to the U. S. out of state taxes
£30,000 in accordance with the requisition of congress made in
November, 1777. The £6,000 tax in May, 1781, was to redeem one sixth
of the new continental money issued by the state. £8,640 of the tax of
June, 1783, was appropriated to pay interest on the United States
debt. Of the tax of June, 1784, one fourth was to be paid in United
States interest certificates, and £12,147-6-4 was appropriated to meet
a requisition of congress of the previous April. The whole of the tax
of June, 1785, was afterwards appropriated to pay the interest on the
national debt. But little coin seems to have been received, taxes
probably being paid in evidences of debt. Two facts should be
remembered. 1. These taxes, particularly those assessed after the
close of the war, were not promptly paid. 2. The war expenditures of
the state itself were regarded as national expenditures, the accounts
between the state and the central government to be settled in the
future.

Footnote 110:

Rhode Island bore more than her share of war expenditures see p.

Footnote 111:

In the volume of acts and Laws published in 1730 (p. 42) appears a law
providing that rates should not be applied to any other purpose than
that for which they were levied. Several special enactments to this
effect had been passed during the previous period.

Footnote 112:

Volume of Acts and Laws, 1744, p. 219. Peddling from house to house
had at first been subjected to a tax and finally forbidden altogether
in 1728. A law of 1750, made it lawful for the assessors in any town,
on notice from two freeholders, to enquire into the quantity of
European goods sold by Foreign traders, and assess them "at their
Discretion according to the Largeness of their Trade," for the use of
the town. The assessor not complying was discharged from office. This
law stands in the Digest on 1767 (p. 243) except that the limitation
to "European goods" is omitted.

Footnote 113:

Volume of Acts & Laws published in 1744, p. 295.

Footnote 114:

The three points to be noticed in this law are: 1. the assignment of
fixed and uniform values to the more important kinds of personal
property; 2. the evidence of the beginning of the development of
intangible species of personal property; 3. the use of the tax
machinery to encourage the growth of mercantile pursuits.

Footnote 115:

The Digest of Laws published in 1767, contains no mention of the poll
tax, but, as has been said, its assessment was usual. In the case of
some taxes assessed before 1767, no poll tax was mentioned, and in
some cases when mentioned the amount was not specified. It is probable
however that the poll tax had become an established part of the town
assessment. The limit of age varied in the earlier acts but finally
settled as above stated. The only exemptions were in the case of
settled ministers of the gospel, except during the Revolution when the
exemption was extended to officers and men in the regular army or
naval service. In the tax act of February, 1780, the assessors were
empowered "to consider the circumstances of the Poor, in their
respective Towns, and exempt from the poll tax such as they think
unable to pay the same." This provision was re-enacted in every tax
act until the poll tax was repealed in 1808. In several of the tax
acts during the Revolutionary period the towns were empowered to fix
the poll tax at such sum as they should see fit.

Footnote 116:

Page 219.

Footnote 117:

Schedules March, 1769, p. 2.

Footnote 118:

Schedules June, 1782, p. 27.

Footnote 119:

They first appear enumerated among the regular town officers in the
Digest published in 1767. As a matter of fact they seem to have come
into existence some years earlier.

Footnote 120:

Schedules p. 79.

Footnote 121:

Real Estate in Rhode Island enjoyed peculiar privileges and does not
seem to have been included in property, liable to action by distraint,
unless by special enactment. The first law in regard to lands owned by
non-inhabitants, was passed in February, 1747. (Acts & Laws 1745-1752,
p. 47). It merely recites the difficulty of collecting taxes on such
lands, used only to grow grass, hay, or corn, which was carried away
once a year and authorized distraint on the goods and chattels of the
owner or occupant, corn, hay, or grass, within the same county where
the lands lay. In September, 1757, (Schedules p. 62) it was provided
that unimproved lands owned by non-residents might be sold for
non-payment of taxes. In 1767, the same provision was applied to
unimproved lands owned by non-residents, when not inhabited, and in
October, 1782, (Schedules p. 16) it was extended to all lands owned by
non-residents. An act of May, 1777, authorized the collector to sell
the wood and stone on any unimproved land, the owner whereof resided
in another town and neglected to pay the tax assessed. (Schedules p.
44) After the evacuation of Rhode Island by the British there were
many persons in the island towns possessed of considerable real estate
but very little personal property. In case the latter was not
sufficient to pay the tax on the real estate, the collectors were
authorized to sell so much of the real estate as might be necessary to
pay the tax. (Schedules May, 1781, Sec. Sess. p. 61.)

Footnote 122:

Schedules June, 1756, p. 40.

Footnote 123:

Schedules August, 1763, p. 65. Any town neglecting to pay was to
suffer a fine of double the amount of the tax. Ib. p. 65.

Footnote 124:

July, 1781, p. 6.

Footnote 125:

See tax law in Digest of 1767.

Footnote 126:

Schedules October, 1769, p. 69.

Footnote 127:

Schedules November, 1782, p. 26.

Footnote 128:

Collectors who made distraint were ordered to settle accounts with the
town treasurers once a month (Dec. 1781). Debts due from Great Britain
which do not seem to have been taxed during the war were declared
subject to taxation (June, 1784). One of the dangers of an unsound
financial system is shown in the order forbidding collectors to pay to
the general treasurers taxes, collected by them, in orders on the
state treasury, purchased by the collectors for a sum below their face
value. (May, 1785). To avoid careless methods of accounting collectors
were ordered, if required, to lay before the town treasurer once in
fourteen days a clear statement of the taxes committed to them to
collect, showing that taxes had already been paid. (June, 1788)

Footnote 129:

$4,224,178 in our present money.

Footnote 130:

I have been able to find no returns under this act, nor any further
mention of the act itself. It does not appear in the volumes of Acts
and Laws published in 1730, and subsequently.

CURRICULUM VITAE.

Henry Brayton Gardner was born in Providence, Rhode Island in 1863. He fitted for college at Mowry and Gregg's English and Classical School, Providence, Rhode Island. He entered Brown University 1880, and was graduated with the degree of A.B. in 1884. He entered the Johns Hopkins University as a graduate student in the Department of History and Political Science, in 1884; and remained there until 1888, holding the position of Fellow in History during a portion of the year 1887. Since 1888, he has held the position of Instructor in Political Economy in Brown University.

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TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES

1. Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling. 2. Archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained as printed. 3. Enclosed underlined font in _underscores_.