Chapter XVI

ADDRESS OF THE PROPHET--HIS PROPHETIC CALLING AND THE RESURRECTION--STATUS OF AFFAIRS AT NAUVOO--HYDE'S REPORTS FROM WASHINGTON ON THE WESTERN MOVEMENT--OREGON.

_Thursday, May 9, 1844.--_A court-martial was held in my office for the trial of Major-General Wilson Law, on a charge of ungentlemanly and unofficer-like conduct. Present--Generals Hyrum Smith, Charles C. Rich, Lyman Wight, George Miller and Albert P. Rockwood; Cols. John Scott and Hosea Stout; Judge-Advocate John Taylor; and Secretary Thomas Bullock. The charge was sustained and Wilson Law cashiered.

[Sidenote: Theatricals in Nauvoo.]

Evening, attended theatre, and saw "Damon and Pythias" and "The Idiot Witness" performed.

Elders Wilford Woodruff and George A. Smith called upon me this morning, and said they were ready to start on their mission to attend the conferences appointed throughout the north of Illinois, Indiana and Michigan. I blessed them in the name of the Lord, and told them to go, and they should prosper and always prosper. They left in company with Elders Jedediah M. Grant and Ezra Thayer.

_Friday, 10--_Rode out after breakfast to the prairie to sell some land to some brethren.

The court-martial was held in the Mayor's office on the charge against Robert D. Foster, Surgeon-General, for unbecoming and unofficer-like conduct, &c.; Brigadier-General George Miller presiding. The charges were sustained.

{363} A prospectus of the _Nauvoo Expositor_ was distributed among the people by the apostates.

The jury of Lee county, Illinois, awarded $40 damages and the costs against Joseph H. Reynolds and Harmon T. Wilson for illegal imprisonment and abuse, which I suffered from them last June in that county.

_Saturday, 11.--_At 10 a.m. I attended City Council, and stayed till half-past eleven; but there not being a quorum, adjourned until next regular session. At 1 p.m. at my office, and had a conversation with Mr. Lyne on the theatre; and at 6 p.m. attended prayer meeting; John P. Greene and Sidney Rigdon present. Several showers of rain during the day. The Nauvoo Legion had a company muster.

_Sunday, 12.--_At 10 a.m. I preached at the Stand. The following brief synopsis of my discourse was reported by my clerk, Thomas Bullock:

_President Joseph Smith's Address--Defense of his Prophetic
Calling--Resurrection of the Dead--Fullness of Ordinances Necessary
Both for the Living and Dead_.

The Savior has the words of eternal life. Nothing else can profit
us. There is no salvation in believing an evil report against our
neighbor. I advise all to go on to perfection, and search deeper
and deeper into the mysteries of Godliness. A man can do nothing
for himself unless God direct him in the right way; and the
priesthood is for that purpose.

The last time I spoke on this stand it was on the resurrection of
the dead, when I promised to continue my remarks upon that subject.
I still feel a desire to say something on this subject. Let us this
very day begin anew, and now say, with all our hearts, we will
forsake our sins and be righteous. I shall read the 24th chapter
of Matthew, and give it a literal rendering and reading; and when
it is rightly understood, it will be edifying. [He then read and
translated it from the German].

I thought the very oddity of its rendering would be edifying
anyhow--_"And it will preached be, the Gospel of the kingdom, in
the whole world, to a witness over all people: and then will the
end come."_ I will now read it in German [which he did, and many
Germans who were present said he translated it correctly].

The Savior said when these tribulations should take place, it
should be committed to a man who should be a witness over the whole
world: {364} the keys of knowledge, power and revelations should be
revealed to a witness who should hold the testimony to the world.
It has always been my province to dig up hidden mysteries--new
things--for my hearers. Just at the time when some men think that
I have no right to the keys of the Priesthood--just at that time
I have the greatest right. The Germans are an exalted people. The
old German translators are the most correct--most honest of any of
the translators; and therefore I get testimony to bear me out in
the revelations that I have preached for the last fourteen years.
The old German, Latin, Greek and Hebrew translations all say it is
true: they cannot be impeached, and therefore I am in good company.

All the testimony is that the Lord in the last days would commit
the keys of the priesthood to a witness over all people. Has the
Gospel of the kingdom commenced in the last days? And will God
take it from the man until He takes him Himself? I have read it
precisely as the words flowed from the lips of Jesus Christ. John
the Revelator saw an angel flying through the midst of heaven,
having the everlasting Gospel to preach unto them that dwell on the
earth.

The scripture is ready to be fulfilled when great wars, famines,
pestilence, great distress, judgments, &c., are ready to be poured
out on the inhabitants of the earth. John saw the angel having
the holy priesthood, who should preach the everlasting Gospel to
all nations. God had an angel--a special messenger--ordained and
prepared for that purpose in the last days. Woe, woe be to that man
or set of men who lift up their hands against God and His witness
in these last days: for they shall deceive almost the very chosen
ones!

My enemies say that I _have_ been a true prophet. Why, I had rather
be a fallen true prophet than a false prophet. When a man goes
about prophesying, and commands men to obey his teachings, he must
either be a true or false prophet. False prophets always arise to
oppose the true prophets and they will prophesy so very near the
truth that they will deceive almost the very chosen ones.

The doctrine of eternal judgments belongs to the first principles
of the Gospel, in the last days. In relation to the kingdom of
God, the devil always sets up his kingdom at the very same time in
opposition to God. Every man who has a calling to minister to the
inhabitants of the world was ordained to that very purpose in the
Grand Council of heaven before this world was. I suppose that I
was ordained to this very office in that Grand Council. It is the
testimony that I want that I am God's servant, and this people His
people. The ancient prophets declared that in the last days the God
of heaven should set up a kingdom which should never be destroyed,
nor left to other people; and the very time that was calculated on,
this people were struggling to bring it out. He that arms himself
with gun, sword, or pistol, except in the {365} defense of truth,
will sometime be sorry for it. I never carry any weapon with me
bigger than my penknife. When I was dragged before the cannon and
muskets in Missouri, I was unarmed. God will always protect me
until my mission is fulfilled.

I calculate to be one of the instruments of setting up the kingdom
of Daniel by the word of the Lord, and I intend to lay a foundation
that will revolutionize the whole world. I once offered my life to
the Missouri mob as a sacrifice for my people, and here I am. It
will not be by sword or gun that this kingdom will roll on: the
power of truth is such that all nations will be under the necessity
of obeying the Gospel. The prediction is that army will be against
army: it may be that the Saints will have to beat their ploughs
into swords, for it will not do for men to sit down patiently and
see their children destroyed.

My text is on the resurrection of the dead, which you will
find in the 14th chapter of John--"In my Father's house are
many mansions." It should be--"In my Father's kingdom are many
kingdoms," in order that ye may be heirs of God and joint-heirs
with me. I do not believe the Methodist doctrine of sending honest
men and noble-minded men to hell, along with the murderer and the
adulterer. They may hurl all their hell and fiery billows upon me,
for they will roll off me as fast as they come on. But I have an
order of things to save the poor fellows at any rate, and get them
saved; for I will send men to preach to them in prison and save
them if I can.

There are mansions for those who obey a celestial law, and there
are other mansions for those who come short of the law, every man
in his own order. There is baptism, &c., for those to exercise who
are alive, and baptism for the dead who die without the knowledge
of the Gospel.

I am going on in my progress for eternal life. It is not only
necessary that you should be baptized for your dead, but you will
have to go through all the ordinances for them, the same as you
have gone through to save yourselves. There will be 144,000 saviors
on Mount Zion, and with them an innumerable host that no man can
number. Oh! I beseech you to go forward, go forward and make your
calling and your election sure; and if any man preach any other
Gospel than that which I have preached, he shall be cursed; and
some of you who now hear me shall see it, and know that I testify
the truth concerning them.

In regard to the law of the priesthood, there should be a place
where all nations shall come up from time to time to receive their
endowments; and the Lord has said this shall be the place for
the baptisms for the dead. Every man that has been baptized and
belongs to the kingdom has a right to be baptized for those who
have gone before; and as soon as the law of the Gospel is obeyed
here by their friends who act as proxy for them, the Lord has
administrators there to set them free. {366} A man may act as proxy
for his own relatives; the ordinances of the Gospel which were laid
out before the foundations of the world have thus been fulfilled by
them, and we may be baptized for those whom we have much friendship
for; but it must first be revealed to the man of God, lest we
should run too far. "As in Adam all die, even so in Christ shall
all be made alive;" all shall be raised from the dead. The Lamb of
God hath brought to pass the resurrection, so that all shall rise
from the dead.

God Almighty Himself dwells in eternal fire; flesh and blood cannot
go there, for all corruption is devoured by the fire. "Our God is a
consuming fire." When our flesh is quickened by the Spirit, there
will be no blood in this tabernacle. Some dwell in higher glory
than others.

Those who have done wrong always have that wrong gnawing them.
Immortality dwells in everlasting burnings. I will from time to
time reveal to you the subjects that are revealed by the Holy Ghost
to me. All the lies that are now hatched up against me are of the
devil, and the influence of the devil and his servants will be used
against the kingdom of God. The servants of God teach nothing but
principles of eternal life, by their works ye shall know them. A
good man will speak good things and holy principles, and an evil
man evil things. I feel, in the name of the Lord, to rebuke all
such bad principles, liars, &c., and I warn all of you to look out
whom you are going after. I exhort you to give heed to all the
virtue and the teachings which I have given you. All men who are
immortal dwell in everlasting burnings. You cannot go anywhere but
where God can find you out. All men are born to die, and all men
must rise; all must enter eternity.

In order for you to receive your children to yourselves you must
have a promise--some ordinance; some blessing, in order to ascend
above principalities, or else it may be an angel. They must rise
just as they died; we can there hail our lovely infants with the
same glory--the same loveliness in the celestial glory, where they
all enjoy alike. They differ in stature, in size, the same glorious
spirit gives them the likeness of glory and bloom; the old man
with his silvery hairs will glory in bloom and beauty. No man can
describe it to you--no man can write it.

When did I ever teach anything wrong from this stand? When was I
ever confounded? I want to triumph in Israel before I depart hence
and am no more seen. I never told you I was perfect; but there is
no error in the revelations which I have taught. Must I, then, be
thrown away as a thing of naught?

I enjoin for your consideration--add to your faith virtue, love,
&c. I say, in the name of the Lord, if these things are in you, you
shall be {367} fruitful. I testify that no man has power to reveal
it but myself--things in heaven, in earth and hell; and all shut
your mouths for the future. I commend you all to God, that you may
inherit all things; and may God add His blessing. Amen.

My brother Hyrum and Elder Lyman Wight also addressed the Saints.

My brother Hyrum received an anonymous letter, supposed to have been written by Joseph H. Jackson, threatening his life, and calling upon him to make his peace with God for he would soon have to die.

At 3 p.m. I attended prayer meeting in the council room. William Smith and Almon W. Babbitt were present. The room was full and we all prayed for deliverance from our enemies and exaltation to such offices as will enable the servants of God to execute righteousness in the earth.

I copy the following from the _Times and Seasons_:

FOR THE NEIGHBOR.

_Nauvoo and President Smith_.

Before taking my farewell of your beautiful and growing city, I
avail myself of a few leisure moments in expressing some of my
views and conclusions of the "Prophet Joe" and the Mormons. In the
first place, allow me to say that the Mormons, as a people, have
been most woe fully misrepresented and abused, and, in ninety-nine
instances out of a hundred, by persons who know nothing of their
principles and doctrines.

Before visiting the place, my mind was very much prejudiced against
the Mormons, from reports which I had listened to in traveling
through the different states; and I presume, if I had never taken
occasion to inform myself of their religion and views, my mind
would have remained in the same condition. There is not a city
within my knowledge that can boast of a more enterprising and
industrious people than Nauvoo. Her citizens are enlightened, and
possess many advantages in the arts and sciences of the day, which
other cities of longer standing cannot boast: in a word, Nauvoo
bids fair to soon outrival any city in the West.

General Smith is a man who understands the political history of his
country as well as the religious history of the world, as perfectly
as any politician or religionist I have ever met with. He advances
ideas which if carried into effect would greatly benefit the nation
in point of commerce {368} and finance; and while he maintains and
philosophically shows that our country is approaching a fearful
crisis, which, if not arrested, will end in disgrace to the
country, and cause our national banner to hug its mast in disgust
and shame, clearly points out the remedy.

Shall the liberty which our fathers purchased at so dear a price
be wrenched from the hand of their children? Shall our national
banner, which floated so proudly in the breeze at the Declaration
of Independence, be disgraced and refuse to show its motto? Shall
we, as American citizens, fold our arms and look quietly on, while
the shackles of slavery are being fastened upon our hands, and
while men only seek office for the purpose of exalting themselves
into power? I say, shall we still rush blindly on and hasten on
our own destruction by placing men in power who neither regard the
interests of the people nor the prayers of the oppressed? Every
American citizen will shout at the top of his voice--no!

Mr. Smith's "Views of the Powers and Policy of the Government"
manifest a Republican spirit, and if carried out, would soon place
the nation in a prosperous condition and brighten the prospects
of those who now toil so incessantly to support the profligate
expenditures and luxurious equipage of the present rulers and
representatives of our nation.

Joseph Smith is a man who is in every way calculated to make a free
people happy. He is liberal in his sentiments and allows every man
the free expression of his feelings on all subjects; he is sociable
and easy in his manners, is conversant and familiar on all exciting
topics, expresses himself freely and plainly on the different
methods of administering the Government, while he is not ashamed to
let the world know his views and criticize upon his opinions.

I am, sir, in no way connected with the Mormon Church, but am
disposed to listen to reason in all cases. I have heretofore been a
warm advocate of the measures of the Whig party; but, considering
General Smith's views and sentiments to be worthy the applause of
every citizen of the United States, and especially the yeomanry of
the country, I shall in every instance advocate his principles and
use my utmost influence in his favor. I am, sir, yours in haste,

AN AMERICAN.

NAUVOO MANSION, May 12, 1844.

_Monday 13.--_Heavy thunder showers during the night. At 10 a.m. went to my office and conversed with several of the brethren. Sold Ellis M. Sanders one hundred acres of land, received $300 in cash, and his note for $1,000, and $20 for the Temple. Paid Sisson Chase $298 and {369} took up a note of Young, Kimball & Taylor, given for money they had borrowed for me; and gave $10 to Heber C. Kimball.

At 2 p.m. attended meeting of the general council, at which the following letter from Orson Hyde was read:

_Letter: Elder Orson Hyde's Report of Labors in Washington:
President Smith's Memorial for Western Movement Before Congressmen_.

WASHINGTON, April 25, 1844.

HONORED SIR:--I take the liberty to transmit through you to
the council of our Church the result of my labors thus far. I
arrived in this place on the 23rd instant, by way of Pittsburgh,
Philadelphia, and New Jersey.

I found Elder Orson Pratt here, Elder Page having been called home
to Pittsburgh on account of his wife's ill health. Elder Orson
Pratt has been indefatigable in his exertions in prosecuting the
business entrusted to his charge. His business has been before the
Senate, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary; and the
report of said committee is not yet rendered, which is the cause of
his delay in writing to you.

Yesterday we conversed with Messrs. Hoge, Hardin, Douglas and
Wentworth; and last evening we spent several hours with the Hon.
Mr. [James] Semple. [1] They all appear deeply interested in the
Oregon question, and received us with every demonstration of
respect that we could desire. Mr. Hoge thought the bill would not
pass, from the fact that there already exists between England and
America a treaty for the joint occupancy of Oregon, and that any
act of our government authorizing an armed force to be raised,
and destined for that country, would be regarded by England as
an infraction of that treaty, and a cause of her commencing
hostilities against us.

But my reply was: These volunteers are not to be considered any
part or portion of the army of the United States, neither acting
under the direction or authority of the United States; and, said I,
for men to go there and settle in the character of emigrants cannot
be regarded by our government as deviating in the least degree from
her plighted faith, unless she intends to tamely submit to British
monopoly in that country.

Mr. Hoge said he would present the memorial, if we desired it. I
thanked him for his kind offer, but observed that I was not yet
prepared for the bill to be submitted, but wished to elicit all the
facts relative to the condition of Oregon, and also advise with
many other members relative to the matter; and we could better
determine then how the bill {370} should be introduced. We do not
want it presented and referred to a standing committee, and stuck
away with five or ten cords of petitions, and that be the last of
it; but we want the memorial read, a move made to suspend the rules
of the House, and the bill printed, &c.

Mr. Wentworth said, "I am for Oregon, any how. You may set me down
on your list, and I will go for you if you will go for Oregon."

Judge Douglas has been quite ill, but is just recovered; he will
help all he can; Mr. Hardin likewise. But Major Semple says that
he does not believe anything will be done about Texas or Oregon
this session, for it might have a very important effect upon the
presidential election; and politicians are slow to move when such
doubtful and important matters are likely to be effected by it.
He says that there are already two bills before the House for
establishing a territorial government in Oregon, and to protect
the emigrants there; and now, he says, "Were your bill to be
introduced, it might be looked upon that you claimed the sole right
of emigrating to and settling the new country to the exclusion of
others. He was in favor of the Oregon being settled, and he thought
the bills already before the House would extend equal protection to
us; and equal protection to every class of citizens was what the
Government could rightly do, but particular privileges to any one
class they could not rightly do."

I observed that the bill asks for no exclusive rights. It asks not
for exclusive rights in Oregon, neither do we wish it. Other people
might make a move to Oregon, and no prejudices bar their way, and
their motives would not be misinterpreted.

But, said I, Missouri knows her guilt; and should we attempt to
march to Oregon without the government throwing a protective shield
over us, Missouri's crimes would lead her first to misinterpret
our intentions, to fan the flame of popular excitement against
us, and scatter the firebrands of a misguided zeal among the
combustible materials of other places, creating a flame too hot
for us to encounter--too desolating for us to indulge the hope of
successfully prosecuting the grand and benevolent enterprise we
have conceived. [2] We have been compelled to {371} relinquish our
rights in Missouri. We have been forcibly driven from our homes,
leaving our property and inheritances as spoil to the oppressor;
and more or less in Illinois we have been subject to the whims
and chimeras of illiberal men, and to threats, to vexatious
prosecutions and lawsuits.

Our government professes to have no power to help us, or to redress
the wrongs which we have suffered; and we now ask the government
to protect us while raising our volunteers. And when we get into
Oregon we will protect ourselves and all others who wish our
protection. And after subduing a new country, encountering all
its difficulties and hardships, and sustaining the just claims
of our nation to its soil, we believe that the generosity of
our government towards us will be equal to our enterprise and
patriotism; and that they will allow us a grant or territory of
land, which will be both honorable to them and satisfactory to us.

This, he says, is all very just and reasonable. But still he thinks
that Congress will take no step in relation to Oregon, from the
fact that his resolution requesting the President of the United
States to give notice to the British Government for the abolition
of the treaty of joint occupation was voted down; and while that
treaty is in force, our government dare do nothing in relation to
that country. This resolution was introduced by Mr. Semple to pave
the way for the passage of those bills in relation to a territorial
government in Oregon.

All our members [Illinois delegation] join in the acknowledgment
that you now have an undoubted right to go to Oregon with all the
emigrants you can raise. They say the existing laws protect you as
much as law can protect you; and should Congress pass an additional
law, it would not prevent wicked men from shooting you down as they
did in Missouri. All the Oregon men in Congress would be glad we
would go to that country and settle it.

I will now give you my opinion in relation to this matter. It
is made up from the spirit of the times in a hasty manner,
nevertheless I think time will prove it to be correct:--That
Congress will pass no act in relation to Texas or Oregon at
present. She is afraid of England, afraid of Mexico, afraid the
Presidential election will be twisted by it. The members all appear
like unskillful players at checkers--afraid to move, for they see
not which way to move advantageously. All are figuring and play
round the grand and important questions. In the days of our Lord
the people neglected the weightier matters of the law, but tithed
mint, rue, anise and cumin; but I think here in Washington they do
little else than tithe the _mint_.

A member of Congress is in no enviable situation; if he will
boldly advocate true principles, he loses his influence and
becomes unpopular; {372} and whoever is committed and has lost his
influence has no power to benefit his constituents, so that all go
to figuring and playing around the great points.

Mr. Semple said that Mr. Smith could not constitutionally be
constituted a member of the army by law; and this, if nothing
else, would prevent its passage. I observed that I would in that
case strike out that clause. Perhaps I took an unwarrantable
responsibility upon myself; but where I get into a straight place I
can do no better than act according to what appears most correct.

I do not intend the opinion that I have hastily given shall abate
my zeal to drive the matter through, but I have given the opinion
for your benefit that your indulgence of the hope that Congress
will do something for us may not cause you to delay any important
action.

There is already a government established in Oregon to some extent;
magistrates have been chosen by the people, &c. This is on the
south of the Columbia. North of that river the Hudson Bay Company
occupy. There is some good country in Oregon, but a great deal of
sandy, barren desert. I have seen a gentleman who has been there,
and also in California.

The most of the settlers in Oregon and Texas are our old enemies,
the mobocrats of Missouri. If, however, the settlement of Oregon
and Texas be determined upon, the sooner the move is made the
better; and I would not advise any delay for the action of our
government, for there is such jealousy of our rising power already,
that government will do nothing to favor us. If the Saints possess
the kingdom I think they will have to take it; and the sooner it is
done the more easily it is accomplished.

Your superior wisdom must determine whether to go to Oregon, to
Texas, or to remain within these United States, and send forth
the most efficient men to build up churches, and let them remain
the time being; and in the meantime send some wise men among the
Indians, and teach them civilization and religion, to cultivate
the soil, to live in peace with one another and with all men. But
whatever you do, don't be deluded with the hope that government
will foster us and thus delay an action for which the present
perhaps is the most proper time that ever will be.

Oregon is becoming a popular question: the fever of emigration
begins to rage. If the Mormons become the early majority, others
will not come; if the Mormons do not become the early majority, the
others will not allow us to come.

Elder Pratt is faithful, useful and true; he has got the run of
matters here very well, and is with me in all my deliberations,
visitings, &c.

Major Semple goes with us this evening to introduce us to the
President and to view the White House.

{373} My heart and hand are with you. May heaven bless you and me.
As ever, I am

ORSON HYDE.

To the Council of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.

Also the following letter:

_Letter: Orson Hyde's Second Letter from Washington Anent the
Western Movement of the Church--the Probable Route_.

WASHINGTON, April 26, 1844.

DEAR SIR:--Today I trouble you with another communication, which
you will please have the goodness to lay before our council.

We were last evening introduced to the President at the White
House by the politeness of Major Semple, where we spent an hour
very agreeably. The President is a very plain, homespun, familiar,
farmer-like man. He spoke of our troubles in Missouri, and
regretted that we had met with such treatment. He asked us how we
were getting along in Illinois. I told him that we were contending
with the difficulties of a new country, and laboring under
disadvantageous consequences of being driven from our property and
homes in Missouri.

We have this day had a long conversation with Judge Douglas. He
is ripe for Oregon and the California. He said he would resign
his seat in Congress if he could command the force that Mr. Smith
could, and would be on the march to the country in a month.

I learn that the eyes of many aspiring politicians in this place
are upon that country, and that there is so much jealousy between
them that they will probably pass no bill in relation to it.
Now all these politicians rely upon the arm of the government
to protect them there; and if government were to pass an act
establishing a Territorial Government west of the Rocky Mountains
there would be at once a tremendous rush of emigration; but if
government pass no act in relation to it, these men have not
stamina or sufficient confidence in themselves and their own
resources to hazard the enterprise.

The Northern Whig members are almost to a man against Texas and
Oregon; but should the present administration succeed in annexing
Texas, then all the Whigs would turn around in favor of Oregon;
for if Texas be admitted slavery is extended to the South; then
free states must be added to the West to keep up a balance of power
between the slave and the free states.

Should Texas be admitted, war with Mexico is looked upon as
inevitable. The Senate have been in secret session on the
ratification of the treaty of annexation; but what they did we
cannot say. General Gaines who was boarding at the same house with
Judge Douglas, was secretly {374} ordered to repair to the Texan
frontier four days ago, and left immediately. I asked Judge Douglas
if that did not speak loud for annexation. He says no. Santa Anna,
being a jealous, hot-headed pate, might be suspicious the treaty
would be ratified by the Senate, and upon mere suspicion might
attempt some hostilities, and Gaines has been ordered there to be
on the alert and ready for action, if necessary. Probably our navy
will in a few days be mostly in the Gulf of Mexico.

There are many powerful checks upon our government, preventing her
from moving in any of these important matters; and for aught I know
these checks are permitted to prevent our government from extending
her jurisdiction over the territory which God designs to give to
His Saints. Judge Douglas says he would equally as soon go to that
country without an act of Congress as with; "and that in five years
a noble state might be formed; and then if they would not receive
us into the Union, we would have a government of our own." He is
decidedly of the opinion that Congress will pass no act in favor of
any particular man going there; but he says if any man will go and
desires that privilege, and has confidence in his own ability to
perform it, he already has the right, and the sooner he is off the
better for his scheme.

It is the opinion here among politicians that it will be extremely
difficult to have any bill pass in relation to the encouragement of
emigration to Oregon; but much more difficult to get a bill passed
designating any particular man to go. But all concur in the opinion
that we are authorized already.

In case of a removal to that country, Nauvoo is the place of
general rendezvous. Our course from thence would be westward
through Iowa bearing a little north until we came to the Missouri
River, leaving the state of Missouri on the left, thence onward,
until we came to the Platte, thence up the north fork of the Platte
to the mouth of the Sweetwater river in longitude 107 degree, 45
W.; and thence up said Sweetwater river to the South Pass of the
Rocky Mountains, about eleven hundred miles from Nauvoo; and from
said South Pass, in latitude 42 degrees 28 north, to the Umpqua and
Klamet valleys in Oregon, bordering on California, is about six
hundred miles, making the distance from Nauvoo to the best portions
of Oregon one thousand seven hundred miles.

There is no government established there; and it is so near
California that when a government shall be established there, it
may readily embrace that country likewise. There is much barren
country, rocks and mountains in Oregon; but the valleys are very
fertile. I am persuaded that Congress will pass no act in relation
to that country, from the fact that the resolution requesting
the President to give notice to the British Government for the
discontinuance of the treaty of joint {375} occupation of Oregon
was voted down with a rush; and this notice must be given before
any action can be had unless Congress violates the treaty; at least
so say the politicians here.

Judge Douglas has given me a map of Oregon, and also a report on an
exploration of the country lying between the Missouri river and the
Rocky Mountains on the line of the Kansas and great Platte rivers,
by Lieut. J. C. Fremont, of the corps of Topographical Engineers.
On receiving it I expressed a wish that Mr. Smith could see it.
Judge Douglas says "It is a public document, and I will frank it
to him." I accepted his offer, and the book will be forthcoming to
you. The people are so eager for it here that they have even stolen
it out of the library. The author is Mr. Benton's son-in-law. [3]
Judge Douglas borrowed it of Mr. Benton. I was not to tell any one
in this city where I got it. The book is a most valuable document
to any one contemplating a journey to Oregon. The directions
which I have given may not be exactly correct, but the book will
tell correctly. Judge Douglas says he can direct Mr. Smith to
several gentlemen in California who will be able to give him any
information on the state of affairs in that country: and when he
returns to Illinois, he will visit Mr. Smith.

Brother Pratt and myself drafted a bill this morning, and handed
it into the committee on the judiciary from the Senate, asking
an appropriation of two million dollars for the relief of the
sufferers among our people in Missouri in 1836-9, to be deposited
in the hands of the City Council of Nauvoo, and by them dealt out
to the sufferers in proportion to their loss. We intend to tease
them until we either provoke them or get them to do something
for us. I have learned this much--that if we want Congress to do
anything for us in drawing up our memorial, we must not ask what
is right in the matter, but we must ask what kind of a thing will
Congress pass? Will it suit the politics of the majority? Will
it be popular or unpopular? For you might as well drive a musket
ball through a cotton bag, or the Gospel of Christ through the
heart of a priest, case-hardened by sectarianism, bigotry and
superstition, or a camel through the eye of a needle, as to drive
anything through Congress that will operate against the popularity
of politicians.

I shall probably leave here in a few days, and Brother Pratt will
remain. I go to get money to sustain ourselves with.

I shall write again soon, and let you know what restrictions, if
any, are laid upon our citizens in relation to passing through the
Indian Territories. I shall communicate everything I think will
benefit. In the meantime, if the council have any instructions to
give us, we shall be happy to receive them here or at Philadelphia.

John Ross is here; we intend to see him. It is uncertain when
Congress {376} rises. It will be a long pull, in my opinion. As
ever, I am, yours sincerely,

ORSON HYDE.

P.S.--Elder Pratt's best respects to the brethren.

Willard Richards was instructed to answer the above letters, and Elders Lyman Wight and Heber C. Kimball were instructed to carry the answers.

Council adjourned at 6 p.m.

The steamer _Maid of Iowa_ returned from Rock River with four hundred bushels of corn, and two hundred bushels of wheat, which had been purchased for the Temple. At 8 p.m. I went on board with Dr. Willard Richards, and visited Captain Dan Jones.

I insert a letter which I received from Henry Clay:

_Letter: Henry Clay to the Prophet_.

ASHLAND, November 15, 1843.

DEAR SIR.--I have received your letter in behalf of the Church of
Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, stating that you understand that
I am a candidate for the presidency, and inquiring what will be my
rule of action relative to you as a people should I be elected.

I am profoundly grateful for the numerous and strong expressions of
the people in my behalf as a candidate for president of the United
States; but I do not so consider myself. That must depend upon
future events and upon my sense of duty.

Should I be a candidate, I can enter into no engagements, make no
promises, give no pledge to any particular portion of the people of
the United States. If I ever enter into that high office I must go
into it free and unfettered, with no guarantees but such as are to
be drawn from my whole life, character and conduct.

It is not inconsistent with this declaration to say that I have
viewed with lively interest the progress of the Latter-day Saints;
that I have sympathized in their sufferings under injustice, as it
appeared to me, which have been inflicted upon them; and I think,
in common with other religious communities, they ought to enjoy the
security and protection of the Constitution and the laws.

I am, with great respect, your friend and obedient servant,

H. CLAY.

To Joseph Smith, Esq.

_The Prophet's Answer to Clay's Letter_.

[Under the date of the Journal's entry here being followed, May
13, {377} 1844, President Smith sent a reply to the above eminent
statesman's letter, taking him severely to task for his evident
desire to be non-committal with reference to the problem presented
by the wrongs which had been inflicted upon the Latter-day Saints
by Missouri. Vexed by remembrance of the cruelty and injustice
endured by the Saints in Missouri and the general indifference
to their suffering among public men, the letter was written in a
caustic and, at times, vehement vein.]

I instructed Thomas Bullock to take charge of the books of the_ Maid of Iowa_ and go on board as clerk.

_Tuesday, 14.--_Rode out about 7 a.m. The _Maid of Iowa_ started for St. Louis at 8:30 a.m.

This afternoon, Mr. Reid, my old lawyer [4] gave a lecture on the stand, relating the history of some of my first persecutions. I spoke after he closed, and continued my history to the present time, relating some of the doings of the apostates in Nauvoo.

At 4 p.m. prayer meeting; few present. Prayed for Elder Woodworth's daughter, who was sick. Elder Lyman Wight was present.

_Wednesday, 15.--_At home; much rain through the day; river rising rapidly. Mr. Adams, son of John Quincy Adams, with Dr. Goforth, called to see me at the Mansion.

At 5 p.m. went to my office, and heard my letter to Mr. Clay read. At 7 p.m. rode to the upper landing with Mr. Adams.

I insert the following from the _Times and Seasons_:

STATUS OF AFFAIRS AT NAUVOO.

We take pleasure in announcing to the Saints abroad that Nauvoo
continues to flourish, and the little one has become a thousand.
Quite a number of splendid houses are being erected, and the Temple
is rapidly progressing, insomuch that there is one universal
expectation that before next winter closes in upon us the cap-stone
will have been raised and the building enclosed.

The Saints continue to flock together from all parts of the
widespread continent and from the islands of the sea. Three ship's
companies {378} have arrived this spring from England, and are now
rejoicing in the truths of the everlasting Gospel.

The Prophet is in good health and spirits, and unwearied in his
anxiety and labors to instruct the Saints in the things of God and
the mysteries of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ. Indeed we may truly
say that those who come to scoff remain to pray.

Many have come here filled with prejudice and strange
anticipations, but have been convinced that report with her
thousand tongues is false, and have almost invariably left a
testimony behind them. Instead of finding Mr. Smith the cunning,
crafty, and illiterate character that he had been represented
to be, they have found in him the gentleman and scholar--open,
generous, and brave.

But it is his immediate connections and associates alone that can
appreciate his virtues and his talents. While his face is set as
a flint against iniquity from every quarter, the cries of the
oppressed ever reach his heart, and his hand is ever ready to
alleviate the sufferings of the needy.

A few heartless villains can always be found who are watching for
his downfall or death; but the Lord has generally caused them to
fall into their own pit, and no weapon formed against him has
prospered. One or two disaffected individuals have made an attempt
to spread dissension; but it is like a tale that is nearly told,
and will soon be forgotten.

It was first represented as a monster calculated to spread
desolation around; but we are credibly informed by a person who
attended their first meeting, that there was much difficulty
in raising a committee of seven, for there was some objection
to Father--; but as none could be found to fill the vacuum, he
constituted one of the seven _stars_!

It will be unnecessary for us to say much about those luminaries
of the last days, as they shine forth in their true colors in our
columns this week in the trial of President Smith. But to say
anything by way of warning to the brethren abroad would resemble
the "ocean into tempest tossed, to waft a feather or drown a fly."
"By their fruits ye shall know them. Do men gather grapes of thorns
or figs of thistles?"

The glad tidings of salvation and the fullness of the Gospel are
fast spreading from city to city and from nation to nation. The
little stone will still increase till the knowledge of God covers
the earth and righteousness and truth extend from pole to pole.

I copy from the _Neighbor_:

WITHDRAWAL OF WILLIAM SMITH AS CANDIDATE FOR THE LEGISLATURE.

_To the Friends and Voters of Hancock County:_ Elder William Smith
(late representative) wishes to say to the friends and voters {379}
of Hancock county, that in consequence of the sickness of his
family, now in the hands of a doctor in the city of Philadelphia,
he relinquishes the idea of offering himself as a candidate for a
seat in the next Legislature of Illinois; but, as a matter of the
highest consideration, would recommend his brother Hyrum Smith as a
suitable and capable person to fill that office and worthy of the
people's confidence and votes.

We know of no person that would be more qualified to fill his
station than General Hyrum Smith (his, William's, brother). We
are not informed whether the General will accept of the office or
not. If he will, we don't know of any gentleman in Hancock county
who would be more competent. General Smith is a man of sterling
integrity, deep penetration and brilliant talents. He is well
versed in politics and as unchangeable as the everlasting hills. He
is a man of probity and virtue, and an unwavering patriot.

If General Hyrum Smith will allow his name to be brought forth, we
go it for him; and we know from the confidence and respect that
are entertained for him as a gentleman and a patriot, he will be
elected. What say you, General?

_Thursday, 16.--_Went to my office at 8 a.m., and heard a letter written by Elder Willard Richards, in behalf of the council to Elders Orson Hyde and Orson Pratt at Washington.

I ordered the Municipal Court to meet at one p.m. and spent the morning in reading.

_Session of Municipal Court--Case of Jeremiah Smith_.

At one p.m. I presided in Municipal Court. The case of Jeremiah
Smith, Sen., who had been arrested by Jones on the charge of
procuring money under false pretenses, came up on _habeas corpus_.
The complainant, T. B. Johnson, by his counsel, Chauncey L. Higbee,
asked for and obtained an adjournment for one week in order to
procure witnesses. The petitioner by his counsel, George P. Stiles,
objected to the plea, supposing the prosecuting party always ready
for a trial. The court decided that it was an important case, and
it was not best to be in haste; and if the prisoner is discharged
on the merits of the case after a full investigation, he goes
free forever. The majority of the court decided to adjourn until
Thursday next.

I was about home the rest of the day and read in the {380} _Neighbor_ the report of the trial in the Municipal Court on the 8th inst.

The following appears in the _Times and Seasons_:

LETTER: WILLIAM CLAYTON DESCRIBING THE FARCICAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
COURT AT DIXON IN THE CASE OF JOSEPH SMITH VS. JOSEPH H. REYNOLDS
OF MISSOURI AND HARMON T. WILSON.

DEAR SIR.--I have just returned from the north part of this state,
where I have been on business for our beloved President Joseph
Smith; and it feels so good to breathe the pure air of liberty and
friendship after spending some three or four days in a swamp, or
rather a slough of religious prejudice and political hypocrisy,
which are equally nauseous and offensive, that I cannot let this
opportunity pass without giving vent to some of my feelings in
regard to what passed while I remained at Dixon, on Rock River.

My principle business was to appear in the Lee county Circuit Court
as a witness in the case of Joseph Smith, _vs_. Joseph H. Reynolds
and Harmon T. Wilson, for false imprisonment and using unnecessary
force and violence in arresting the plaintiff.

A plea had been entered in this suit by this counsel for the
defendants, to which the counsel for the plaintiff demurred. The
demurrer was argued on Wednesday morning, the 8th inst., and the
parties finally joined issue on the charge of using unnecessary
force and violence; and the court gave permission, by consent of
the bar, to proceed with the trial, but the counsel not being fully
prepared, it was laid over until the following morning, the 9th
inst.

On Thursday morning, after the usual preliminaries of opening
court, the above case was called up for trial, and the clerk
ordered to impanel a jury; and here, sir, a scene took place which
ought to make every honest American citizen blush and weep for the
credit and honor of his country and laws. A number of men were
called up, and when questioned as to whether they had previously
expressed opinions in relation to the suit now pending, nearly
the whole answered in the affirmative. The further question was
then put as to whether they had any prejudice against either of
the parties; to which a great majority replied they had against
Smith. They were then questioned as to what their prejudice had
reference--his religious sentiments, or general course of conduct.
The greater part replied, to his religious sentiments; and the
remainder said they were opposed to his general course of conduct.

{381} About twenty men had to be called upon, one after another,
out of the number the court finally selected twelve as competent
jurors though the majority of these decidedly expressed their
feelings of prejudice against the plaintiff. They were, however,
accepted on the ground that they said they thought they could do
justice to both parties, although some of them expressed a doubt
whether they could do justice or not.

The jury being sworn, the court, or rather the counsel, proceeded
to examine the witnesses on the part of the plaintiff, which
occupied nearly the whole day. But little of the real matter of
fact could be set before the court on account of their being
confined to the charge of unnecessary force and violence; but this
was proven in the clearest point of light.

I must refer to the testimony of old Mr. Dixon, whose silvery
locks seem to tell an age of many years. His evidence related to
the circumstance of the Missouri sheriff refusing for a length of
time to give the plaintiff the privilege of_ habeas corpus_, and
threatening to drag him to Missouri in fifteen minutes from the
time they arrived at Dixon. The old gentleman seemed to tremble
with indignation while relating the simple facts as they transpired
at the time; and, like a true lover of his country, appeared proud
of the privilege of telling those men that the citizens of Dixon
would not suffer themselves to be disgraced by permitting them to
drag away a citizen of this state to a foreign state for trial
without the privilege of a trial by _habeas corpus_--a privilege
which is guaranteed to every individual under like circumstances,
and especially when it was understood that he was to be dragged
to Missouri, amongst a people whose hands are yet dripping with
the blood of murdered innocence, and who thirst for the blood of
General Joseph Smith as the howling wolf thirsts for his prey.
Surely such a picture would melt the heart of anything but an
adamantine. There are those, and men too who profess to be the
followers of the Lord Jesus Christ, who can hear such things and
still wish the Missourians had got General Smith to Missouri to
murder him without judge or jury, and surely they are no better
than murderers themselves, and only lack the opportunity to make
them shedders of innocent blood.

After the evidence was through on the part of the plaintiff, the
witness for the defense was examined, which only occupied a few
minutes. The arguments were then advanced on both sides, during
which time I could not help noticing how apt the respectable
gentleman of the opposite counsel was to sing the song of "old Joe
Smith," &c., which might appear very gentlemanly in his mind, but
to me it seemed as contemptible as the voice of a stupid ass, or
the tongue of slander.

Finally the case was submitted to the jury, who were charged by the
court, and then ordered to retire and bring in a sealed verdict the
following {382} morning at nine o'clock. Friday morning came and
with it the verdict, and it proved to be in favor of the plaintiff
and against the defendants for forty dollars and costs of suit.
I confess I was astonished when I heard it, and could not help
thinking that prejudice sometimes overrules justice even in the
jury box. I could not help comparing the results of this trial
with one which came off the day previous, wherein a certain person
complained of another for destroying his cow by setting his dogs
on the animal until they worried her. It appeared the cow of the
plaintiff had seen fit to break into the defendant's lot without
asking leave, and the defendant, or rather his men, not liking such
treatment, set the dogs on her and destroyed her. Well, the result
of this trial was a verdict of damages for the plaintiff of thirty
dollars and costs!

Now, sir, compare the two cases. On the one hand here is a citizen
of the United States near two hundred miles from his home and his
friends; he is on a visit with his family, not dreaming of danger
or difficulty. Two men--or rather wolves in sheep's clothing--for
it is a fact that when Wilson and Reynolds made inquiry for General
Smith at Dixon at the time of the arrest, they said they were
"Mormon Elders," and wanted to see President Smith, &c.--two men, I
say, while he is thus enjoying himself with his family, came upon
him with each a loaded pistol in his hand, and threatened to shoot
him dead if he offered the least resistance, although no resistance
had been offered. They then began to haul him about; and when he
asked them what they wanted with him, and what was their authority,
they replied they were going to take him to Missouri; and jamming
their pistols at his side, swore that was their authority. He
requested them to let him go into the house to bid his family
good-by; but this they positively refused, not even giving him the
privilege to get his hat. They then forced him into the wagon and
placing themselves one on each side, with a loaded pistol pressed
close against his side, and repeatedly striking him with them,
so as to make him lame and sore for two weeks afterwards, they
drove him to Dixon, and ordered horses ready in fifteen minutes
to drag him among his murderers, and otherwise abused, insulted,
threatened, and treated him in the cruelest manner possible,
filling his family with the most excruciating pangs, and rending
the heart of his beloved companion with grief to witness their
ferocious cruelty, not knowing but his life would be sacrificed
before morning; and finally pursued their persecutions until it
cost him from $3,500 to $5,000 expenses; and all this without a
cause; and when he sues for justice against these men he obtains
damages to the amount of forty dollars!

On the other hand, a man loses a cow which had broke into his
neighbor's lot, and he obtained damages to the amount of thirty
dollars.

{383} Now, sir, if this is not the effects of prejudice amounting
to oppression, then I am no judge of right and wrong. I am very
much inclined to think that if General Joseph Smith or any of his
friends had treated any citizen of this state or any other state
in the manner he was treated by these men, and they had sued for
damages as he did, the case would have terminated very differently.
However, so it is.

The idea of a man yielding to such a degree of prejudice as to
render him incapable of executing justice between man and man,
merely from rumor and report, is to me perfectly ridiculous and
contemptible, as well as wicked and unjust. And when a man is all
the day long boasting of the rights and privileges guaranteed to
every citizen of the United States under the Constitution and laws,
and at the same time is so prejudiced against one of the most
peaceable citizens that he does not know whether he can render
him justice in a court of equity, but would rather strengthen the
hands of mobocrats and law-breakers, the inference that one must
naturally draw is that such a man is a consummate scoundrel and
hypocrite, or that he is guilty of the most flagrant violation
of the most sacred constitutional principles embraced in the
fundamental doctrines of this republic. I am happy, sir, to have
evidence daily that no such corrupt prejudice exists in the heart
of General Joseph Smith, nor in the community, so far as I have
been able to discover.

Now, as to the exceptions these men have taken in regard to General
Smith's religious views or general course of conduct, it matters
not much. His religious views are his inalienable right, and are
nobody's business; and the man who cannot render him justice on
that account is a wilful violator of the laws he professes to
admire; and, sir, I have for more than two years last past been
a close observer of General Smith's general course of conduct,
as well as his private life; and justice to him, to myself,
and the community at large, compels me to say that, in all my
intercourse with men, I never associated with a more honorable,
upright, charitable, benevolent, and law-abiding man than is the
much persecuted General Smith; and, sir, when I hear men speak
reproachfully of him, I never ask for a second evidence of their
corruptness and baseness. General Smith, sir, is a man of God, a
man of truth, and a lover of his country; and never did I hear him
breathe out curses or raillery at any man because he saw fit to
differ in religious matters. Shame on the principle--shame on the
man or set of men who show themselves so degraded and miserably
corrupt.

The last night of our stay at Dixon, I had the privilege of
speaking on the principles of my religion to a number of
individuals in a kind of argument with two men; and, sir, although
it is near some four years since I have made a practice of
preaching, it felt as sweet as ever. Truth to an honest heart is
sweet, but to a wicked man is like a piercing {384} sword, as was
manifest on that occasion; for although the principles of the
Gospel were laid down so plain and clear that it was impossible to
misunderstand, yet the opposing party repeatedly misconstrued my
language, and even his own admission.

I cannot persuade myself that the prejudice referred to above is a
general thing. There are many honorable exceptions, and I presume
if the Mormons had signified their intentions of supporting the
Democratic candidate for the presidency at the ensuing election,
instead of nominating an independent candidate of their own choice,
their prejudice would not have been so great at the trial of
Reynolds and Wilson, and perhaps General Smith would have obtained
a judgment somewhat equivalent to the injuries he sustained from
that unholy prosecution. But the Mormon people are too noble-minded
to be bought or biased by fear or favor, and have been too often
deceived by the plausible pretensions of demagogues to put trust in
any but tried friends. General Smith has ever been an undeviating
friend, not only to this community, but to the oppressed of every
name or society, and we consider him as competent and qualified for
the highest office of the United States as any other man, and a
little more so; and a great deal more worthy of it.

In conclusion, let me say that whatever others may say, I consider,
it an honor to be associated with such a man as General Joseph
Smith, and all true followers of the Lord Jesus Christ; and the
more wicked men despise and misrepresent the principles and conduct
of President Smith, the more I love him and delight in his society;
and this I can do without prejudice or animosity against any man or
set of men. I believe in the broad principle of equal rights and
privileges, so far as religion or politics are concerned; and while
I seek to enjoy my religion according to the knowledge in me, I
will interfere with the rights of no man, nor persecute because my
neighbor does not think as I do.

A multitude of business compels me to close, and I must forbear. I
have the honor to be your brother in the everlasting covenant.

WILLIAM CLAYTON.

NAUVOO, May 16, 1844.

From the _Neighbor_:--

STEAMBOAT ELECTION.

On the last upward voyage of the _Osprey_ from St. Louis to this
place as usual, the merits of the several candidates for the next
Presidential election were discussed. A vote was taken, and the
following was the {385} state of the polls as handed to us by a
gentleman who came as passenger:--

General Joseph Smith, 26 gentlemen, 3 ladies.

Henry Clay, 6 gentlemen, 2 ladies.

Van Buren, 2 gentlemen, 0 ladies.

The ladies are altogether forsaking Van Buren, and the gentlemen
as a matter of course are following after. There is a wonderful
shrinkage Henry Clay, but the General is going it with a rush.
_Hurrah for the General_!

Footnotes:

1. This was Illinois' senior Senator at the time.

2. The reason for this reference to Missouri and of possible difficulty arising from the Saints going to Oregon without a guarantee of protection from the general government grew out of the fact that nearly all the early settlers of the Oregon territory were from Missouri. Even in this month of May, 1844, Cornelius Gilliam, the inveterate enemy of the Saints, and who took so prominent a part in the troubles about Far West, was collecting a large company at Independence, Missouri, numbering over three hundred persons, to start for Oregon that season; and all along the Oregon route on the south side of the Platte river, the road was thronged during the next several years by emigrants, very many of whom, and for some time the most of whom, were from Missouri_. (See Western Missouri Expositor,_ May 18 1844. Also Bancroft's _Oregon_ Vol. I, page 449,_ Passim_).

3. This was John C. Fremont.

4. For the part taken by Mr. Reid in defending the Prophet in those early experiences, See this HISTORY Vol. I, pp. 89-96 and _note_ p. 94 _et seq_.

{386}