Chapter IX

ENVIRONS OF MEXICO--INTERVIEW WITH MONTEZUMA--ENTRANCE INTO THE CAPITAL--HOSPITABLE RECEPTION--VISIT TO THE EMPEROR

1519

With the first faint streak of dawn, the Spanish general was up, mustering his followers. They gathered, with beating hearts, under their respective banners, as the trumpet sent forth its spirit-stirring sounds across water and woodland, till they died away in distant echoes among the mountains. The sacred flames on the altars of numberless _teocallis_, dimly seen through the gray mists of morning,[261] indicated the site of the capital, till temple, tower, and palace were fully revealed in the glorious illumination which the sun, as he rose above the eastern barrier, poured over the beautiful Valley. It was the eighth of November, 1519, a conspicuous day in history, as that on which the Europeans first set foot in the capital of the Western World.

Cortés with his little body of horse formed a sort of advanced guard to the army. Then came the Spanish infantry, who in a summer’s campaign had acquired the discipline and the weather-beaten aspect of veterans. The baggage occupied the centre; and the rear was closed by the dark files[262] of Tlascalan warriors. The whole number must have fallen short of seven thousand; of which less than four hundred were Spaniards.[263]

For a short distance, the army kept along the narrow tongue of land that divides the Tezcucan from the Chalcan waters, when it entered on the great dike, which, with the exception of an angle near the commencement, stretches in a perfectly straight line across the salt floods of Tezcuco to the gates of the capital. It was the same causeway, or rather the basis of that, which still forms the great southern avenue of Mexico.[264] The Spaniards had occasion more than ever to admire the mechanical science of the Aztecs, in the geometrical precision with which the work was executed, as well as the solidity of its construction. It was composed of huge stones well laid in cement, and wide enough, throughout its whole extent, for ten horsemen to ride abreast.

They saw, as they passed along, several large towns, resting on piles, and reaching far into the water,--a kind of architecture which found great favor with the Aztecs, being in imitation of that of their metropolis.[265] The busy population obtained a good subsistence from the manufacture of salt, which they extracted from the waters of the great lake. The duties on the traffic in this article were a considerable source of revenue to the crown.

Everywhere the Conquerors beheld the evidence of a crowded and thriving population, exceeding all they had yet seen. The temples and principal buildings of the cities were covered with a hard white stucco, which glistened like enamel in the level beams of the morning. The margin of the great basin was more thickly gemmed than that of Chalco with towns and hamlets.[266] The water was darkened by swarms of canoes filled with Indians,[267] who clambered up the sides of the causeway and gazed with curious astonishment on the strangers. And here, also, they beheld those fairy islands of flowers, overshadowed occasionally by trees of considerable size, rising and falling with the gentle undulation of the billows. At the distance of half a league from the capital, they encountered a solid work or curtain of stone, which traversed the dike. It was twelve feet high, was strengthened by towers at the extremities, and in the centre was a battlemented gateway, which opened a passage to the troops. It was called the Fort of Xoloc, and became memorable in after-times as the position occupied by Cortés in the famous siege of Mexico.

Here they were met by several hundred Aztec chiefs, who came out to announce the approach of Montezuma and to welcome the Spaniards to his capital. They were dressed in the fanciful gala costume of the country, with the _maxtlatl_, or cotton sash, around their loins, and a broad mantle of the same material, or of the brilliant feather-embroidery, flowing gracefully down their shoulders. On their necks and arms they displayed collars and bracelets of turquoise mosaic, with which delicate plumage was furiously mingled,[268] while their ears, under-lips, and occasionally their noses, were garnished with pendants formed of precious stones, or crescents of fine gold. As each cacique made the usual formal salutation of the country separately to the general, the tedious ceremony delayed the march more than an hour. After this, the army experienced no further interruption till it reached a bridge near the gates of the city. It was built of wood, since replaced by one of stone, and was thrown across an opening of the dike, which furnished an outlet to the waters when agitated by the winds or swollen by a sudden influx in the rainy season. It was a drawbridge; and the Spaniards, as they crossed it, felt how truly they were committing themselves to the mercy of Montezuma, who, by thus cutting off their communications with the country, might hold them prisoners in his capital.[269]

In the midst of these unpleasant reflections, they beheld the glittering retinue of the emperor emerging from the great street which led then, as it still does, through the heart of the city.[270] Amidst a crowd of Indian nobles, preceded by three officers of state bearing golden wands,[271] they saw the royal palanquin blazing with burnished gold. It was borne on the shoulders of nobles, and over it a canopy of gaudy feather-work, powdered with jewels and fringed with silver, was supported by four attendants of the same rank. They were bare-ooted, and walked with a slow, measured pace, and with eyes bent on the ground. When the train had come within a convenient distance, it halted, and Montezuma, descending from his litter, came forward, leaning on the arms of the lords of Tezcuco and Iztapalapan, his nephew and brother, both of whom, as we have seen, had already been made known to the Spaniards. As the monarch advanced under the canopy, the obsequious attendants strewed the ground with cotton tapestry, that his imperial feet might not be contaminated by the rude soil. His subjects of high and low degree, who lined the sides of the causeway, bent forward with their eyes fastened on the ground as he passed, and some of the humbler class prostrated themselves before him.[272] Such was the homage paid to the Indian despot, showing that the slavish forms of Oriental adulation were to be found among the rude inhabitants of the Western World.

Montezuma wore the girdle and ample square cloak, _tilmatli_, of his nation. It was made of the finest cotton, with the embroidered ends gathered in a knot round his neck. His feet were defended by sandals having soles of gold, and the leathern thongs which bound them to his ankles were embossed with the same metal. Both the cloak and sandals were sprinkled with pearls and precious stones, among which the emerald and the _chalchivitl_--a green stone of higher estimation than any other among the Aztecs--were conspicuous. On his head he wore no other ornament than a _panache_ of plumes of the royal green, which floated down his back, the badge of military, rather than of regal, rank.

He was at this time about forty years of age. His person was tall and thin, but not ill made. His hair, which was black and straight, was not very long; to wear it short was considered unbecoming persons of rank. His beard was thin; his complexion somewhat paler than is often found in his dusky, or rather copper-colored, race. His features, though serious in their expression, did not wear the look of melancholy, indeed, of dejection, which characterizes his portrait, and which may well have settled on them at a later period. He moved with dignity, and his whole demeanor, tempered by an expression of benignity not to have been anticipated from the reports circulated of his character, was worthy of a great prince. Such is the portrait left to us of the celebrated Indian emperor in this his first interview with the white men.[273]

The army halted as he drew near. Cortés, dismounting, threw his reins to a page, and, supported by a few of the principal cavaliers, advanced to meet him. The interview must have been one of uncommon interest to both. In Montezuma, Cortés beheld the lord of the broad realms he had traversed, whose magnificence and power had been the burden of every tongue. In the Spaniard, on the other hand, the Aztec prince saw the strange being whose history seemed to be so mysteriously connected with his own; the predicted one of his oracles; whose achievements proclaimed him something more than human. But, whatever may have been the monarch’s feelings, he so far suppressed them as to receive his guest with princely courtesy, and to express his satisfaction at personally seeing him in his capital.[274] Cortés responded by the most profound expression of respect, while he made ample acknowledgments for the substantial proofs which the emperor had given the Spaniards of his munificence. He then hung round Montezuma’s neck a sparkling chain of colored crystal, accompanying this with a movement as if to embrace him, when he was restrained by the two Aztec lords, shocked at the menaced profanation of the sacred person of their master.[275] After the interchange of these civilities, Montezuma appointed his brother to conduct the Spaniards to their residence in the capital, and, again entering his litter, was borne off amidst prostrate crowds in the same state in which he had come. The Spaniards quickly followed, and, with colors flying and music playing, soon made their entrance into the southern quarter of Tenochtitlan.[276]

Here, again, they found fresh cause for admiration in the grandeur of the city and the superior style of its architecture. The dwellings of the poorer class were, indeed, chiefly of reeds and mud. But the great avenue through which they were now marching was lined with the houses of the nobles, who were encouraged by the emperor to make the capital their residence. They were built of a red porous stone drawn from quarries in the neighborhood, and, though they rarely rose to a second story, often covered a large space of ground. The flat roofs, _azoteas_, were protected by stone parapets, so that every house was a fortress. Sometimes these roofs resembled parterres of flowers, so thickly were they covered with them, but more frequently these were cultivated in broad terraced gardens, laid out between the edifices.[277] Occasionally a great square or market-place intervened, surrounded by its porticoes of stone and stucco; or a pyramidal temple reared its colossal bulk, crowned with its tapering sanctuaries, and altars blazing with inextinguishable fires. The great street facing the southern causeway, unlike most others in the place, was wide, and extended some miles in nearly a straight line, as before noticed, through the centre of the city. A spectator standing at one end of it, as his eye ranged along the deep vista of temples, terraces, and gardens, might clearly discern the other, with the blue mountains in the distance, which, in the transparent atmosphere of the table-land, seemed almost in contact with the buildings.

But what most impressed the Spaniards was the throngs of people who swarmed through the streets and on the canals, filling every door-way and window and clustering on the roofs of the buildings. “I well remember the spectacle,” exclaims Bernal Diaz: “it seems now, after so many years, as present to my mind as if it were but yesterday.”[278] But what must have been the sensation of the Aztecs themselves, as they looked on the portentous pageant! as they heard, now for the first time, the well-cemented pavement ring under the iron tramp of the horses,--the strange animals which fear had clothed in such supernatural terrors; as they gazed on the children of the East, revealing their celestial origin in their fair complexions; saw the bright falchions and bonnets of steel, a metal to them unknown, glancing like meteors in the sun, while sounds of unearthly music--at least, such as their rude instruments had never wakened--floated in the air! But every other emotion was lost in that of deadly hatred, when they beheld their detested enemy the Tlascalan stalking, in defiance, as it were, through their streets, and staring around with looks of ferocity and wonder, like some wild animal of the forest who had strayed by chance from his native fastnesses into the haunts of civilization.[279]

As they passed down the spacious street, the troops repeatedly traversed bridges suspended above canals, along which they saw the Indian barks gliding swiftly with their little cargoes of fruits and vegetables for the markets of Tenochtitlan.[280] At length they halted before a broad area near the centre of the city, where rose the huge pyramidal pile dedicated to the patron war-god of the Aztecs, second only, in size as well as sanctity, to the temple of Cholula, and covering the same ground now in part occupied by the great cathedral of Mexico.[281]

Facing the western gate of the enclosure of the temple, stood a low range of stone buildings, spreading over a wide extent of ground, the palace of Axayacatl, Montezuma’s father, built by that monarch about fifty years before.[282] It was appropriated as the barracks of the Spaniards. The emperor himself was in the court-yard, waiting to receive them. Approaching Cortés, he took from a vase of flowers, borne by one of his slaves, a massy collar, in which the shell of a species of crawfish, much prized by the Indians, was set in gold and connected by heavy links of the same metal. From this chain depended eight ornaments, also of gold, made in resemblance of the same shell-fish, a span in length each, and of delicate workmanship;[283] for the Aztec goldsmiths were confessed to have shown skill in their craft not inferior to their brethren of Europe.[284] Montezuma, as he hung the gorgeous collar round the general’s neck, said, “This palace belongs to you, Malinche”[285] (the epithet by which he always addressed him), “and your brethren. Rest after your fatigues, for you have much need to do so, and in a little while I will visit you again.” So saying, he withdrew with his attendants, evincing in this act a delicate consideration not to have been expected in a barbarian.

Cortés’ first care was to inspect his new quarters. The building, though spacious, was low, consisting of one floor, except, indeed, in the centre, where it rose to an additional story. The apartments were of great size, and afforded accommodations, according to the testimony of the Conquerors themselves, for the whole army![286] The hardy mountaineers of Tlascala were, probably, not very fastidious, and might easily find a shelter in the out-buildings, or under temporary awnings in the ample court-yards. The best apartments were hung with gay cotton draperies, the floors covered with mats or rushes. There were, also, low stools made of single pieces of wood elaborately carved, and in most of the apartments beds made of the palm-leaf, woven into a thick mat, with coverlets, and sometimes canopies, of cotton. These mats were the only beds used by the natives, whether of high or low degree.[287]

After a rapid survey of this gigantic pile, the general assigned his troops their respective quarters, and took as vigilant precautions for security as if he had anticipated a siege instead of a friendly entertainment. The place was encompassed by a stone wall of considerable thickness, with towers or heavy buttresses at intervals, affording a good means of defence. He planted his cannon so as to command the approaches, stationed his sentinels along the works, and, in short, enforced in every respect as strict military discipline as had been observed in any part of the march. He well knew the importance to his little band, at least for the present, of conciliating the good will of the citizens; and, to avoid all possibility of collision, he prohibited any soldier from leaving his quarters without orders, under pain of death. Having taken these precautions, he allowed his men to partake of the bountiful collation which had been prepared for them.

They had been long enough in the country to become reconciled to, if not to relish, the peculiar cooking of the Aztecs. The appetite of the soldier is not often dainty, and on the present occasion it cannot be doubted that the Spaniards did full justice to the savory productions of the royal kitchen. During the meal they were served by numerous Mexican slaves, who were, indeed, distributed through the palace, anxious to do the bidding of the strangers. After the repast was concluded, and they had taken their _siesta_, not less important to a Spaniard than food itself, the presence of the emperor was again announced.

Montezuma was attended by a few of his principal nobles. He was received with much deference by Cortés; and, after the parties had taken their seats, a conversation commenced between them, through the aid of Doña Marina, while the cavaliers and Aztec chieftains stood around in respectful silence.

Montezuma made many inquiries concerning the country of the Spaniards, their sovereign, the nature of his government, and especially their own motives in visiting Anahuac. Cortés explained these motives by the desire to see so distinguished a monarch and to declare to him the true Faith professed by the Christians. With

rare discretion, he contented himself with dropping this hint, for the present, allowing it to ripen in the mind of the emperor, till a future conference. The latter asked whether those white men who in the preceding year had landed on the eastern shores of his empire were their countrymen. He showed himself well informed of the proceedings of the Spaniards from their arrival in Tabasco to the present time, information of which had been regularly transmitted in the hieroglyphical paintings. He was curious, also, in regard to the rank of his visitors in their own country; inquiring if they were the kinsmen of the sovereign. Cortés replied, they were kinsmen of one another, and subjects of their great monarch, who held them all in peculiar estimation. Before his departure, Montezuma made himself acquainted with the names of the principal cavaliers, and the position they occupied in the army.

At the conclusion of the interview, the Aztec prince commanded his attendants to bring forward the presents prepared for his guests. They consisted of cotton dresses, enough to supply every man, it is said, including the allies, with a suit![288] And he did not fail to add the usual accompaniment of gold chains and other ornaments, which he distributed in profusion among the Spaniards. He then withdrew with the same ceremony with which he had entered, leaving every one deeply impressed with his munificence and his affability, so unlike what they had been taught to expect by what they now considered an invention of the enemy.[289]

That evening the Spaniards celebrated their arrival in the Mexican capital by a general discharge of artillery. The thunders of the ordnance, reverberating among the buildings and shaking them to their foundations, the stench of the sulphureous vapor that rolled in volumes above the walls of the encampment, reminding the inhabitants of the explosions of the great _volcan_, filled the hearts of the superstitious Aztecs with dismay. It proclaimed to them that their city held in its bosom those dread beings whose path had been marked with desolation, and who could call down the thunderbolts to consume their enemies! It was doubtless the policy of Cortés to strengthen this superstitious feeling as far as possible, and to impress the natives, at the outset, with a salutary awe of the supernatural powers of the Spaniards.[290]

On the following morning, the general requested permission to return the emperor’s visit, by waiting on him in his palace. This was readily granted, and Montezuma sent his officers to conduct the Spaniards to his presence. Cortés dressed himself in his richest habit, and left the quarters attended by Alvarado, Sandoval, Velasquez, and Ordaz, together with five or six of the common file.

The royal habitation was at no great distance. It stood on the ground, to the southwest of the cathedral, since covered in part by the _Casa del Estado_, the palace of the dukes of Monteleone, the descendants of Cortés.[291] It was a vast, irregular pile of low stone buildings, like that garrisoned by the Spaniards.[292] So spacious was it, indeed, that, as one of the Conquerors assures us, although he had visited it more than once, for the express purpose, he had been too much fatigued each time by wandering through the apartments ever to see the whole of it.[293] It was built of the red porous stone of the country, _tetzontli_, was ornamented with marble, and on the façade over the principal entrance were sculptured the arms or device of Montezuma,{*} an eagle bearing an ocelot in his talons.[294]

{*} [The totem or “beast symbol” of the clan to which it belonged.--M.]

In the courts through which the Spaniards passed, fountains of crystal water were playing, fed from the copious reservoir on the distant hill of Chapoltepec, and supplying in their turn more than a hundred baths in the interior of the palace. Crowds of Aztec nobles were sauntering up and down in these squares, and in the outer halls, loitering away their hours in attendance on the court. The apartments were of immense size, though not lofty. The ceilings were of various sorts of odoriferous wood ingeniously carved; the floors covered with mats of the palm-leaf. The walls were hung with cotton richly stained, with the skins of wild animals, or gorgeous draperies of feather-work wrought in imitation of birds, insects, and flowers, with the nice art and glowing radiance of colors that might compare with the tapestries of Flanders. Clouds of incense rolled up from censers and diffused intoxicating odors through the apartments. The Spaniards might well have fancied themselves in the voluptuous precincts of an Eastern harem, instead of treading the halls of a wild barbaric chief in the Western World.[295]

On reaching the hall of audience, the Mexican officers took off their sandals, and covered their gay attire with a mantle of _nequen_, a coarse stuff made of the fibres of the maguey, worn only by the poorest classes. This act of humiliation was imposed on all, except the members of his own family, who approached the sovereign.[296] Thus bare-footed, with downcast eyes and formal obeisance, they ushered the Spaniards into the royal presence.

They found Montezuma seated at the further end of a spacious saloon and surrounded by a few of his favorite chiefs. He received them kindly, and very soon Cortés, without much ceremony, entered on the subject which was uppermost in his thoughts. He was fully aware of the importance of gaining the royal convert, whose example would have such an influence on the conversion of his people. The general, therefore, prepared to display the whole store of his theological science, with the most winning arts of rhetoric he could command, while the interpretation was conveyed through the silver tones of Marina, as inseparable from him, on these occasions, as his shadow.

He set forth, as clearly as he could, the ideas entertained by the Church in regard to the holy mysteries of the Trinity, the Incarnation, and the Atonement. From this he ascended to the origin of things, the creation of the world, the first pair, paradise, and the fall of man. He assured Montezuma that the idols he worshipped were Satan under different forms. A sufficient proof of it was the bloody sacrifices they imposed, which he contrasted with the pure and simple rite of the mass. Their worship would sink him in perdition. It was to snatch his soul, and the souls of his people, from the flames of eternal fire by opening to them a purer faith, that the Christians had come to his land. And he earnestly besought him not to neglect the occasion, but to secure his salvation by embracing the Cross, the great sign of human redemption.

The eloquence of the preacher was wasted on the insensible heart of his royal auditor. It doubtless lost somewhat of its efficacy, strained through the imperfect interpretation of so recent a neophyte as the Indian damsel. But the doctrines were too abstruse in themselves to be comprehended at a glance by the rude intellect of a barbarian. And Montezuma may have, perhaps, thought it was not more monstrous to feed on the flesh of a fellow-creature than on that of the Creator himself.[297] He was, besides, steeped in the superstitions of his country from his cradle. He had been educated in the straitest sect of her religion, had been himself a priest before his election to the throne, and was now the head both of the religion and the state. Little probability was there that such a man would be open to argument or persuasion, even from the lips of a more practised polemic than the Spanish commander. How could he abjure the faith that was intertwined with the dearest affections of his heart and the very elements of his being? How could he be false to the gods who had raised him to such prosperity and honors, and whose shrines were intrusted to his especial keeping?

He listened, however, with silent attention, until the general had concluded his homily. He then replied that he knew the Spaniards had held this discourse wherever they had been. He doubted not their God was, as they said, a good being. His gods, also, were good to him. Yet what his visitor said of the creation of the world was like what he had been taught to believe.[298] It was not worth while to discourse further of the matter. His ancestors, he said, were not the original proprietors of the land. They had occupied it but a few ages, and had been led there by a great Being, who, after giving them laws and ruling over the nation for a time, had withdrawn to the regions where the sun rises. He had declared, on his departure, that he or his descendants would again visit them and resume his empire.[299] The wonderful deeds of the Spaniards, their fair complexions, and the quarter whence they came, all showed they were his descendants. If Montezuma had resisted their visit to his capital, it was because he had heard such accounts of their cruelties,--that they sent the lightning to consume his people, or crushed them to pieces under the hard feet of the ferocious animals on which they rode. He was now convinced that these were idle tales; that the Spaniards were kind and generous in their natures; they were mortals, of a different race, indeed, from the Aztecs, wiser, and more valiant,--and for this he honored them.

“You, too,” he added, with a smile, “have been told, perhaps, that I am a god, and dwell in palaces of gold and silver.[300] But you see it is false. My houses, though large, are of stone and wood like those of others; and as to my body,” he said, baring his tawny arm, “you see it is flesh and bone like yours. It is true, I have a great empire inherited from my ancestors; lands, and gold, and silver. But your sovereign beyond the waters is, I know, the rightful lord of all. I rule in his name. You, Malinche, are his ambassador; you and your brethren shall share these things with me. Rest now from your labors. You are here in your own dwellings, and everything shall be provided for your subsistence. I will see that your wishes shall be obeyed in the same way as my own.”[301] As the monarch concluded these words, a few natural tears suffused his eyes, while the image of ancient independence, perhaps, flitted across his mind.[302]

Cortés, while he encouraged the idea that his own sovereign was the great Being indicated by Montezuma, endeavored to comfort the monarch by the assurance that his master had no desire to interfere with his authority, otherwise than, out of pure concern for his welfare, to effect his conversion and that of his people to Christianity. Before the emperor dismissed his visitors he consulted his munificent spirit, as usual, by distributing rich stuffs and trinkets of gold among them, so that the poorest soldier, says Bernal Diaz, one of the party, received at least two heavy collars of the precious metal for his share. The iron hearts of the Spaniards were touched with the emotion displayed by Montezuma, as well as by his princely spirit of liberality. As they passed him, the cavaliers, with bonnet in hand, made him the most profound obeisance, and “on the way home,” continues the same chronicler, “we could discourse of nothing but the gentle breeding and courtesy of the Indian monarch, and of the respect we entertained for him.”[303]

Speculations of a graver complexion must have pressed on the mind of the general, as he saw around him the evidences of a civilization, and consequently power, for which even the exaggerated reports of the natives--discredited from their apparent exaggeration--had not prepared him. In the pomp and burdensome ceremonial of the court he saw that nice system of subordination and profound reverence for the monarch which characterize the semi-civilized empires of Asia. In the appearance of the capital, its massy yet elegant architecture, its luxurious social accommodations, its activity in trade, he recognized the proofs of the intellectual progress, mechanical skill, and enlarged resources of an old and opulent community; while the swarms in the streets attested the existence of a population capable of turning these resources to the best account.

In the Aztec he beheld a being unlike either the rude republican Tlascalan or the effeminate Cholulan, but combining the courage of the one with the cultivation of the other. He was in the heart of a great capital, which seemed like an extensive fortification, with its dikes and its draw-bridges, where every house might be easily converted into a castle. Its insular position removed it from the continent, from which, at the mere nod of the sovereign, all communication might be cut off, and the whole warlike population be at once precipitated on him and his handful of followers. What could superior science avail against such odds?[304]

As to the subversion of Montezuma’s empire, now that he had seen him in his capital, it must have seemed a more doubtful enterprise than ever. The recognition which the Aztec prince had made of the feudal supremacy, if I may so say, of the Spanish sovereign, was not to be taken too literally. Whatever show of deference he might be disposed to pay the latter under the influence of his present--perhaps temporary--delusion, it was not to be supposed that he would so easily relinquish his actual power and possessions, or that his people would consent to it. Indeed, his sensitive apprehensions in regard to this very subject, on the coming of the Spaniards, were sufficient proof of the tenacity with which he clung to his authority. It is true that Cortés had a strong lever for future operations in the superstitious reverence felt for himself both by prince and people. It was undoubtedly his policy to maintain this sentiment unimpaired in both, as far as possible.[305] But, before settling any plan of operations, it was necessary to make himself personally acquainted with the topography and local advantages of the capital, the character of its population, and the real nature and amount of its resources. With this view, he asked the emperor’s permission to visit the principal public edifices.

Antonio de Herrera, the celebrated chronicler of the Indies, was
born of a respectable family at Cuella, in Old Spain, in 1549.
After passing through the usual course of academic discipline in
his own country, he went to Italy, to which land of art and letters
the Spanish youth of that time frequently resorted to complete
their education. He there became acquainted with Vespasian Gonzaga,
brother of the duke of Mantua, and entered into his service. He
continued with this prince after he was made Viceroy of Navarre,
and was so highly regarded by him, that, on his death-bed, Gonzaga
earnestly commended him to the protection of Philip the Second.
This penetrating monarch soon discerned the excellent qualities of
Herrera, and raised him to the post of Historiographer of the
Indies,--an office for which Spain is indebted to Philip. Thus
provided with a liberal salary, and with every facility for
pursuing the historical researches to which his inclination led
him, Herrera’s days glided peacefully away in the steady, but
silent, occupations of a man of letters. He continued to hold the
office of historian of the colonies through Philip the Second’s
reign, and under his successors, Philip the Third and the Fourth;
till in 1625 he died at the advanced age of seventy-six, leaving
behind him a high character for intellectual and moral worth.

Herrera wrote several works, chiefly historical. The most
important, that on which his reputation rests, is his _Historia
general de las Indias occidentales_. It extends from the year 1492,
the time of the discovery of America, to 1554, and is divided into
eight decades. Four of them were published in 1601, and the
remaining four in 1615, making in all five volumes in folio. The
work was subsequently republished in 1730, and has been translated
into most of the languages of Europe. The English translator,
Stevens, has taken great liberties with his original, in the way of
abridgment and omission, but the execution of his work is, on the
whole, superior to that of most of the old English versions of the
Castilian chroniclers.

Herrera’s vast subject embraces the whole colonial empire of Spain
in the New World. The work is thrown into the form of annals, and
the multifarious occurrences in the distant regions of which he
treats are all marshalled with exclusive reference to their
chronology, and made to move together _pari passu_. By means of
this tasteless arrangement the thread of interest is perpetually
snapped, the reader is hurried from one scene to another, without
the opportunity of completing his survey of any. His patience is
exhausted and his mind perplexed with partial and scattered
glimpses, instead of gathering new light as he advances from the
skilful development of a continuous and well-digested narrative.
This is the great defect of a plan founded on a slavish adherence
to chronology. The defect becomes more serious when the work, as in
the present instance, is of vast compass and embraces a great
variety of details having little relation to each other. In such a
work we feel the superiority of a plan like that which Robertson
has pursued in his “History of America,” where every subject is
allowed to occupy its own independent place, proportioned to its
importance, and thus to make a distinct and individual impression
on the reader.

Herrera’s position gave him access to the official returns from the
colonies, state papers, and whatever documents existed in the
public offices for the illustration of the colonial history. Among
these sources of information were some manuscripts, with which it
is not now easy to meet; as, for example, the memorial of Alonso de
Ojeda, one of the followers of Cortés, which has eluded my
researches both in Spain and Mexico. Other writings, as those of
Father Sahagun, of much importance in the history of Indian
civilization, were unknown to the historian. Of such manuscripts as
fell into his hands, Herrera made the freest use. From the writings
of Las Casas, in particular, he borrowed without ceremony. The
bishop had left orders that his “History of the Indies” should not
be published till at least forty years after his death. Before that
period had elapsed Herrera had entered on his labors, and, as he
had access to the papers of Las Casas, he availed himself of it to
transfer whole pages, nay, chapters, of his narrative in the most
unscrupulous manner to his own work. In doing this, he made a
decided improvement on the manner of his original, reduced his
cumbrous and entangled sentences to pure Castilian, omitted his
turgid declamation and his unreasonable invectives. But, at the
same time, he also excluded the passages that bore hardest on the
conduct of his countrymen, and those bursts of indignant eloquence
which showed a moral sensibility in the Bishop of Chiapa that
raised him so far above his age. By this sort of metempsychosis, if
one may so speak, by which the letter and not the spirit of the
good missionary was transferred to Herrera’s pages, he rendered the
publication of Las Casas’ history, in some measure, superfluous;
and this circumstance has, no doubt, been one reason for its having
been so long detained in manuscript.

Yet, with every allowance for the errors incident to rapid
composition, and to the pedantic chronological system pursued by
Herrera, his work must be admitted to have extraordinary merit. It
displays to the reader the whole progress of Spanish conquest and
colonization in the New World for the first sixty years after the
discovery. The individual actions of his complicated story, though
unskilfully grouped together, are unfolded in a pure and simple
style, well suited to the gravity of his subject. If at first sight
he may seem rather too willing to magnify the merits of the early
discoverers and to throw a veil over their excesses, it may be
pardoned, as flowing, not from moral insensibility, but from the
patriotic sentiment which made him desirous, as far as might be, to
wipe away every stain from the escutcheon of his nation, in the
proud period of her renown. It is natural that the Spaniard who
dwells on this period should be too much dazzled by the display of
her gigantic efforts, scrupulously to weigh their moral character,
or the merits of the cause in which they were made. Yet Herrera’s
national partiality never makes him the apologist of crime; and,
with the allowances fairly to be conceded, he may be entitled to
the praise so often given him of integrity and candor.

It must not be forgotten that, in addition to the narrative of the
early discoveries of the Spaniards, Herrera has brought together a
vast quantity of information in respect to the institutions and
usages of the Indian nations, collected from the most authentic
sources. This gives his work a completeness beyond what is to be
found in any other on the same subject. It is, indeed, a noble
monument of sagacity and erudition; and the student of history, and
still more the historical compiler, will find himself unable to
advance a single step among the early colonial settlements of the
New World without reference to the pages of Herrera.

Another writer on Mexico, frequently consulted in the course of the
present narrative, is Toribio de Benavente, or _Motolinia_, as he
is still more frequently called, from his Indian cognomen. He was
one of the twelve Franciscan missionaries who, at the request of
Cortés, were sent out to New Spain immediately after the Conquest,
in 1523. Toribio’s humble attire, naked feet, and, in short, the
poverty-stricken aspect which belongs to his order, frequently drew
from the natives the exclamation of _Motolinia_, or “poor man.” It
was the first Aztec word the signification of which the missionary
learned, and he was so much pleased with it, as intimating his own
condition, that he henceforth assumed it as his name. Toribio
employed himself zealously with his brethren in the great object of
their mission. He travelled on foot over various parts of Mexico,
Guatemala, and Nicaragua. Wherever he went, he spared no pains to
wean the natives from their dark idolatry, and to pour into their
minds the light of revelation. He showed even a tender regard for
their temporal as well as spiritual wants, and Bernal Diaz
testifies that he has known him to give away his own robe to clothe
a destitute and suffering Indian. Yet this charitable friar, so
meek and conscientious in the discharge of his Christian duties,
was one of the fiercest opponents of Las Casas, and sent home a
remonstrance against the Bishop of Chiapa, couched in terms the
most opprobrious and sarcastic. It has led the bishop’s biographer,
Quintana, to suggest that the friar’s threadbare robe may have
covered somewhat of worldly pride and envy. It may be so. Yet it
may also lead us to distrust the discretion of Las Casas himself,
who could carry measures with so rude a hand as to provoke such
unsparing animadversions from his fellow-laborers in the vineyard.

Toribio was made guardian of a Franciscan convent at Tezcuco. In
this situation he continued active in good works, and at this
place, and in his different pilgrimages, is stated to have baptized
more than four hundred thousand natives. His efficacious piety was
attested by various miracles. One of the most remarkable was when
the Indians were suffering from great drought, which threatened to
annihilate the approaching harvests. The good father recommended a
solemn procession of the natives to the church of Santa Cruz, with
prayers and a vigorous flagellation. The effect was soon visible in
such copious rains as entirely relieved the people from their
apprehensions, and in the end made the season uncommonly fruitful.
The counterpart to this prodigy was afforded a few years later,
while the country was laboring under excessive rains; when, by a
similar remedy, the evil was checked, and a like propitious
influence exerted on the season as before. The exhibition of such
miracles greatly edified the people, says his biographer, and
established them firmly in the Faith. Probably Toribio’s exemplary
life and conversation, so beautifully illustrating the principles
which he taught, did quite as much for the good cause as his
miracles.

Thus passing his days in the peaceful and pious avocations of the
Christian missionary, the worthy ecclesiastic was at length called
from the scene of his earthly pilgrimage, in what year is
uncertain, but at an advanced age, for he survived all the little
band of missionaries who had accompanied him to New Spain. He died
in the convent of San Francisco at Mexico, and his panegyric is
thus emphatically pronounced by Torquemada, a brother of his own
order: “He was a truly apostolic man, a great teacher of
Christianity, beautiful in the ornament of every virtue, jealous of
the glory of God, a friend of evangelical poverty, most true to the
observance of his monastic rule, and jealous in the conversion of
the heathen.”

Father Toribio’s long personal intercourse with the Mexicans, and
the knowledge of their language, which he was at much pains to
acquire, opened to him all the sources of information respecting
them and their institutions, which existed at the time of the
Conquest. The results he carefully digested in the work so often
cited in these pages, the _Historia de los Indios de Nueva-España_,
making a volume of manuscript in folio. It is divided into three
parts. 1. The religion, rites, and sacrifices of the Aztecs. 2.
Their conversion to Christianity, and their manner of celebrating
the festivals of the Church. 3. The genius and character of the
nation, their chronology and astrology, together with notices of
the principal cities and the staple productions of the country.
Notwithstanding the methodical arrangement of the work, it is
written in the rambling, unconnected manner of a commonplace-book,
into which the author has thrown at random his notices of such
matters as most interested him in his survey of the country. His
own mission is ever before his eyes, and the immediate topic of
discussion, of whatever nature it may be, is at once abandoned to
exhibit an event or an anecdote that can illustrate his
ecclesiastical labors. The most startling occurrences are recorded
with all the credulous gravity which is so likely to win credit
from the vulgar; and a stock of miracles is duly attested by the
historian, of more than sufficient magnitude to supply the wants of
the infant religious communities of New Spain.

Yet amidst this mass of pious _incredibilia_ the inquirer into the
Aztec antiquities will find much curious and substantial
information. Toribio’s long and intimate relations with the natives
put him in possession of their whole stock of theology and science;
and as his manner, though somewhat discursive, is plain and
unaffected, there is no obscurity in the communication of his
ideas. His inferences, colored by the superstitions of the age and
the peculiar nature of his profession, may be often received with
distrust. But, as his integrity and his means of information were
unquestionable, his work becomes of the first authority in relation
to the antiquities of the country, and its condition at the period
of the Conquest. As an educated man, he was enabled to penetrate
deeper than the illiterate soldiers of Cortés, men given to action
rather than to speculation. Yet Toribio’s manuscript, valuable as
it is to the historian, has never been printed, and has too little
in it of popular interest, probably, ever to be printed. Much that
it contains has found its way, in various forms, into subsequent
compilations. The work itself is very rarely to be found. Dr.
Robertson had a copy, as it seems from the catalogue of MSS.
published with his “History of America;” though the author’s name
is not prefixed to it. There is no copy, I believe, in the library
of the Academy of History at Madrid; and for that in my possession
I am indebted to the kindness of that curious bibliographer, Mr. O.
Rich, now consul for the United States at Minorca.

Pietro Martire de Angleria, or Peter Martyr, as he is called by
English writers, belonged to an ancient and highly respectable
family of Arona in the north of Italy. In 1487 he was induced by
the count of Tendilla, the Spanish ambassador at Rome, to return
with him to Castile. He was graciously received by Queen Isabella,
always desirous to draw around her enlightened foreigners, who
might exercise a salutary influence on the rough and warlike
nobility of Castile. Martyr, who had been educated for the Church,
was persuaded by the queen to undertake the instruction of the
young nobles at the court. In this way he formed an intimacy with
some of the most illustrious men of the nation, who seem to have
cherished a warm personal regard for him through the remainder of
his life. He was employed by the Catholic sovereigns in various
concerns of public interest, was sent on a mission to Egypt, and
was subsequently raised to a distinguished post in the cathedral of
Granada. But he continued to pass much of his time at court, where
he enjoyed the confidence of Ferdinand and Isabella, and of their
successor, Charles the Fifth, till in 1525 he died, at the age of
seventy.

Martyr’s character combined qualities not often found in the same
individual,--an ardent love of letters, with a practical sagacity
that can only result from familiarity with men and affairs. Though
passing his days in the gay and dazzling society of the capital, he
preserved the simple tastes and dignified temper of a philosopher.
His correspondence, as well as his more elaborate writings, if the
term elaborate can be applied to any of his writings, manifests an
enlightened and oftentimes independent spirit; though one would
have been better pleased had he been sufficiently independent to
condemn the religious intolerance of the government. But Martyr,
though a philosopher, was enough of a courtier to look with a
lenient eye on the errors of princes. Though deeply imbued with the
learning of antiquity, and a scholar at heart, he had none of the
feelings of the recluse, but took the most lively interest in the
events that were passing around him. His various writings,
including his copious correspondence, are for this reason the very
best mirror of the age in which he lived.

His inquisitive mind was particularly interested by the discoveries
that were going on in the New World. He was allowed to be present
at the sittings of the Council of the Indies when any communication
of importance was made to it; and he was subsequently appointed a
member of that body. All that related to the colonies passed
through his hands. The correspondence of Columbus, Cortés, and the
other discoverers with the court of Castile was submitted to his
perusal. He became personally acquainted with these illustrious
persons on their return home, and frequently, as we find from his
letters, entertained them at his own table. With these advantages,
his testimony becomes but one degree removed from that of the
actors themselves in the great drama. In one respect it is of a
higher kind, since it is free from the prejudice and passion which
a personal interest in events is apt to beget. The testimony of
Martyr is that of a philosopher, taking a clear and comprehensive
survey of the ground, with such lights of previous knowledge to
guide him as none of the actual discoverers and conquerors could
pretend to. It is true, this does not prevent his occasionally
falling into errors; the errors of credulity,--not, however, of the
credulity founded on superstition, but that which arises from the
uncertain nature of the subject, where phenomena so unlike anything
with which he had been familiar were now first disclosed by the
revelation of an unknown world.

He may be more fairly charged with inaccuracies of another
description, growing out of haste and inadvertence of composition.
But even here we should be charitable. For he confesses his sins
with a candor that disarms criticism. In truth, he wrote rapidly,
and on the spur of the moment, as occasion served. He shrunk from
the publication of his writings, when it was urged on him, and his
Decades _De Orbe Novo_, in which he embodied the results of his
researches in respect to the American discoveries, were not
published entire till after his death. The most valuable and
complete edition of this work--the one referred to in the present
pages--is the edition of Hakluyt, published at Paris in 1587.

Martyr’s works are all in Latin, and that not of the purest; a
circumstance rather singular, considering his familiarity with the
classic models of antiquity. Yet he evidently handled the dead
languages with the same facility as the living. Whatever defects
may be charged on his manner, in the selection and management of
his topics he shows the superiority of his genius. He passes over
the trivial details which so often encumber the literal narratives
of the Spanish voyagers, and fixes his attention on the great
results of their discoveries,--the products of the country, the
history and institutions of the races, their character and advance
in civilization. In one respect his writings are of peculiar value.
They show the state of feeling which existed at the Castilian court
during the progress of discovery. They furnish, in short, the
reverse side of the picture; and, when we have followed the Spanish
conquerors in their wonderful career of adventure in the New World,
we have only to turn to the pages of Martyr to find the impression
produced by them on the enlightened minds of the Old. Such a view
is necessary to the completeness of the historical picture.

If the reader is curious to learn more of this estimable scholar,
he will find the particulars given in “The History of Ferdinand and
Isabella” (Part I. chap. 14, Postscript, and chap. 19), for the
illustration of whose reign his voluminous correspondence furnishes
the most authentic materials.