Chapter VII

GUATEMOZIN, EMPEROR OF THE AZTECS--PREPARATIONS FOR THE
MARCH--MILITARY CODE--SPANIARDS CROSS THE SIERRA--ENTER
TEZCUCO--PRINCE IXTLILXOCHITL

1520

While the events related in the preceding chapter were passing, an important change had taken place in the Aztec monarchy. Montezuma’s brother and successor, Cuitlahua, had suddenly died of the smallpox, after a brief reign of four months,--brief, but glorious, for it had witnessed the overthrow of the Spaniards and their expulsion from Mexico.[282] On the death of their warlike chief, the electors were convened, as usual, to supply the vacant throne. It was an office of great responsibility in the dark hour of their fortunes. The _teoteuctli_, or high-priest, invoked the blessing of the supreme God on their deliberations. His prayer is still extant. It was the last one ever made on a similar occasion in Anahuac, and a few extracts from it may interest the reader, as a specimen of Aztec eloquence:

“O Lord! thou knowest that the days of our sovereign are at an end, for thou hast placed him beneath thy feet. He abides in the place of his retreat; he has trodden the path which we are all to tread; he has gone to the house whither we are all to follow,--the house of eternal darkness, where no light cometh. He is gathered to his rest, and no one henceforth shall disquiet him.... All these were the princes, his predecessors, who sat on the imperial throne, directing the affairs of thy kingdom; for thou art the universal lord and emperor, by whose will and movement the whole world is directed; thou needest not the counsel of another. They laid down the intolerable burden of government, and left it to him, their successor. Yet he sojourned but a few days in his kingdom,--but a few days had we enjoyed his presence, when thou summonedst him away to follow those who had ruled over the land before him. And great cause has he for thankfulness, that thou hast relieved him from so grievous a load, and placed him in tranquillity and rest.... Who now shall order matters for the good of the people and the realm? Who shall appoint the judges to administer justice to thy people? Who now shall bid the drum and the flute to sound, and gather together the veteran soldiers and the men mighty in battle? Our Lord and our Defence! wilt thou, in thy wisdom, elect one who shall be worthy to sit on the throne of thy kingdom; one who shall bear the grievous burden of government; who shall comfort and cherish thy poor people, even as the mother cherisheth her offspring?... O Lord most merciful! pour forth thy light and thy splendor over this thine empire!... Order it so that thou shalt be served in all, and through all.”[283]

The choice fell on Quauhtemotzin, or Guatemozin, as euphoniously corrupted by the Spaniards.[284] He was nephew to the two last monarchs, and married his cousin, the beautiful princess Tecuichpo, Montezuma’s daughter. “He was not more than twenty-five years old, and elegant in his person for an Indian,” says one who had seen him often; “valiant, and so terrible that his followers trembled in his presence.”[285] He did not shrink from the perilous post that was offered to him; and, as he saw the tempest gathering darkly around, he prepared to meet it like a man. Though young, he had ample experience in military matters, and had distinguished himself above all others in the bloody conflicts of the capital. He bore a sort of religious hatred to the Spaniards, like that which Hannibal is said to have sworn, and which he certainly cherished, against his Roman foes.

By means of his spies, Guatemozin made himself acquainted with the movements of the Spaniards and their design to besiege the capital. He prepared for it by sending away the useless part of the population, while he called in his potent vassals from the neighborhood. He continued the plans of his predecessor for strengthening the defences of the city, reviewed his troops, and stimulated them by prizes to excel in their exercises. He made harangues to his soldiers to rouse them to a spirit of desperate resistance. He encouraged his vassals throughout the empire to attack the white men wherever they were to be met with, setting a price on their heads, as well as on the persons of all who should be brought alive to him in Mexico.[286] And it was no uncommon thing for the Spaniards to find hanging up in the temples of the conquered places the arms and accoutrements of their unfortunate countrymen who had been seized and sent to the capital for sacrifice.[287] Such was the young monarch who was now called to the tottering throne of the Aztecs; worthy, by his bold and magnanimous nature, to sway the sceptre of his country in the most flourishing period of her renown, and now, in her distress, devoting himself in the true spirit of a patriot prince to uphold her falling fortunes or bravely perish with them.[288]

We must now return to the Spaniards in Tlascala, where we left them preparing to resume their march on Mexico. Their commander had the satisfaction to see his troops tolerably complete in their appointments; varying, indeed, according to the condition of the different reinforcements which had arrived from time to time, but, on the whole, superior to those of the army with which he had first invaded the country. His whole force fell little short of six hundred men; forty of whom were cavalry, together with eighty arquebusiers and crossbowmen. The rest were armed with sword and target, and with the copper-headed pike of Chinantla. He had nine cannon of a moderate calibre, and was indifferently supplied with powder.[289]

As his forces were drawn up in order of march, Cortés rode through the ranks, exhorting his soldiers, as usual with him on these occasions, to be true to themselves and the enterprise in which they were embarked. He told them they were to march against _rebels_, who had once acknowledged allegiance to the Spanish sovereign;[290] against barbarians, the enemies of their religion. They were to fight the battles of the Cross and of the crown; to fight their own battles, to wipe away the stain from their arms, to avenge their injuries, and the loss of the dear companions who had been butchered on the field or on the accursed altar of sacrifice. Never was there a war which offered higher incentives to the Christian cavalier; a war which opened to him riches and renown in this life, and an imperishable glory in that to come.[291]

Thus did the politic chief touch all the secret springs of devotion, honor, and ambition in the bosoms of his martial audience, waking the mettle of the most sluggish before leading him on the perilous emprise. They answered with acclamations that they were ready to die in defence of the Faith, and would either conquer, or leave their bones with those of their countrymen in the waters of the Tezcuco.

The army of the allies next passed in review before the general. It is variously estimated by writers from a hundred and ten to a hundred and fifty thousand soldiers! The palpable exaggeration, no less than the discrepancy, shows that little reliance can be placed on any estimate. It is certain, however, that it was a multitudinous array, consisting not only of the flower of the Tlascalan warriors, but of those of Cholula, Tepeaca, and the neighboring territories, which had submitted to the Castilian crown.[292]

They were armed, after the Indian fashion, with bows and arrows, the glassy _maquahuitl_, and the long pike, which formidable weapon Cortés, as we have seen, had introduced among his own troops. They were divided into battalions, each having its own banner, displaying the appropriate arms or emblem of its company. The four great chiefs of the nation marched in the van; three of them venerable for their years, and showing, in the insignia which decorated their persons, the evidence of many a glorious feat in arms. The panache of many-colored plumes floated from their casques, set in emeralds or other precious stones. Their _escaupil_, or stuffed doublet of cotton, was covered with the graceful surcoat of feather-work, and their feet were protected by sandals embossed with gold. Four young pages followed, bearing their weapons, and four others supported as many standards, on which were emblazoned the armorial bearings of the four great divisions of the republic.[293] The Tlascalans, though frugal in the extreme, and rude in their way of life, were as ambitious of display in their military attire as any of the races on the plateau. As they defiled before Cortés, they saluted him by waving their banners and by a flourish of their wild music, which the general acknowledged by courteously raising his cap as they passed.[294] The Tlascalan warriors, and especially the younger Xicotencatl, their commander, affected to imitate their European masters, not merely in their tactics, but in minuter matters of military etiquette.

Cortés, with the aid of Marina, made a brief address to his Indian allies. He reminded them that he was going to fight their battles against their ancient enemies. He called on them to support him in a manner worthy of their renowned republic. To those who remained at home, he committed the charge of aiding in the completion of the brigantines, on which the success of the expedition so much depended; and he requested that none would follow his banner who were not prepared to remain till the final reduction of the capital.[295] This address was answered by shouts, or rather yells, of defiance, showing the exultation felt by his Indian confederates at the prospect of at last avenging their manifold wrongs and humbling their haughty enemy.

Before setting out on the expedition, Cortés published a code of ordinances, as he terms them, or regulations for the army, too remarkable to be passed over in silence. The preamble sets forth that in all institutions, whether divine or human,--if the latter have any worth,--order is the great law. The ancient chronicles inform us that the greatest captains in past times owed their successes quite as much to the wisdom of their ordinances as to their own valor and virtue. The situation of the Spaniards eminently demanded such a code; a mere handful of men as they were, in the midst of countless enemies, most cunning in the management of their weapons and in the art of war. The instrument then reminds the army that the conversion of the heathen is the work most acceptable in the eye of the Almighty, and one that will be sure to receive his support. It calls on every soldier to regard this as the prime object of the expedition, _without which the war would be manifestly unjust, and every acquisition made by it, a robbery_.[296]

The general solemnly protests that the principal motive which operates in his own bosom is the desire to wean the natives from their gloomy idolatry and to impart to them the knowledge of a purer faith; and next, to recover for his master, the emperor, the dominions which of right belong to him.[297]

The ordinances then prohibit all blasphemy against God or the saints; a vice much more frequent among Catholic than Protestant nations, arising, perhaps, less from difference of religion than of physical temperament,--for the warm sun of the South, under which Catholicism prevails, stimulates the sensibilities to the more violent expression of passion.[298]

Another law is directed against gaming, to which the Spaniards, in all ages, have been peculiarly addicted. Cortés, making allowance for the strong national propensity, authorizes it under certain limitations, but prohibits the use of dice altogether.[299] Then follow other laws against brawls and private combats, against personal taunts and the irritating sarcasms of rival companies; rules for the more perfect discipline of the troops, whether in camp or the field. Among others is one prohibiting any captain, under pain of death, from charging the enemy without orders; a practice noticed as most pernicious and of too frequent occurrence,--showing the impetuous spirit and want of true military subordination in the bold cavaliers who followed the standard of Cortés.

The last ordinance prohibits any man, officer or private, from securing to his own use any of the booty taken from the enemy, whether it be gold, silver, precious stones, feather-work, stuffs, slaves, or other commodity, however or wherever obtained, in the city or in the field, and requires him to bring it forthwith to the presence of the general, or the officer appointed to receive it. The violation of this law was punished with death and confiscation of property. So severe an edict may be thought to prove that, however much the _Conquistador_ may have been influenced by spiritual considerations, he was by no means insensible to those of a temporal character.[300]

These provisions were not suffered to remain a dead letter. The Spanish commander, soon after their proclamation, made an example of two of his own slaves, whom he hanged for plundering the natives. A similar sentence was passed on a soldier for the like offence, though he allowed him to be cut down before the sentence was entirely executed. Cortés knew well the character of his followers; rough and turbulent spirits, who required to be ruled with an iron hand. Yet he was not eager to assert his authority on light occasions. The intimacy into which they were thrown by their peculiar situation, perils, and sufferings, in which all equally shared, and a common interest in the adventure, induced a familiarity between men and officers, most unfavorable to military discipline. The general’s own manners, frank and liberal, seemed to invite this freedom, which, on ordinary occasions, he made no attempt to repress; perhaps finding it too difficult, or at least impolitic, since it afforded a safety-valve for the spirits of a licentious soldiery, that, if violently coerced, might have burst forth into open mutiny. But the limits of his forbearance were clearly defined; and any attempt to overstep them, or to violate the established regulations of the camp, brought a sure and speedy punishment on the offender. By thus tempering severity with indulgence, masking an iron will under the open bearing of a soldier, Cortés established a control over his band of bold and reckless adventurers, such as a pedantic martinet, scrupulous in enforcing the minutiæ of military etiquette, could never have obtained.

The ordinances, dated on the twenty-second of December, were proclaimed to the assembled army on the twenty-sixth. Two days afterwards, the troops were on their march, and Cortés, at the head of his battalions, with colors flying and music playing, issued forth from the gates of the republican capital, which had so generously received him in his distress, and which now, for the second time, supplied him with the means for consummating his great enterprise. The population of the city, men, women, and children, hung on the rear of the army, taking a last leave of their countrymen, and imploring the gods to crown their arms with victory.

Notwithstanding the great force mustered by the Indian confederates, the Spanish general allowed but a small part of them now to attend him. He proposed to establish his headquarters at some place on the Tezcucan lake, whence he could annoy the Aztec capital by reducing the surrounding country, cutting off the supplies, and thus placing the city in a state of blockade.[301]

The direct assault on Mexico itself he intended to postpone until the arrival of the brigantines should enable him to make it with the greatest advantage. Meanwhile, he had no desire to encumber himself with a superfluous multitude, whom it would be difficult to feed; and he preferred to leave them at Tlascala, whence they might convey the vessels, when completed, to the camp, and aid him in his future operations.

Three routes presented themselves to Cortés by which he might penetrate into the Valley. He chose the most difficult, traversing the bold sierra which divides the eastern plateau from the western, and so rough and precipitous as to be scarcely practicable for the march of an army. He wisely judged that he should be less likely to experience annoyance from the enemy in this direction, as they might naturally confide in the difficulties of the ground for their protection.

The first day, the troops advanced five or six leagues, Cortés riding in the van, at the head of his little body of cavalry. They halted at the village of Tetzmellocan, at the base of the mountain chain which traverses the country, touching, at its southern limit, the mighty Iztaccihuatl, or “White Woman,”--white with the snows of ages.[302] At this village they met with a friendly reception, and on the following morning began the ascent of the sierra.

The path was steep and exceedingly rough. Thick matted bushes covered its surface, and the winter torrents had broken it into deep stony channels, hardly practicable for the passage of artillery, while the straggling branches of the trees, flung horizontally across the road, made it equally difficult for cavalry. The cold, as they rose higher, became intense. It was keenly felt by the Spaniards, accustomed of late to a warm, or at least temperate, climate; though the extreme toil with which they forced their way upward furnished the best means of resisting the weather. The only vegetation to be seen in these higher regions was the pine, dark forests of which clothed the sides of the mountains, till even these dwindled into a thin and stunted growth. It was night before the way-worn soldiers reached the bald crest of the sierra, where they lost no time in kindling their fires; and, huddling round their bivouacs, they warmed their frozen limbs and prepared their evening repast.

With the earliest dawn, the troops were again in motion. Mass was said, and they began their descent, more difficult and painful than their ascent on the day preceding; for, in addition to the natural obstacles of the road, they found it strewn with huge pieces of timber and trees, obviously felled for the purpose by the natives. Cortés ordered up a body of light troops to clear away the impediments, and the army again resumed its march, but with the apprehension that the enemy had prepared an ambuscade, to surprise them when they should be entangled in the pass. They moved cautiously forward, straining their vision to pierce the thick gloom of the forest, where the wily foe might be lurking. But they saw no living thing, except only the wild inhabitants of the woods, and flocks of the _zopilote_, the voracious vulture of the country, which, in anticipation of a bloody banquet, hung, like a troop of evil spirits, on the march of the army.

As they descended, the Spaniards felt a sensible and most welcome change in the temperature. The character of the vegetation changed with it, and the funereal pine, their only companion of late, gave way to the sturdy oak, to the sycamore, and, lower down, to the graceful pepper-tree mingling its red berry with the dark foliage of the forest; while, in still lower depths, the gaudy-colored creepers might be seen flinging their gay blossoms over the branches and telling of a softer and more luxurious climate.

At length the army emerged on an open level, where the eye, unobstructed by intervening wood or hill-top, could range, far and wide, over the Valley of Mexico. There it lay bathed in the golden sunshine, stretched out, as it were, in slumber, in the arms of the giant hills which clustered, like a phalanx of guardian genii, around it. The magnificent vision, new to many of the spectators, filled them with rapture. Even the veterans of Cortés could not withhold their admiration, though this was soon followed by a bitter feeling, as they recalled the sufferings which had befallen them within these beautiful but treacherous precincts. It made us feel, says the lion-hearted Conqueror, in his Letters, that “we had no choice but victory or death; and, our minds once resolved, we moved forward with as light a step as if we had been going on an errand of certain pleasure.”[303]

As the Spaniards advanced, they beheld the neighboring hill-tops blazing with beacon-fires showing that the country was already alarmed and mustering to oppose them. The general called on his men to be mindful of their high reputation; to move in order, closing up their ranks, and to obey implicitly the commands of their officers.[304] At every turn among the hills, they expected to meet the forces of the enemy drawn up to dispute their passage. And, as they were allowed to pass the defiles unmolested, and drew near to the open plains, they were prepared to see them occupied by a formidable host, who would compel them to fight over again the battle of Otumba. But, although clouds of dusky warriors were seen, from time to time, hovering on the highlands, as if watching their progress, they experienced no interruption till they reached a _barranca_, or deep ravine, through which flowed a little river, crossed by a bridge partly demolished. On the opposite side a considerable body of Indians was stationed, as if to dispute the passage; but, whether distrusting their own numbers, or intimidated by the steady advance of the Spaniards, they offered them no annoyance, and were quickly dispersed by a few resolute charges of cavalry. The army then proceeded, without molestation, to a small town, called Coatepec, where they halted for the night. Before retiring to his own quarters, Cortés made the rounds of the camp, with a few trusty followers, to see that all was safe.[305] He seemed to have an eye that never slumbered, and a frame incapable of fatigue. It was the indomitable spirit within, which sustained him.[306]

Yet he may well have been kept awake through the watches of the night, by anxiety and doubt. He was now but three leagues from Tezcuco, the far-famed capital of the Acolhuans. He proposed to establish his headquarters, if possible, at this place. Its numerous dwellings would afford ample accommodations for his army. An easy communication with Tlascala, by a different route from that which he had traversed, would furnish him with the means of readily obtaining supplies from that friendly country, and for the safe transportation of the brigantines, when finished, to be launched on the waters of the Tezcuco. But he had good reason to distrust the reception he should meet with in the capital; for an important revolution had taken place there since the expulsion of the Spaniards from Mexico, of which it will be necessary to give some account.

The reader will remember that the cacique of that place, named Cacama, was deposed by Cortés, during his first residence in the Aztec metropolis, in consequence of a projected revolt against the Spaniards, and that the crown had been placed on the head of a younger brother, Cuicuitzca. The deposed prince was among the prisoners carried away by Cortés, and perished with the others, in the terrible passage of the causeway, on the _noche triste_. His brother, afraid, probably, after the flight of the Spaniards, of continuing with his own vassals, whose sympathies were altogether with the Aztecs, accompanied his friends in their retreat, and was so fortunate as to reach Tlascala in safety.

Meanwhile, a second son of Nezahualpilli, named Coanaco, claimed the crown, on his elder brother’s death, as his own rightful inheritance. As he heartily joined his countrymen and the Aztecs in their detestation of the white men, his claims were sanctioned by the Mexican emperor. Soon after his accession, the new lord of Tezcuco had an opportunity of showing his loyalty to his imperial patron in an effectual manner.

A body of forty-five Spaniards, ignorant of the disasters in Mexico, were transporting thither a large quantity of gold, at the very time their countrymen were on the retreat to Tlascala. As they passed through the Tezcucan territory, they were attacked by Coanaco’s orders, most of them massacred on the spot, and the rest sent for sacrifice to Mexico. The arms and accoutrements of these unfortunate men were hung up as trophies in the temples, and their skins, stripped from their dead bodies, were suspended over the bloody shrines, as the most acceptable offering to the offended deities.[307]

Some months after this event, the exiled prince, Cuicuitzca, wearied with his residence in Tlascala, and pining for his former royal state, made his way back secretly to Tezcuco, hoping, it would seem, to raise a party there in his favor. But, if such were his expectations, they were sadly disappointed; for no sooner had he set foot in the capital than he was betrayed to his brother, who, by the advice of Guatemozin, put him to death, as a traitor to his country.[308] Such was the posture of affairs in Tezcuco when Cortés, for the second time, approached its gates; and well might he doubt, not merely the nature of his reception there, but whether he would be permitted to enter it at all, without force of arms.

These apprehensions were dispelled the following morning, when, before the troops were well under arms, an embassy was announced from the lord of Tezcuco. It consisted of several nobles, some of whom were known to the companions of Cortés. They bore a golden flag in token of amity, and a present of no great value to Cortés. They brought also a message from the cacique, imploring the general to spare his territories, inviting him to take up his quarters in his capital, and promising on his arrival to become the vassal of the Spanish sovereign.

Cortés dissembled the satisfaction with which he listened to these overtures, and sternly demanded of the envoys an account of the Spaniards who had been massacred, insisting, at the same time, on the immediate restitution of the plunder. But the Indian nobles excused themselves by throwing the whole blame upon the Aztec emperor, by whose orders the deed had been perpetrated, and who now had possession of the treasure. They urged Cortés not to enter the city that day, but to pass the night in the suburbs, that their master might have time to prepare suitable accommodations for him. The Spanish commander, however, gave no heed to this suggestion, but pushed forward his march, and at noon, on the thirty-first of December, 1520, entered, at the head of his legions, the venerable walls of Tezcuco, “the place of rest,” as not inaptly denominated.[309]

He was struck, as when he before visited this populous city, with the solitude and silence which reigned throughout its streets. He was conducted to the palace of Nezahualpilli,{*} which was assigned as his quarters. It was an irregular pile of low buildings, covering a wide extent of ground, like the royal residence occupied by the troops in Mexico. It was spacious enough to furnish accommodations not only for all the Spaniards, says Cortés, but for twice their number.[310] He gave orders, on his arrival, that all regard should be paid to the persons and property of the citizens, and forbade any Spaniard to leave his quarters, under pain of death.

{*} [Nezahualcoytl. According to Ixtlilxochitl, the only authority on this point, it was the palace of Nezahualpilli that was burned by the Tlascalans soon after their arrival.--M.]

His commands were not effectual to suppress some excesses of his Indian allies, if the report of the Tezcucan chronicler be correct, who states that the Tlascalans burned down one of the royal palaces soon after their arrival. It was the depository of the national archives; and the conflagration, however it may have occurred, may well be deplored by the antiquary, who might have found in its hieroglyphic records some clue to the migrations of the mysterious races which first settled on the highlands of Anahuac.[311]

Alarmed at the apparent desertion of the place, as well as by the fact that none of its principal inhabitants came to welcome him, Cortés ordered some soldiers to ascend the neighboring _teocalli_ and survey the city. They soon returned with the report that the inhabitants were leaving it in great numbers, with their families and effects, some in canoes upon the lake, others on foot towards the mountains. The general now comprehended the import of the cacique’s suggestion that the Spaniards should pass the night in the suburbs,--in order to secure time for evacuating the city. He feared that the chief himself might have fled. He lost no time in detaching troops to secure the principal avenues, where they were to turn back the fugitives, and arrest the cacique, if he were among the number. But it was too late. Coanaco was already far on his way across the lake to Mexico.

Cortés now determined to turn this event to his own account, by placing another ruler on the throne, who should be more subservient to his interests. He called a meeting of the few principal persons still remaining in the city, and, by their advice and ostensible election, advanced a brother of the late sovereign to the dignity, which they declared vacant. This prince, who consented to be baptized, was a willing instrument in the hands of the Spaniards. He survived but a few months,[312] and was succeeded by another member of the royal house, named Ixtlilxochitl, who, indeed, as general of his armies, may be said to have held the reins of government in his hands during his brother’s lifetime. As this person was intimately associated with the Spaniards in their subsequent operations, to the success of which he essentially contributed, it is proper to give some account of his early history, which, in truth, is as much enveloped in the marvellous as that of any fabulous hero of antiquity.[313]

He was son, by a second queen, of the great Nezahualpilli. Some alarming prodigies at his birth, and the gloomy aspect of the planets, led the astrologers who cast his horoscope to advise the king, his father, to take away the infant’s life, since, if he lived to grow up, he was destined to unite with the enemies of his country and overturn its institutions and religion. But the old monarch replied, says the chronicler, that “the time had arrived when the sons of Quetzalcoatl were to come from the East to take possession of the land, and, if the Almighty had selected his child to co-operate with them in the work, His will be done.”[314]

As the boy advanced in years, he exhibited a marvellous precocity not merely of talent, but of mischievous activity, which afforded an alarming prognostic for the future. When about twelve years old, he formed a little corps of followers of about his own age, or somewhat older, with whom he practised the military exercises of his nation, conducting mimic fights and occasionally assaulting the peaceful burghers and throwing the whole city as well as palace into uproar and confusion. Some of his father’s ancient counsellors, connecting this conduct with the predictions at his birth, saw in it such alarming symptoms that they repeated the advice of the astrologers to take away the prince’s life, if the monarch would not see his kingdom one day given up to anarchy. This unpleasant advice was reported to the juvenile offender, who was so much exasperated by it that he put himself at the head of a party of his young desperadoes, and, entering the houses of the offending counsellors, dragged them forth and administered to them the _garrote_,--the mode in which capital punishment was inflicted in Tezcuco.

He was seized and brought before his father. When questioned as to his extraordinary conduct, he coolly replied “that he had done no more than he had a right to do. The guilty ministers had deserved their fate, by endeavoring to alienate his father’s affections from him, for no other reason than his too great fondness for the profession of arms,--the most honorable profession in the state, and the one most worthy of a prince. If they had suffered death, it was no more than they had intended for him.” The wise Nezahualpilli, says the chronicler, found much force in these reasons; and, as he saw nothing low and sordid in the action, but rather the ebullition of a daring spirit, which in after-life might lead to great things, he contented himself with bestowing a grave admonition on the juvenile culprit.[315] Whether this admonition had any salutary effect on his subsequent demeanor, we are not informed. It is said, however, that as he grew older he took an active part in the wars of his country, and, when no more than seventeen, had won for himself the insignia of a valiant and victorious captain.[316]

On his father’s death, he disputed the succession with his elder brother, Cacama. The country was menaced with a civil war, when the affair was compromised by his brother’s ceding to him that portion of his territories which lay among the mountains. On the arrival of the Spaniards, the young chieftain--for he was scarcely twenty years of age--made, as we have seen, many friendly demonstrations towards them, induced, no doubt, by his hatred of Montezuma, who had supported the pretensions of Cacama.[317] It was not, however, till his advancement to the lordship of Tezcuco that he showed the full extent of his good will. From that hour he became the fast friend of the Christians, supporting them with his personal authority and the whole strength of his military array and resources, which, although much shorn of their ancient splendor since the days of his father, were still considerable, and made him a most valuable ally. His important services have been gratefully commemorated by the Castilian historians; and history should certainly not defraud him of his just meed of glory,--the melancholy glory of having contributed more than any other chieftain of Anahuac to rivet the chains of the white man round the necks of his countrymen.

The two pillars on which the story of the Conquest mainly rests are
the Chronicles of Gomara and of Bernal Diaz, two individuals having
as little resemblance to each other as the courtly and cultivated
churchman has to the unlettered soldier.

The first of these, Francisco Lopez de Gomara, was a native of
Seville. On the return of Cortés to Spain after the Conquest,
Gomara became his chaplain, and on his patron’s death continued in
the service of his son, the second Marquis of the Valley. It was
then that he wrote his Chronicle; and the circumstances under which
it was produced might lead one to conjecture that the narrative
would not be conducted on the strict principles of historic
impartiality. Nor would such a conjecture be without foundation.
The history of the Conquest is necessarily that of the great man
who achieved it. But Gomara has thrown his hero’s character into so
bold relief that it has entirely overshadowed that of his brave
companions in arms; and, while he has tenderly drawn the veil over
the infirmities of his favorite, he is ever studious to display his
exploits in the full blaze of panegyric. His situation may in some
degree excuse his partiality. But it did not vindicate him in the
eyes of the honest Las Casas, who seldom concludes a chapter of his
own narrative of the Conquest without administering a wholesome
castigation to Gomara. He even goes so far as to tax the chaplain
with “downright falsehood,” assuring us “that he had neither eyes
nor ears but for what his patron chose to dictate to him.” That
this is not literally true is evident from the fact that the
narrative was not written till several years after the death of
Cortés. Indeed, Gomara derived his information from the highest
sources; not merely from his patron’s family, but also from the
most distinguished actors in the great drama, with whom his
position in society placed him in intimate communication.

The materials thus obtained he arranged with a symmetry little
understood by the chroniclers of the time. Instead of their
rambling incoherencies, his style displays an elegant brevity; it
is as clear as it is concise. If the facts are somewhat too thickly
crowded on the reader, and occupy the mind too busily for
reflection, they at least all tend to a determinate point, and the
story, instead of dragging its slow length along till our patience
and interest are exhausted, steadily maintains its onward march. In
short, the execution of the work is not only superior to that of
most contemporary narratives, but, to a certain extent, may aspire
to the rank of a classical composition.

Owing to these circumstances, Gomara’s History soon obtained
general circulation and celebrity; and, while many a letter of
Cortés, and the more elaborate compositions of Oviedo and Las
Casas, were suffered to slumber in manuscript, Gomara’s writings
were printed and reprinted in his own day, and translated into
various languages of Europe. The first edition of the _Crónica de
la Nueva-España_ appeared at Medina, in 1553; it was republished at
Antwerp the following year. It has since been incorporated in
Barcia’s collection, and lastly, in 1826, made its appearance on
this side of the water from the Mexican press. The circumstances
attending this last edition are curious. The Mexican government
appropriated a small sum to defray the expense of translating what
was supposed to be an original chronicle of Chimalpain, an Indian
writer who lived at the close of the sixteenth century. The care of
the translation was committed to the laborious Bustamante. But
this scholar had not proceeded far in his labor when he
ascertained that the supposed original was itself an Aztec
translation of Gomara’s Chronicle. He persevered, however, in his
editorial labors, until he had given to the public an American
edition of Gomara. It is a fact more remarkable that the editor in
his different compilations constantly refers to this same work as
the Chronicle of Chimalpain.

The other authority to which I have adverted is Bernal Diaz del
Castillo, a native of Medina del Campo in Old Castile. He was born
of a poor and humble family, and in 1514 came over to seek his
fortunes in the New World. He embarked as a common soldier under
Cordova in the first expedition to Yucatan. He accompanied Grijalva
in the following year to the same quarter, and finally enlisted
under the banner of Cortés. He followed this victorious chief in
his first march up the great plateau; descended with him to make
the assault on Narvaez; shared the disasters of the _noche triste_;
and was present at the siege and surrender of the capital. In
short, there was scarcely an event or an action of importance in
the whole war in which he did not bear a part. He was engaged in a
hundred and nineteen different battles and rencontres, in several
of which he was wounded, and in more than one narrowly escaped
falling into the enemy’s hands. In all these Bernal Diaz displayed
the old Castilian valor, and a loyalty which made him proof against
the mutinous spirit that too often disturbed the harmony of the
camp. On every occasion he was found true to his commander and to
the cause in which he was embarked. And his fidelity is attested
not only by his own report, but by the emphatic commendations of
his general; who selected him on this account for offices of trust
and responsibility, which furnished the future chronicler with
access to the best means of information in respect to the Conquest.

On the settlement of the country, Bernal Diaz received his share of
the _repartimientos_ of land and laborers. But the arrangement was
not to his satisfaction; and he loudly murmurs at the selfishness
of his commander, too much engrossed by the care for his own
emoluments to think of his followers. The division of spoil is
usually an unthankful office. Diaz had been too long used to a life
of adventure to be content with one of torpid security. He took
part in several expeditions conducted by the captains of Cortés,
and he accompanied that chief in his terrible passage through the
forests of Honduras. At length, in 1568, we find the veteran
established as regidor of the city of Guatemala, peacefully
employed in recounting the valorous achievements of his youth. It
was then nearly half a century after the Conquest. He had survived
his general and nearly all his ancient companions in arms. Five
only remained of that gallant band who had accompanied Cortés on
his expedition from Cuba; and those five, to borrow the words of
the old chronicler, were “poor, aged, and infirm, with children and
grandchildren looking to them for support, but with scarcely the
means of affording it,--ending their days, as they had begun them,
in toil and trouble.” Such was the fate of the Conquerors of golden
Mexico.

The motives which induced Bernal Diaz to take up his pen at so late
a period of life were to vindicate for himself and his comrades
that share of renown in the Conquest which fairly belonged to them.
Of this they had been deprived, as he conceived, by the exaggerated
reputation of their general; owing, no doubt, in part, to the
influence of Gomara’s writings. It was not, however, till he had
advanced beyond the threshold of his own work that Diaz met with
that of the chaplain. The contrast presented by his own homely
diction to the clear and polished style of his predecessor filled
him with so much disgust that he threw down his pen in despair.
But, when he had read further, and saw the gross inaccuracies and
what he deemed disregard of truth in his rival, he resumed his
labors, determined to exhibit to the world a narrative which should
at least have the merit of fidelity. Such was the origin of the
_Historia verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva-España_.

The chronicler may be allowed to have succeeded in his object. In
reading his pages, we feel that, whatever are the errors into which
he has fallen, from oblivion of ancient transactions, or from
unconscious vanity,--of which he had full measure,--or from
credulity, or any other cause, there is nowhere a wilful perversion
of truth. Had he attempted it, indeed, his very simplicity would
have betrayed him. Even in relation to Cortés, while he endeavors
to adjust the true balance between his pretensions and those of his
followers, and while he freely exposes his cunning or cupidity, and
sometimes his cruelty, he does ample justice to his great and
heroic qualities. With all his defects, it is clear that he
considers his own chief as superior to any other of ancient or
modern times. In the heat of remonstrance, he is ever ready to
testify his loyalty and personal attachment. When calumnies assail
his commander, or he experiences unmerited slight or indignity, the
loyal chronicler is prompt to step forward and shield him. In
short, it is evident that, however much he may at times censure
Cortés, he will allow no one else to do it.

Bernal Diaz, the untutored child of nature, is a most true and
literal copyist of nature. He transfers the scenes of real life by
a sort of _daguerreotype_ process, if I may so say, to his pages.
He is among chroniclers what De Foe is among novelists. He
introduces us into the heart of the camp, we huddle round the
bivouac with the soldiers, loiter with them on their wearisome
marches, listen to their stories, their murmurs of discontent,
their plans of conquest, their hopes, their triumphs, their
disappointments. All the picturesque scenes and romantic incidents
of the campaign are reflected in his page as in a mirror. The lapse
of fifty years has had no power over the spirit of the veteran. The
fire of youth glows in every line of his rude history; and, as he
calls up the scenes of the past, the remembrance of the brave
companions who are gone gives, it may be, a warmer coloring to the
picture than if it had been made at an earlier period. Time, and
reflection, and the apprehensions for the future, which might steal
over the evening of life, have no power over the settled opinions
of his earlier days. He has no misgivings as to the right of
conquest, or as to the justice of the severities inflicted on the
natives. He is still the soldier of the Cross; and those who fell
by his side in the fight were martyrs for the faith. “Where are now
my companions?” he asks; “they have fallen in battle or been
devoured by the cannibal, or been thrown to fatten the wild beasts
in their cages! they whose remains should rather have been gathered
under monuments emblazoned with their achievements, which deserve
to be commemorated in letters of gold; for they died in the service
of God and of his Majesty, and to give light to those who sat in
darkness,--_and also to acquire that wealth which most men covet_.”
The last motive--thus tardily and incidentally expressed--may be
thought by some to furnish a better key than either of the
preceding to the conduct of the Conquerors. It is, at all events, a
specimen of that _naïveté_ which gives an irresistible charm to the
old chronicler, and which, in spite of himself, unlocks his bosom,
as it were, and lays it open to the eye of the reader.

It may seem extraordinary that after so long an interval, the
incidents of his campaigns should have been so freshly remembered.
But we must consider that they were of the most strange and
romantic character, well fitted to make an impression on a young
and susceptible imagination. They had probably been rehearsed by
the veteran again and again to his family and friends, until every
passage of the war was as familiar to his mind as the “tale of
Troy” to the Greek rhapsodist, or the interminable adventures of
Sir Lancelot or Sir Gawain to the Norman minstrel. The throwing of
his narrative into the form of chronicle was but repeating it once
more.

The literary merits of the work are of a very humble order; as
might be expected from the condition of the writer. He has not even
the art to conceal his own vulgar vanity, which breaks out with a
truly comic ostentation in every page of the narrative. And yet we
should have charity for this, when we find that it is attended with
no disposition to depreciate the merits of others, and that its
display may be referred in part to the singular simplicity of the
man. He honestly confesses his infirmity, though, indeed, to excuse
it. “When my chronicle was finished,” he says, “I submitted it to
two licentiates, who were desirous of reading the story, and for
whom I felt all the respect which an ignorant man naturally feels
for a scholar. I besought them, at the same time, to make no change
or correction in the manuscript, as all there was set down in good
faith. When they had read the work, they much commended me for my
wonderful memory. The language, they said, was good old Castilian,
without any of the flourishes and finicalities so much affected by
our fine writers. But they remarked that it would have been as well
if I had not praised myself and my comrades so liberally, but had
left that to others. To this I answered that it was common for
neighbors and kindred to speak kindly of one another; and, if we
did not speak well of ourselves, who would? Who else witnessed our
exploits and our battles,--unless, indeed, the clouds in the sky,
and the birds that were flying over our heads?”

Notwithstanding the liberal encomiums passed by the licentiates on
our author’s style, it is of a very homely texture, abounding in
colloquial barbarisms, and seasoned occasionally by the piquant
sallies of the camp. It has the merit, however, of clearly
conveying the writer’s thoughts, and is well suited to their simple
character. His narrative is put together with even less skill than
is usual among his craft, and abounds in digressions and
repetitions, such as vulgar gossips are apt to use in telling their
stories. But it is superfluous to criticise a work by the rules of
art which was written manifestly in total ignorance of those rules,
and which, however we may criticise it, will be read and re-read by
the scholar and the schoolboy, while the compositions of more
classic chroniclers sleep undisturbed on their shelves.

In what, then, lies the charm of the work? In that spirit of truth
which pervades it; which shows us situations as they were, and
sentiments as they really existed in the heart of the writer. It is
this which imparts a living interest to his story, and which is
more frequently found in the productions of the untutored penman
solely intent upon facts, than in those of the ripe and fastidious
scholar occupied with the mode of expressing them.

It was by a mere chance that this inimitable chronicle was rescued
from the oblivion into which so many works of higher pretensions
have fallen in the Peninsula. For more than sixty years after its
composition the manuscript lay concealed in the obscurity of a
private library, when it was put into the hands of Father Alonso
Remon, Chronicler-General of the Order of Mercy. He had the
sagacity to discover, under its rude exterior, its high value in
illustrating the history of the Conquest. He obtained a license for
the publication of the work, and under his auspices it appeared at
Madrid in 1632,--the edition used in the preparation of these
volumes.