Chapter LXIV: Moguls, Ottoman Turks.—Part IV

But the Greeks had not time to rejoice in the death of their
enemies; and the Turkish cimeter was wielded with the same spirit
by Amurath the First, the son of Orchan, and the brother of
Soliman. By the pale and fainting light of the Byzantine annals,
52 we can discern, that he subdued without resistance the whole
province of Romania or Thrace, from the Hellespont to Mount
Hæmus, and the verge of the capital; and that Adrianople was
chosen for the royal seat of his government and religion in
Europe. Constantinople, whose decline is almost coeval with her
foundation, had often, in the lapse of a thousand years, been
assaulted by the Barbarians of the East and West; but never till
this fatal hour had the Greeks been surrounded, both in Asia and
Europe, by the arms of the same hostile monarchy. Yet the
prudence or generosity of Amurath postponed for a while this easy
conquest; and his pride was satisfied with the frequent and
humble attendance of the emperor John Palæologus and his four
sons, who followed at his summons the court and camp of the
Ottoman prince. He marched against the Sclavonian nations between
the Danube and the Adriatic, the Bulgarians, Servians, Bosnians,
and Albanians; and these warlike tribes, who had so often
insulted the majesty of the empire, were repeatedly broken by his
destructive inroads. Their countries did not abound either in
gold or silver; nor were their rustic hamlets and townships
enriched by commerce or decorated by the arts of luxury. But the
natives of the soil have been distinguished in every age by their
hardiness of mind and body; and they were converted by a prudent
institution into the firmest and most faithful supporters of the
Ottoman greatness. 53 The vizier of Amurath reminded his
sovereign that, according to the Mahometan law, he was entitled
to a fifth part of the spoil and captives; and that the duty
might easily be levied, if vigilant officers were stationed in
Gallipoli, to watch the passage, and to select for his use the
stoutest and most beautiful of the Christian youth. The advice
was followed: the edict was proclaimed; many thousands of the
European captives were educated in religion and arms; and the new
militia was consecrated and named by a celebrated dervis.
Standing in the front of their ranks, he stretched the sleeve of
his gown over the head of the foremost soldier, and his blessing
was delivered in these words: “Let them be called Janizaries,
(_Yengi cheri_, or new soldiers;) may their countenance be ever
bright! their hand victorious! their sword keen! may their spear
always hang over the heads of their enemies! and wheresoever they
go, may they return with a _white face!_” 54 541 Such was the
origin of these haughty troops, the terror of the nations, and
sometimes of the sultans themselves. Their valor has declined,
their discipline is relaxed, and their tumultuary array is
incapable of contending with the order and weapons of modern
tactics; but at the time of their institution, they possessed a
decisive superiority in war; since a regular body of infantry, in
constant exercise and pay, was not maintained by any of the
princes of Christendom. The Janizaries fought with the zeal of
proselytes against their _idolatrous_ countrymen; and in the
battle of Cossova, the league and independence of the Sclavonian
tribes was finally crushed. As the conqueror walked over the
field, he observed that the greatest part of the slain consisted
of beardless youths; and listened to the flattering reply of his
vizier, that age and wisdom would have taught them not to oppose
his irresistible arms. But the sword of his Janizaries could not
defend him from the dagger of despair; a Servian soldier started
from the crowd of dead bodies, and Amurath was pierced in the
belly with a mortal wound. 542 The grandson of Othman was mild in
his temper, modest in his apparel, and a lover of learning and
virtue; but the Moslems were scandalized at his absence from
public worship; and he was corrected by the firmness of the
mufti, who dared to reject his testimony in a civil cause: a
mixture of servitude and freedom not unfrequent in Oriental
history. 55

52 (return) [ After the conclusion of Cantacuzene and Gregoras,
there follows a dark interval of a hundred years. George Phranza,
Michael Ducas, and Laonicus Chalcondyles, all three wrote after
the taking of Constantinople.]

53 (return) [ See Cantemir, p. 37—41, with his own large and
curious annotations.]

54 (return) [ _White_ and _black_ face are common and proverbial
expressions of praise and reproach in the Turkish language. Hic
_niger_ est, hunc tu Romane caveto, was likewise a Latin
sentence.]

541 (return) [ According to Von Hammer. vol. i. p. 90, Gibbon and
the European writers assign too late a date to this enrolment of
the Janizaries. It took place not in the reign of Amurath, but in
that of his predecessor Orchan.—M.]

542 (return) [ Ducas has related this as a deliberate act of
self-devotion on the part of a Servian noble who pretended to
desert, and stabbed Amurath during a conference which he had
requested. The Italian translator of Ducas, published by Bekker
in the new edition of the Byzantines, has still further
heightened the romance. See likewise in Von Hammer (Osmanische
Geschichte, vol. i. p. 138) the popular Servian account, which
resembles that of Ducas, and may have been the source of that of
his Italian translator. The Turkish account agrees more nearly
with Gibbon; but the Servian, (Milosch Kohilovisch) while he lay
among the heap of the dead, pretended to have some secret to
impart to Amurath, and stabbed him while he leaned over to
listen.—M.]

55 (return) [ See the life and death of Morad, or Amurath I., in
Cantemir, (p 33—45,) the first book of Chalcondyles, and the
Annales Turcici of Leunclavius. According to another story, the
sultan was stabbed by a Croat in his tent; and this accident was
alleged to Busbequius (Epist i. p. 98) as an excuse for the
unworthy precaution of pinioning, as if were, between two
attendants, an ambassador’s arms, when he is introduced to the
royal presence.]

The character of Bajazet, the son and successor of Amurath, is
strongly expressed in his surname of _Ilderim_, or the lightning;
and he might glory in an epithet, which was drawn from the fiery
energy of his soul and the rapidity of his destructive march. In
the fourteen years of his reign, 56 he incessantly moved at the
head of his armies, from Boursa to Adrianople, from the Danube to
the Euphrates; and, though he strenuously labored for the
propagation of the law, he invaded, with impartial ambition, the
Christian and Mahometan princes of Europe and Asia. From Angora
to Amasia and Erzeroum, the northern regions of Anatolia were
reduced to his obedience: he stripped of their hereditary
possessions his brother emirs of Ghermian and Caramania, of Aidin
and Sarukhan; and after the conquest of Iconium the ancient
kingdom of the Seljukians again revived in the Ottoman dynasty.
Nor were the conquests of Bajazet less rapid or important in
Europe. No sooner had he imposed a regular form of servitude on
the Servians and Bulgarians, than he passed the Danube to seek
new enemies and new subjects in the heart of Moldavia. 57
Whatever yet adhered to the Greek empire in Thrace, Macedonia,
and Thessaly, acknowledged a Turkish master: an obsequious bishop
led him through the gates of Thermopylæ into Greece; and we may
observe, as a singular fact, that the widow of a Spanish chief,
who possessed the ancient seat of the oracle of Delphi, deserved
his favor by the sacrifice of a beauteous daughter. The Turkish
communication between Europe and Asia had been dangerous and
doubtful, till he stationed at Gallipoli a fleet of galleys, to
command the Hellespont and intercept the Latin succors of
Constantinople. While the monarch indulged his passions in a
boundless range of injustice and cruelty, he imposed on his
soldiers the most rigid laws of modesty and abstinence; and the
harvest was peaceably reaped and sold within the precincts of his
camp. Provoked by the loose and corrupt administration of
justice, he collected in a house the judges and lawyers of his
dominions, who expected that in a few moments the fire would be
kindled to reduce them to ashes. His ministers trembled in
silence: but an Æthiopian buffoon presumed to insinuate the true
cause of the evil; and future venality was left without excuse,
by annexing an adequate salary to the office of cadhi. 58 The
humble title of emir was no longer suitable to the Ottoman
greatness; and Bajazet condescended to accept a patent of sultan
from the caliphs who served in Egypt under the yoke of the
Mamalukes: 59 a last and frivolous homage that was yielded by
force to opinion; by the Turkish conquerors to the house of Abbas
and the successors of the Arabian prophet. The ambition of the
sultan was inflamed by the obligation of deserving this august
title; and he turned his arms against the kingdom of Hungary, the
perpetual theatre of the Turkish victories and defeats.
Sigismond, the Hungarian king, was the son and brother of the
emperors of the West: his cause was that of Europe and the
church; and, on the report of his danger, the bravest knights of
France and Germany were eager to march under his standard and
that of the cross. In the battle of Nicopolis, Bajazet defeated a
confederate army of a hundred thousand Christians, who had
proudly boasted, that if the sky should fall, they could uphold
it on their lances. The far greater part were slain or driven
into the Danube; and Sigismond, escaping to Constantinople by the
river and the Black Sea, returned after a long circuit to his
exhausted kingdom. 60 In the pride of victory, Bajazet threatened
that he would besiege Buda; that he would subdue the adjacent
countries of Germany and Italy, and that he would feed his horse
with a bushel of oats on the altar of St. Peter at Rome. His
progress was checked, not by the miraculous interposition of the
apostle, not by a crusade of the Christian powers, but by a long
and painful fit of the gout. The disorders of the moral, are
sometimes corrected by those of the physical, world; and an
acrimonious humor falling on a single fibre of one man, may
prevent or suspend the misery of nations.

56 (return) [ The reign of Bajazet I., or Ilderim Bayazid, is
contained in Cantemir, (p. 46,) the iid book of Chalcondyles, and
the Annales Turcici. The surname of Ilderim, or lightning, is an
example, that the conquerors and poets of every age have _felt_
the truth of a system which derives the sublime from the
principle of terror.]

57 (return) [ Cantemir, who celebrates the victories of the great
Stephen over the Turks, (p. 47,) had composed the ancient and
modern state of his principality of Moldavia, which has been long
promised, and is still unpublished.]

58 (return) [ Leunclav. Annal. Turcici, p. 318, 319. The venality
of the cadhis has long been an object of scandal and satire; and
if we distrust the observations of our travellers, we may consult
the feeling of the Turks themselves, (D’Herbelot, Bibliot.
Orientale, p. 216, 217, 229, 230.)]

59 (return) [ The fact, which is attested by the Arabic history
of Ben Schounah, a contemporary Syrian, (De Guignes Hist. des
Huns. tom. iv. p. 336.) destroys the testimony of Saad Effendi
and Cantemir, (p. 14, 15,) of the election of Othman to the
dignity of sultan.]

60 (return) [ See the Decades Rerum Hungaricarum (Dec. iii. l.
ii. p. 379) of Bonfinius, an Italian, who, in the xvth century,
was invited into Hungary to compose an eloquent history of that
kingdom. Yet, if it be extant and accessible, I should give the
preference to some homely chronicle of the time and country.]

Such is the general idea of the Hungarian war; but the disastrous
adventure of the French has procured us some memorials which
illustrate the victory and character of Bajazet. 61 The duke of
Burgundy, sovereign of Flanders, and uncle of Charles the Sixth,
yielded to the ardor of his son, John count of Nevers; and the
fearless youth was accompanied by four princes, his _cousins_,
and those of the French monarch. Their inexperience was guided by
the Sire de Coucy, one of the best and oldest captain of
Christendom; 62 but the constable, admiral, and marshal of France
63 commanded an army which did not exceed the number of a
thousand knights and squires. 631 These splendid names were the
source of presumption and the bane of discipline. So many might
aspire to command, that none were willing to obey; their national
spirit despised both their enemies and their allies; and in the
persuasion that Bajazet _would_ fly, or _must_ fall, they began
to compute how soon they should visit Constantinople and deliver
the holy sepulchre. When their scouts announced the approach of
the Turks, the gay and thoughtless youths were at table, already
heated with wine; they instantly clasped their armor, mounted
their horses, rode full speed to the vanguard, and resented as an
affront the advice of Sigismond, which would have deprived them
of the right and honor of the foremost attack. The battle of
Nicopolis would not have been lost, if the French would have
obeyed the prudence of the Hungarians; but it might have been
gloriously won, had the Hungarians imitated the valor of the
French. They dispersed the first line, consisting of the troops
of Asia; forced a rampart of stakes, which had been planted
against the cavalry; broke, after a bloody conflict, the
Janizaries themselves; and were at length overwhelmed by the
numerous squadrons that issued from the woods, and charged on all
sides this handful of intrepid warriors. In the speed and secrecy
of his march, in the order and evolutions of the battle, his
enemies felt and admired the military talents of Bajazet. They
accuse his cruelty in the use of victory. After reserving the
count of Nevers, and four-and-twenty lords, 632 whose birth and
riches were attested by his Latin interpreters, the remainder of
the French captives, who had survived the slaughter of the day,
were led before his throne; and, as they refused to abjure their
faith, were successively beheaded in his presence. The sultan was
exasperated by the loss of his bravest Janizaries; and if it be
true, that, on the eve of the engagement, the French had
massacred their Turkish prisoners, 64 they might impute to
themselves the consequences of a just retaliation. 641 A knight,
whose life had been spared, was permitted to return to Paris,
that he might relate the deplorable tale, and solicit the ransom
of the noble captives. In the mean while, the count of Nevers,
with the princes and barons of France, were dragged along in the
marches of the Turkish camp, exposed as a grateful trophy to the
Moslems of Europe and Asia, and strictly confined at Boursa, as
often as Bajazet resided in his capital. The sultan was pressed
each day to expiate with their blood the blood of his martyrs;
but he had pronounced that they should live, and either for mercy
or destruction his word was irrevocable. He was assured of their
value and importance by the return of the messenger, and the
gifts and intercessions of the kings of France and of Cyprus.
Lusignan presented him with a gold saltcellar of curious
workmanship, and of the price of ten thousand ducats; and Charles
the Sixth despatched by the way of Hungary a cast of Norwegian
hawks, and six horse-loads of scarlet cloth, of fine linen of
Rheims, and of Arras tapestry, representing the battles of the
great Alexander. After much delay, the effect of distance rather
than of art, Bajazet agreed to accept a ransom of two hundred
thousand ducats for the count of Nevers and the surviving princes
and barons: the marshal Boucicault, a famous warrior, was of the
number of the fortunate; but the admiral of France had been slain
in battle; and the constable, with the Sire de Coucy, died in the
prison of Boursa. This heavy demand, which was doubled by
incidental costs, fell chiefly on the duke of Burgundy, or rather
on his Flemish subjects, who were bound by the feudal laws to
contribute for the knighthood and captivity of the eldest son of
their lord. For the faithful discharge of the debt, some
merchants of Genoa gave security to the amount of five times the
sum; a lesson to those warlike times, that commerce and credit
are the links of the society of nations. It had been stipulated
in the treaty, that the French captives should swear never to
bear arms against the person of their conqueror; but the
ungenerous restraint was abolished by Bajazet himself. “I
despise,” said he to the heir of Burgundy, “thy oaths and thy
arms. Thou art young, and mayest be ambitious of effacing the
disgrace or misfortune of thy first chivalry. Assemble thy
powers, proclaim thy design, and be assured that Bajazet will
rejoice to meet thee a second time in a field of battle.” Before
their departure, they were indulged in the freedom and
hospitality of the court of Boursa. The French princes admired
the magnificence of the Ottoman, whose hunting and hawking
equipage was composed of seven thousand huntsmen and seven
thousand falconers. 65 In their presence, and at his command, the
belly of one of his chamberlains was cut open, on a complaint
against him for drinking the goat’s milk of a poor woman. The
strangers were astonished by this act of justice; but it was the
justice of a sultan who disdains to balance the weight of
evidence, or to measure the degrees of guilt.

61 (return) [ I should not complain of the labor of this work, if
my materials were always derived from such books as the chronicle
of honest Froissard, (vol. iv. c. 67, 72, 74, 79—83, 85, 87, 89,)
who read little, inquired much, and believed all. The original
Mémoires of the Maréchal de Boucicault (Partie i. c. 22—28) add
some facts, but they are dry and deficient, if compared with the
pleasant garrulity of Froissard.]

62 (return) [ An accurate Memoir on the Life of Enguerrand VII.,
Sire de Coucy, has been given by the Baron de Zurlauben, (Hist.
de l’Académie des Inscriptions, tom. xxv.) His rank and
possessions were equally considerable in France and England; and,
in 1375, he led an army of adventurers into Switzerland, to
recover a large patrimony which he claimed in right of his
grandmother, the daughter of the emperor Albert I. of Austria,
(Sinner, Voyage dans la Suisse Occidentale, tom. i. p. 118—124.)]

63 (return) [ That military office, so respectable at present,
was still more conspicuous when it was divided between two
persons, (Daniel, Hist. de la Milice Françoise, tom. ii. p. 5.)
One of these, the marshal of the crusade, was the famous
Boucicault, who afterwards defended Constantinople, governed
Genoa, invaded the coast of Asia, and died in the field of
Azincour.]

631 (return) [ Daru, Hist. de Venice, vol. ii. p. 104, makes the
whole French army amount to 10,000 men, of whom 1000 were
knights. The curious volume of Schiltberger, a German of Munich,
who was taken prisoner in the battle, (edit. Munich, 1813,) and
which V. Hammer receives as authentic, gives the whole number at
6000. See Schiltberger. Reise in dem Orient. and V. Hammer, note,
p. 610.—M.]

632 (return) [ According to Schiltberger there were only twelve
French lords granted to the prayer of the “duke of Burgundy,” and
“Herr Stephan Synther, and Johann von Bodem.” Schiltberger, p.
13.—M.]

64 (return) [ For this odious fact, the Abbé de Vertot quotes the
Hist. Anonyme de St. Denys, l. xvi. c. 10, 11. (Ordre de Malthe,
tom. ii. p. 310.)]

641 (return) [ See Schiltberger’s very graphic account of the
massacre. He was led out to be slaughtered in cold blood with the
rest f the Christian prisoners, amounting to 10,000. He was
spared at the intercession of the son of Bajazet, with a few
others, on account of their extreme youth. No one under 20 years
of age was put to death. The “duke of Burgundy” was obliged to be
a spectator of this butchery which lasted from early in the
morning till four o’clock, P. M. It ceased only at the
supplication of the leaders of Bajazet’s army. Schiltberger, p.
14.—M.]

65 (return) [ Sherefeddin Ali (Hist. de Timour Bec, l. v. c. 13)
allows Bajazet a round number of 12,000 officers and servants of
the chase. A part of his spoils was afterwards displayed in a
hunting-match of Timour, l. hounds with satin housings; 2.
leopards with collars set with jewels; 3. Grecian greyhounds; and
4, dogs from Europe, as strong as African lions, (idem, l. vi. c.
15.) Bajazet was particularly fond of flying his hawks at cranes,
(Chalcondyles, l. ii. p. 85.)]

After his enfranchisement from an oppressive guardian, John
Palæologus remained thirty-six years, the helpless, and, as it
should seem, the careless spectator of the public ruin. 66 Love,
or rather lust, was his only vigorous passion; and in the
embraces of the wives and virgins of the city, the Turkish slave
forgot the dishonor of the emperor of the _Romans_ Andronicus,
his eldest son, had formed, at Adrianople, an intimate and guilty
friendship with Sauzes, the son of Amurath; and the two youths
conspired against the authority and lives of their parents. The
presence of Amurath in Europe soon discovered and dissipated
their rash counsels; and, after depriving Sauzes of his sight,
the Ottoman threatened his vassal with the treatment of an
accomplice and an enemy, unless he inflicted a similar punishment
on his own son. Palæologus trembled and obeyed; and a cruel
precaution involved in the same sentence the childhood and
innocence of John, the son of the criminal. But the operation was
so mildly, or so unskilfully, performed, that the one retained
the sight of an eye, and the other was afflicted only with the
infirmity of squinting. Thus excluded from the succession, the
two princes were confined in the tower of Anema; and the piety of
Manuel, the second son of the reigning monarch, was rewarded with
the gift of the Imperial crown. But at the end of two years, the
turbulence of the Latins and the levity of the Greeks, produced a
revolution; 661 and the two emperors were buried in the tower
from whence the two prisoners were exalted to the throne. Another
period of two years afforded Palæologus and Manuel the means of
escape: it was contrived by the magic or subtlety of a monk, who
was alternately named the angel or the devil: they fled to
Scutari; their adherents armed in their cause; and the two
Byzantine factions displayed the ambition and animosity with
which Cæsar and Pompey had disputed the empire of the world. The
Roman world was now contracted to a corner of Thrace, between the
Propontis and the Black Sea, about fifty miles in length and
thirty in breadth; a space of ground not more extensive than the
lesser principalities of Germany or Italy, if the remains of
Constantinople had not still represented the wealth and
populousness of a kingdom. To restore the public peace, it was
found necessary to divide this fragment of the empire; and while
Palæologus and Manuel were left in possession of the capital,
almost all that lay without the walls was ceded to the blind
princes, who fixed their residence at Rhodosto and Selybria. In
the tranquil slumber of royalty, the passions of John Palæologus
survived his reason and his strength: he deprived his favorite
and heir of a blooming princess of Trebizond; and while the
feeble emperor labored to consummate his nuptials, Manuel, with a
hundred of the noblest Greeks, was sent on a peremptory summons
to the Ottoman _porte_. They served with honor in the wars of
Bajazet; but a plan of fortifying Constantinople excited his
jealousy: he threatened their lives; the new works were instantly
demolished; and we shall bestow a praise, perhaps above the merit
of Palæologus, if we impute this last humiliation as the cause of
his death.

66 (return) [ For the reigns of John Palæologus and his son
Manuel, from 1354 to 1402, see Ducas, c. 9—15, Phranza, l. i. c.
16—21, and the ist and iid books of Chalcondyles, whose proper
subject is drowned in a sea of episode.]

661 (return) [ According to Von Hammer it was the power of
Bajazet, vol. i. p. 218.]

The earliest intelligence of that event was communicated to
Manuel, who escaped with speed and secrecy from the palace of
Boursa to the Byzantine throne. Bajazet affected a proud
indifference at the loss of this valuable pledge; and while he
pursued his conquests in Europe and Asia, he left the emperor to
struggle with his blind cousin John of Selybria, who, in eight
years of civil war, asserted his right of primogeniture. At
length, the ambition of the victorious sultan pointed to the
conquest of Constantinople; but he listened to the advice of his
vizier, who represented that such an enterprise might unite the
powers of Christendom in a second and more formidable crusade.
His epistle to the emperor was conceived in these words: “By the
divine clemency, our invincible cimeter has reduced to our
obedience almost all Asia, with many and large countries in
Europe, excepting only the city of Constantinople; for beyond the
walls thou hast nothing left. Resign that city; stipulate thy
reward; or tremble, for thyself and thy unhappy people, at the
consequences of a rash refusal.” But his ambassadors were
instructed to soften their tone, and to propose a treaty, which
was subscribed with submission and gratitude. A truce of ten
years was purchased by an annual tribute of thirty thousand
crowns of gold; the Greeks deplored the public toleration of the
law of Mahomet, and Bajazet enjoyed the glory of establishing a
Turkish cadhi, and founding a royal mosque in the metropolis of
the Eastern church. 67 Yet this truce was soon violated by the
restless sultan: in the cause of the prince of Selybria, the
lawful emperor, an army of Ottomans again threatened
Constantinople; and the distress of Manuel implored the
protection of the king of France. His plaintive embassy obtained
much pity and some relief; and the conduct of the succor was
intrusted to the marshal Boucicault, 68 whose religious chivalry
was inflamed by the desire of revenging his captivity on the
infidels. He sailed with four ships of war, from Aiguesmortes to
the Hellespont; forced the passage, which was guarded by
seventeen Turkish galleys; landed at Constantinople a supply of
six hundred men-at-arms and sixteen hundred archers; and reviewed
them in the adjacent plain, without condescending to number or
array the multitude of Greeks. By his presence, the blockade was
raised both by sea and land; the flying squadrons of Bajazet were
driven to a more respectful distance; and several castles in
Europe and Asia were stormed by the emperor and the marshal, who
fought with equal valor by each other’s side. But the Ottomans
soon returned with an increase of numbers; and the intrepid
Boucicault, after a year’s struggle, resolved to evacuate a
country which could no longer afford either pay or provisions for
his soldiers. The marshal offered to conduct Manuel to the French
court, where he might solicit in person a supply of men and
money; and advised, in the mean while, that, to extinguish all
domestic discord, he should leave his blind competitor on the
throne. The proposal was embraced: the prince of Selybria was
introduced to the capital; and such was the public misery, that
the lot of the exile seemed more fortunate than that of the
sovereign. Instead of applauding the success of his vassal, the
Turkish sultan claimed the city as his own; and on the refusal of
the emperor John, Constantinople was more closely pressed by the
calamities of war and famine. Against such an enemy prayers and
resistance were alike unavailing; and the savage would have
devoured his prey, if, in the fatal moment, he had not been
overthrown by another savage stronger than himself. By the
victory of Timour or Tamerlane, the fall of Constantinople was
delayed about fifty years; and this important, though accidental,
service may justly introduce the life and character of the Mogul
conqueror.

67 (return) [ Cantemir, p. 50—53. Of the Greeks, Ducas alone (c.
13, 15) acknowledges the Turkish cadhi at Constantinople. Yet
even Ducas dissembles the mosque.]

68 (return) [ Mémoires du bon Messire Jean le Maingre, dit
_Boucicault_, Maréchal de France, partie ire c. 30, 35.]