Chapter III: Part 3

Guatemozin, hearing of this, with great presence of mind, directed the Mexicans to retire, thus drawing forward the unwary Spaniards; while chosen bodies of troops were judiciously posted in various places to act when needed. The Spaniards eagerly pressed on, till, at the signal, a stroke of the great drum in the temple of the war-god, the Mexicans poured upon them with the utmost fury, and driving them on to the causeway, horsemen, foot, and Tlascalans plunged into the gap, and Cortés was unable to rally them. The rout became general, and he himself was wounded, and with difficulty saved from being led off captive by the Mexicans. Besides those who perished in the conflict, above sixty Spaniards fell into the hands of the victors. These, as night drew on, illuminated their city, and compelled their captives to dance before the image of the war-god. They then sacrificed them, their shrieks reaching the ears of their companions, who were unable to render them any assistance.

The priests now declared their god to be so propitiated by the sacrifices which had been offered upon his altar, that in eight days their enemies should be destroyed, and peace and prosperity restored. The effect of this confident prediction was such, that the Indian allies of Cortés abandoned him, and even the Tlascalans, hitherto faithful, also deserted him.

In this trying emergency, the Spaniards remained true to their commander. At length, the eight days, prescribed by the priests, having expired, and their prediction proving false, the superstitious allies of Cortés, believing that the gods, who had deceived the Mexicans, had abandoned them, returned. Cortés now prosecuted the siege with renewed vigor. The Mexicans, as before, disputed every inch of ground with incredible bravery. Still Cortés gradually advanced his lines in various quarters, and, giving up his former cherished purpose of sparing the city, as fast as any portion was gained, it was levelled to the ground, and the materials were used for filling up the canals.

This course hemmed in the Mexicans more and more closely. Famine and disease, too, made their appearance in the devoted city. Their provisions were exhausted, and their supplies of water were cut off. Still, Guatemozin remained firm, rejecting all the overtures of Cortés, and determined to die rather than to yield to the oppressors of his country. At length the Spaniards penetrated to the great square in the centre of the city. Three quarters of the whole place were now in ruins: and the remainder was so closely invested, that it could not long hold out.

The Mexicans finally prevailed upon Guatemozin to attempt an escape to the remoter provinces, where he might still be able to carry on a struggle with the invaders. To deceive Cortés, they proposed terms of submission. The general, however, became aware of their object, and gave strict injunctions to his officers to watch every motion of the enemy. The commander of one of the brigantines, perceiving at one time several canoes rowing across the lake with the greatest rapidity, gave the signal to make chase. On being overtaken, and seeing preparations making to fire on one of the canoes, all the rowers dropped their oars, threw down their arms, and besought the officer commanding the brigantine not to fire, as their king was among them.

Guatemozin immediately gave himself up, only requesting that no insult might be offered to his wife and children. When brought before Cortés, the Mexican chief, with great dignity, said: “I have done what became a monarch. I have defended my people to the last. I have nothing now to do but to die. Take this dagger,” laying his hand on one worn by Cortés, “plant it in my breast, and put an end to a life which can no longer be useful.”

As soon as the capture of Guatemozin was known, all resistance ceased, and the city, as much of it as remained, was taken possession of by the Spaniards. The Mexicans had endured the siege for nearly three months, during most of which time, attack and defence were carried on with almost uninterrupted effort. The fatal mistake of the Mexicans was in allowing Cortés a second time to enter their city, when the officer he had left in charge was so hemmed in, that he and his troops must soon have perished by famine. Still, the final conquest is, no doubt, in a great degree to be attributed to the great disparity of arms, and the wisdom of Cortés in enlisting the superstition of the Tlascalans and their enmity to the Mexicans on his side, and thus securing them as allies.

Guatemozin, while a captive, bore his sufferings with dignity, and when subjected with one of his ministers to torture, to make him reveal the place where his treasures were concealed, he said to his fellow-sufferer, who, overcome by anguish, was groaning aloud,--“Am I, then, taking my pleasure, or enjoying a bath?” The favorite, stung by the reproach, suffered in silence till he expired. The royal victim was taken by Cortés from this scene of torture and indignity only to be subjected to further sufferings.

The extensive provinces of the empire readily submitted, on learning the fall of the capital. Still, the Spaniards did not maintain their sway without effort. The Mexicans, from time to time, sought to assert their rights; and their oppressors, considering them as slaves, punished them in the most ignominious and cruel manner. In Panuco, a part of the ancient empire, 400 nobles, who were concerned in an insurrection, were burned to death. On the mere suspicion of a design to shake off the yoke and excite his former subjects to revolt, Cortés ordered Guatemozin to be hung, together with the cacique of Tacuba. The poor inhabitants were everywhere reduced to bondage, and forced to live under the galling yoke of their oppressors. The Spaniards revelled in the luxuries and splendors of this ancient empire, while the descendants of kings and caciques were their vassals and slaves.

The hardships the people endured, while following their conquerors in their various military expeditions, the attacks of disease, and other causes, swept off numbers of the original population. After mining was introduced, they were driven to the mines to procure treasures for their oppressors. Some of them have since intermarried with the whites, and thus a mixed race has been introduced. A portion have embraced the Roman Catholic religion, and have been indebted to the ecclesiastics for some amelioration of their sufferings.

At present, it is computed that of about 8,000,000 of inhabitants, of which the republic of Mexico is composed, nearly two fifths are of pure native blood. They are said to be grave and melancholy, having a taste for music, great talent for drawing, being skilful in modelling in wood or wax, and having a great passion for flowers. As a class, though gentle, they are poor and miserable, yet live to a great age, sometimes even to a hundred years. They are still much oppressed, and, though having the nominal rights of citizens, they are often kept as laborers for years against their will. By tempting their appetite, they are brought in debt, and then, when they have nothing to pay the creditor, he assumes the right of a master. They are allowed magistrates of their own race, but their caciques, degraded themselves, take every opportunity of oppressing those beneath them.

THE EMPIRE OF THE INCAS.

Not many years after the conquest of Mexico, a similar enterprise was undertaken, which resulted in the overthrow and subjugation of a people resembling the Mexicans, in their comparative advancement in civilization, and in the extent and riches of their empire. Peru is situated on the western coast of South America, and the empire of its sovereigns then extended, from north to south, above 1,500 miles on the Pacific Ocean. Its breadth was limited by the range of the mighty Andes, and therefore varied in different parts of its extent. This vast territory was originally peopled by independent tribes, characterized by different manners and forms of policy. According to the Peruvian traditions, their modes of life were not superior to those of the most uncivilized savages. They roamed naked through the forests, without any fixed habitations, living more like wild beasts than men.

For several ages, the tradition declares that they made little or no advances towards improvement, enduring hardships and privations of all kinds, till there suddenly appeared, on the banks of the Lake Titicaca, a man and woman of majestic form, and clothed in decent garments. These persons called themselves Children of the Sun, and asserted that they were sent by that benignant deity to instruct those who were the objects of his pity, and thus to improve their condition and render them happier. The names of these persons, as given, were Manco Capac and Mama Oello. The motives they addressed to the poor savages, to induce them to quit their barbarous mode of life, seem to have been effectual, and, by their persuasions, these scattered people were some of them united together, and obeying the supposed divine mandate, they followed the strangers to Cuzco, where they settled, and commenced the building of a city.

These extraordinary individuals thus laid the foundation of the great empire, over which their descendants afterwards reigned for several generations. Manco Capac taught the men how to till the ground, and various arts by which their comforts might be increased, while Mama Oello, at the same time, showed the women how to weave and spin. Having thus convinced them of their interest in their welfare, and provided them with food, clothing, and suitable abodes, Manco Capac enacted various laws, and introduced different institutions, by which the people might be cemented together as a nation of established character. He prescribed to them such regulations as might govern them both in public and private life; defined the relations of all, and constituted such offices, and appointed such persons to fill them, as comported with his design of founding a perpetual and well governed state.

This new kingdom was called the Empire of the _Incas_. At first, the territory of Manco Capac did not extend more than twenty or thirty miles round Cuzco. He exercised, however, absolute authority, to which the people rendered a willing obedience. His memory was not merely cherished in after ages as the founder of their nation, but as a true benefactor. If this tradition be admitted to be founded on the truth, it forms an interesting subject of inquiry, who these extraordinary personages were, and from what part of the world they probably came.[2]

The successors of Manco Capac followed his example, gradually extending their dominions, and, with this enlargement of territory, rendering their authority yet more and more absolute. In time, they were regarded, not only as sovereigns and descendants of the founder of the empire, but they were adored as divinities. Their blood was considered sacred, and by forbidding their posterity to intermarry with the people they continued to preserve their own race and rank pure from all others. This peculiar family, thus set apart as a royal or noble race, were also distinguished from all the rest of the nation by a certain garb and ornaments, which it was unlawful for any of the lower ranks to assume. The monarch himself appeared with the ensigns which he alone might wear, and was ever received by his subjects with a deferential homage scarcely short of adoration.

The character of the people was very different from that of the Mexicans, for while these latter, as we have seen, were warlike and ferocious, engaged almost constantly in bloody wars, and preserving cruel rites, the Peruvians or Quichuas, as they were also termed, were united in a peaceful subjection to a milder superstition. The Mexicans pushed forward their conquests by their valor, and, by force of arms, subdued those who opposed them; but the Peruvian Incas, in the capacity of legislators and benefactors, extended their sway, and induced numerous tribes to submit to them, and learn the arts and comforts of peace and good government. Not one, it is said, out of twelve monarchs, descendants of Manco Capac, varied from this character.

The empire, by degrees, became one of great extent, comprehending not only all that which is now called Peru, but also Ecuador, which is still covered with the monuments of the Incas. In this vast region, the most perfect order reigned; the fields were tilled; the rivers were employed in irrigating the soil; mountains were formed into terraces; canals were prepared, means being taken to preserve the water in its passage; and many large tracts, before mere deserts, were thus rendered productive, if not fertile. As a means of communication for the convenience of the people, a national road was constructed, with great labor, from Quito to Cuzco, 1,500 miles in length. This was a surprising work of art. It was not designed, indeed, for carriages, for no such vehicles were in use among the Peruvians, but for a great thoroughfare from one end of the empire to the other. Numerous flying bridges were thrown across the deep ravines, which often interposed obstacles to the progress of the work that required skill and patient industry to overcome.

The structures, too, of stone, either temples or palaces, were composed of immense blocks, inclosing vast spaces, and divided into numerous apartments, one of which at Caxamalca is said to have been capable of containing 5,000 men. Instead of the hieroglyphics, by which the Mexicans preserved the records of their nation, and conveyed from one to another the knowledge of passing events, the Peruvians used the _quipos_, or strings, which, by their colors, knots, &c., represented different parts of the record they wished to preserve. Vast treasures were accumulated by the Incas, from the rich silver mines in their dominions, and when they died, many of their vessels and other portions of their wealth were buried in the grave with them.

When the Spaniards first visited Peru, in 1526, the twelfth monarch, named Huayna Capac, was on the throne. He is said to have been a great prince, as much distinguished by his wisdom and benevolence as for his martial talents. He subdued Quito, and thus added to his dominions a country nearly as large in extent and resources as his own. This city became another capital of his realm, and here he often resided. Contrary to the law, which forbade the intermarriage of the Incas with others than their own race, he wedded a daughter of the King of Quito. He died in the year 1529, leaving Atahualpa, his son by the princess of Quito, heir to that kingdom. The rest of his dominions he left to Huascar, his eldest son by another wife of the race of the Incas.

This procedure was so contrary to all the laws and usages of the empire, that the Peruvians, though they revered in the highest degree their deceased monarch, who had added such lustre to his reign, could not contentedly submit to the division of the empire. They urged on Huascar, therefore, to require his brother to renounce his claim to the government of Quito, and acknowledge him as his liege lord. Atahualpa, however, had already gained a large body of Peruvian troops, who had followed his father to Quito, and who were the best portion of the army. He therefore not only refused to comply with his brother’s demand, but marched against him with a chosen army. A civil war ensued. Atahualpa, being superior in force, triumphed over Huascar, the rightful monarch; and, conscious that he was only partially descended from the Incas, he sought to confirm himself by utterly exterminating all the children of the sun, or the descendants of Manco Capac. To establish yet further his own authority, he kept his brother alive, in whose name he issued his own orders to the various parts of the empire.

The effect of this civil war was most disastrous to this hitherto prosperous empire. It rent it asunder at the very time when a crafty foe was preparing its subjugation, and when the force of united counsels and efforts were needed for the safety of the nation. Had the Spaniards entered Peru under the reign of Huayna Capac, they would have found a far different state of things, and possibly Peru might, for many succeeding years, have enjoyed prosperity under the sway of her own beneficent monarchs, instead of being trampled under the foot of a foreign invader.

When Pizarro, with Almagro and De Luque, first established a colony at the mouth of the River Piura, in 1532, he had already acquired some knowledge of the unnatural contest in which the brothers had been engaged. He had been advancing gradually, for three or four years, from Panama, till he had gained the very heart of the empire, without the contending parties apparently being aware that the common enemy was on his march for their ruin. Huascar, having finally learned of this event, sent messengers to Pizarro to entreat his aid against his usurping brother. The wily Spaniard at once saw the advantage he might derive from the intestine divisions of the empire, and hastened forward without waiting for the reinforcements he was expecting from Panama. He began his march from his new colony, called St. Michael, where he left a garrison, with only sixty-two horsemen and one hundred and two foot soldiers, of whom twenty were armed with cross-bows, and three with muskets. He marched for Caxamalca, a small town at the distance of twelve days’ march from St. Michael. Here Atahualpa was encamped with a considerable number of troops. While Pizarro was on his way, a messenger met him from that prince, offering his alliance, and an assurance of his friendly reception at Caxamalca. Pizarro, seizing upon the occasion, returned answer that he came from a powerful monarch, with the design of offering his aid to Atahualpa to sustain him against those who disputed his right to the throne.

The Peruvians were utterly at a loss how to account for the sudden appearance of the Spaniards. They viewed them as superior beings, but, as was the case with the inhabitants of Cholula, in respect to Cortés, they could not decide whether they were to be regarded as possessed of beneficent or cruel intentions. The conduct of the Spaniards did not apparently agree with their professions; for while they declared that their object was to enlighten the natives in the truth, and render them more happy, they were often guilty of flagrant outrage and cruelty. The Inca, however, satisfied by the message of Pizarro, was prepared to repose unbounded confidence in his expected visiter. The Spaniards were allowed to cross the desert, where they might have been easily checked on their march, and to pass in safety through the defiles of the mountains, which were so narrow and difficult of entrance, that a few men might have maintained their ground against a large force. They also took possession of a fortress erected there for the defence of the country, and then advanced to Caxamalca.

As they approached, Atahualpa sent them messengers with more costly presents than before. Pizarro entered the city with his troops, and took possession of a large court, having on one side of it the palace of the Inca, and on the other a temple of the sun. Around the whole was a strong rampart, or wall of earth. Atahualpa was in his camp about three miles from the city. Messengers, therefore, were despatched immediately to him by Pizarro, with the same declarations and assurances as before, to request an interview, that he might in person more fully inform him respecting his design in visiting his empire.

These messengers were astonished at the appearance of order and decency which reigned at the Peruvian court, and still more at the display of gold and silver which everywhere met their view. They were received with the utmost cordiality, and hospitably entertained. On their return to Pizarro, the account they gave of the splendor with which their eyes had been dazzled, led him to form the perfidious resolution of seizing the monarch, as Cortés had done Montezuma, in the very heart of his empire. He deliberately formed his plan, regardless of the character of ambassador which he had assumed, or of the confidence that Atahualpa reposed in his promises, and made all the requisite preparations for executing it at once. Dividing his horsemen into three small squadrons or companies, he selected from his infantry twenty men of the most tried courage, whom he retained as his body-guard and to aid him in his attempt, while he posted his artillery and cross-bowmen opposite the avenue by which Atahualpa was to make his approach.

Early on the morning of the 16th of November, Atahualpa made preparations for visiting the new comers. Desirous to impress on his visitors the strongest sense of his greatness and splendor, the day was far advanced before the procession began its march, and so slow was its progress, that Pizarro finally became apprehensive lest the monarch had penetrated his treacherous designs, and determined not to place himself within his reach. To quiet such fears, if any existed, the Spaniard sent him still another embassy to assure him of his friendship and kind intentions. Finally the Inca made his appearance with the pomp of a mighty monarch. He was preceded by 400 men in a uniform dress, to prepare his way, and sitting on a throne adorned with beautiful plumes, almost covered with plates of gold and silver, and enriched with precious stones, he was borne on the shoulders of a number of his principal attendants. After him followed his chief officers, carried in a similar manner; bands of singers and dancers also mingling in the procession, and troops to the number, it is said, of 30,000 men.

The Spanish priest, Valverde, met him, on his approach to Pizarro, with a crucifix in his hand, and, discoursing to him on various doctrines of the Catholic faith, demanded of him an acknowledgment of the Pope and the monarch of Castile as his spiritual and temporal liege lords, on penalty of war and vengeance. Atahualpa, even with the aid of interpretation, was unable to comprehend this harangue so entirely unexpected to himself, and when made acquainted with a portion of it, was most indignant at such an attack on his rights as an independent ruler of his realm. He calmly replied, however, that he was possessed of his dominions by hereditary succession; that no pope or priest could grant his realm to another without his consent; that he had no wish to renounce the worship of his country’s god, the sun, to embrace that of the Spaniards. As for what the priest had assured him of, he desired to know where these extraordinary matters were to be found.

“In this book,” replied Valverde, reaching out his breviary. The Inca, opening it, and turning over its leaves, applied it to his ear. “This,” said he, “is silent, it tells me nothing,” and threw it contemptuously to the ground. The monk, roused to the utmost pitch of indignation, ran towards the Spaniards, crying out, “To arms, to arms, Christians, the word of God is insulted; avenge the profanation of these impious heathen dogs.” Pizarro, who had hitherto restrained his soldiery, though inflamed with the desire of plundering the wealth which met their view, now gave the signal of assault. The sound of the martial music, the roar of the cannon and musketry, with the charge of horse, and the impetuosity of the attack, all combined at once, threw the Peruvians into confusion. They fled in dismay, without the slightest attempt at defence, while Pizarro, with his chosen band, at once pressed forward to the royal seat, and piercing the crowd of devoted nobles, who sacrificed themselves to protect him, seized on the Inca, dragged him to the ground, and led him off prisoner to the Spanish quarters. The flying troops were pursued with the most unrelenting fury, and they continued to fall victims to their merciless invaders till the day closed. More than 4,000 Peruvians are said to have perished; not a single Spaniard was killed, and but one was wounded.

The captive Inca was miserably dejected in spirit, though Pizarro affected to treat him with kindness and respect. Gradually becoming acquainted with the ruling passion of the invaders, he offered, on condition of his being liberated, to fill the room in which he was confined, which was twenty-two feet long and sixteen broad, with vessels of gold, as high as he could reach. Pizarro agreed to the proposal, and marked out the requisite height by a line on the walls. The Inca, accordingly, sent out orders for the ransom to be gathered from Quito and Cuzco, where the greatest quantities of gold and silver were amassed in the temples. The commands of the monarch were respected and obeyed, and persons were instantly employed in bringing together the needed treasure. While this was going on, Pizarro received information of the approach of a reinforcement. This was a new source of alarm to the captive sovereign, especially as he also learned that some Spaniards had visited his brother Huascar in his prison, who had promised them, if they would take his part, far greater wealth than Atahualpa had done. To prevent this, he determined to have his brother put to death, and his commands to that effect were executed accordingly.

The promised treasure was now collected, but Pizarro, with unexampled treachery, not only refused to release his prisoner, but determined to put him to death. To this he was instigated not only by the newly arrived Spaniards, but by an Indian, his interpreter, whom he had carried off some years before from beyond Panama, and who had conceived a passion for one of the wives of Atahualpa. He also alarmed the Spaniard with accounts of forces assembling in various parts of the empire, and imputed these preparations for war, to the commands of the captive monarch. Atahualpa himself, by his own imprudence, brought about the fatal result. Attaching himself especially to Ferdinand Pizarro and De Soto, persons superior, both in birth and education, to Pizarro himself, and who treated him with kindness and attention, he began gradually to regard Pizarro with contempt. He appears to have been a prince of no mean talents, and, observing the mode by which the Spaniards communicated their thoughts to each other by writing, he greatly admired the art, but was at a loss to determine whether it was a natural or an acquired one.

To satisfy himself on this point, he requested one of the soldiers to write the name of God on the nail of his thumb. This he showed to numbers of the Spaniards, asking its meaning, and, to his astonishment, they all told him the same thing. At length, when Pizarro came, he put the question to him, and the illiterate adventurer, blushing with shame, was compelled to acknowledge his ignorance. Ever after this, Atahualpa regarded the Spanish commander with a degree of contempt, and the consciousness of this fact, rankling in the breast of Pizarro, fixed his purpose of putting his royal captive to death.

To give some color to his injustice, a species of trial was instituted. The monarch was arraigned on the charges of usurping the throne, of putting his brother and sovereign to death, of having commanded human sacrifices, of maintaining many concubines or wives, and having wasted treasures since his captivity which belonged to the Spaniards. Beside all these charges, he was accused of having excited his subjects to rebellion against his conquerors. On such accusations as these, before the self-constituted tribunal who had already doomed their victim, the wretched Atahualpa was found guilty and condemned to be burned alive. He besought Pizarro to send him to Spain to be tried, and condemned, if he must be so, by a king. But this was not part of Pizarro’s plan, and he gave orders for his immediate execution. To save himself from the cruel death which was prepared for him, the miserable victim of perfidy and cruelty asked to be baptized; in consideration of which he was strangled at the stake, instead of being burned alive.

A son of the murdered Inca was then proclaimed by Pizarro as monarch of Peru, in the hope that he might thus control the empire as he pleased. But the people of Cuzco and the country in that vicinity chose Manco Capac, a brother of Huascar, as the Inca, and rightful successor to the supreme authority. Civil wars at once followed, and the government was rent in pieces. Usurpers and aspirants sprung up in various parts of the realm, claiming independent power; the general of the late sovereign at Quito, seized the brother and children of his master, put them to death, and claimed the throne for himself.

These intestine divisions, as they weakened the Peruvian power, prepared the way for Pizarro to advance to Cuzco. Several battles were fought, but the city was finally reached and taken without resistance. The son of Atahualpa died on the march, and the Peruvians seem generally to have admitted the claim of Manco Capac to the vacant throne. Quito also soon fell into the hands of another band of invaders, who were led on by the officer whom Pizarro had left as governor of St. Michael. The Spaniards, however, found to their disappointment, that the city was stripped of its treasures, the people having carried them away.

Once in possession of Peru, Pizarro devoted himself to the arranging of its districts, to the appointment of officers, the establishing of regulations for the administration of justice, the collection of revenue, and the working of the mines. Here the Peruvians, the former masters, were driven as slaves to toil for their oppressors. Multitudes of adventurers from Spain now flocked to the conquered country, and forming themselves into various small bands, each led by some adventurous officer, they set forth for the invasion of different provinces of the empire, which were yet unsubdued.

Manco Capac was not a listless observer of these proceedings. Perceiving that but a few troops remained in Cuzco, where he resided, jealously watched by the Spaniards, he secretly issued his commands for his subjects to assemble at a short distance from the capital, where he obtained leave to go to attend a solemn festival. As soon as he appeared, the banner was unfurled, and the war began. All the warriors were gathered, and the whole country from Quito to Chili was soon in arms. Many of the Spaniards, scattered over the country, and not expecting such an attack, were cut off. An army, according to the Spanish writers, of 200,000 men assaulted Cuzco, which was defended by only 170 Spaniards. At the same time, Pizarro’s new city of Lima was besieged, while he was obliged to remain within. All communication between the two cities was cut off; and the besieged in either place were in utter ignorance of the fate of each other.

The Inca commanded in person at Cuzco, and here it was that the Peruvians made their greatest efforts. For nine whole months, they carried on the siege, displaying great skill, and profiting by their observations on the discipline of their enemies. To render their efforts yet more successful, they armed some of their most valiant men with the swords, spears, and bucklers which they had taken from the Spaniards whom they had put to death throughout the country. Some even made trial of the Spanish muskets, and charged their foe, mounted on horses, and led by the Inca in person. In spite of the most active defence, Manco Capac gained possession of one half of his capital, and probably nothing but the sudden appearance of Almagro’s troops saved the dispirited Spaniards from quitting Cuzco, or perishing in battle.

The force of Almagro was regarded by both parties as the umpire of the contest, and both sought his aid. He and the Pizarros had been at variance, as the Peruvians knew, and Manco Capac at first sought his friendship; but at length, despairing of success in this way, he attacked him by surprise. This decided the question. The Peruvians unable to effect their purpose, were defeated with great slaughter, and their army was mostly dispersed.

Soon after this, Pizarro, having dispersed the Peruvians, who had held him shut up in Lima, and having received also reinforcements from Spain, advanced towards Cuzco. After fruitless negotiations, a terrible battle was fought between himself and his brothers, and Almagro, in which the latter was defeated and put to death. The Peruvians who seem at first to have resolved to profit by the divisions of the Spaniards, instead of falling on the exhausted troops of the victors, as they should have done, retired quietly after the battle, perhaps more than ever impressed with a sense of the superiority of their discipline. This bloody engagement took place on the 26th of April, 1538.

In the following ten or twelve years, there were a succession of contests for power between different parties of the Spaniards, during which time we lose sight of Manco Capac and the Peruvians, except that we know that these people, pressed by hard service, were rapidly wasting away. The representations of the benevolent Las Casas at length reached the Spanish monarch, and influenced him to avert some of the evils with which the natives were threatened, by the establishment of a more firm and equitable government. This was finally accomplished by the wisdom of the viceroy, Pedro de la Gasca, after the entire defeat and death of the last of the Pizarros, who had rebelled against the king’s appointment, in 1549. This officer made regulations concerning the treatment of the Indians, by which they might be protected from oppression, and be instructed in the principles of religion. Still they were obliged to labor for the Spaniards, being attached to the land itself, and apportioned out to the various persons who owned the estates.

Like almost all conquered and enslaved people, their numbers have lessened, while they have been subjected to the fluctuations of ages. They are now said to be feeble and depressed beyond any people of America, seeming scarcely capable of bold and manly exertion. Some whole districts, especially in the ancient kingdom of Quito, have continued to be occupied almost entirely by the Indians. In some places they exercise the mechanic arts, and belong to the lower class of the population. Some of them have become converts to the Roman Catholic priests; while some still remember and reverence the institutions of their fathers, and sometimes secretly assemble and engage in ancient idolatrous rites.

Robertson computed the number of native Indians in Peru at the time he wrote to be 2,449,120. They are said to have “small features, little feet, sleek, coarse, black hair, and scarcely any beard.” They have been represented as sunk in apathy and insensibility, but the shy, reserved, and gloomy, though tame aspect which they present, is the fruit of long oppression, and accumulated wrongs. They still retain the deepest and most mournful recollections of the Inca, and celebrate his death by a sort of rude drama, accompanied by the most melting strains of music.

FOOTNOTE:

[2] In the “Lives of Famous Indians,” we have offered a few suggestions on this subject. If the reader perceives some repetition of facts in this article, to be found in that just mentioned, he will consider that it is a part of our design to render each volume of the “Cabinet Library,” complete in itself.

THE ARAUCANIANS.

The Araucanians inhabit the southern part of Chili, and derive their name from the province of Arauco. They are a nation enthusiastically attached to freedom, and pride themselves in the appellation of _Auca_, which signifies free. They are muscular, robust, of great strength of constitution, and often attain the age of 90 or 100 years. They are bold and warlike, and have ever been most determined foes to all the Spanish invaders of their native country; and, by their warlike disposition and fiery courage, have occasioned great trouble to the Spaniards ever since they became acquainted with them. All attempts to subjugate them to the sway of the Europeans have been unsuccessful.

Their military system is greatly superior to that of the surrounding nations, and the degree of discipline they had gained enabled them to carry on long and bloody wars with the Spaniards who overrun Chili, in the early part of the sixteenth century. Their state was divided into four nearly equal portions, to which they gave the name of the _maritime_ country, the _plain_ country, the country _at the foot of the Andes_, and that of the _Andes_. Each of these great divisions was also subdivided into five smaller ones, and each of these in turn into nine still less. These divisions of Araucania were existing previous to the arrival of the Spaniards.

The government, which is aristocratic, is said to be a sort of state, in which there are three orders of nobility, with gradations of rank, called the _toquis_, the _asse-ulmenes_, and the _ulmenes_, all of whom have their vassals. Each order has its badge, and the triple power that constitutes the sovereign authority is vested in a general diet, or grand council, which is usually held in some large plain, where they feast and deliberate. The grand council elect a commander-in-chief to lead them in war, who may belong to the inferior ranks, if he is thought of greater ability than any one in the superior ranks. The Puelches, a hardy race of mountaineers, formerly a distinct people, have been united with the Araucanians, under the same government, and this part of the nation are considered entitled to have the vice-toqui chosen from among them.

The first account we have, which may properly be called the history of this people, is at the beginning of their wars with the Spaniards, in 1550. Their toqui was named Aillavila, and the Europeans having invaded the inhabitants of Penco, the Araucanians ordered that officer to march to their assistance at the head of 4,000 men. He accordingly crossed the great River Biobio, the northern boundary of Araucania, and boldly offered battle to the Spaniards. Unlike the other Indians, with whom the Spaniards had been engaged, the Araucanians were not disconcerted or terrified by the discharge of fire-arms, but fell at once on the front and flanks of the enemy who were thrown into confusion. Valdivia, their general, had his horse killed under him, and was exposed to great danger, when the toqui received a mortal wound, in consequence of which the Indians drew off in good order and unpursued by the Europeans. Valdivia, who had been in many battles both in Europe and America, declared that his life had never been in such great hazard in any of them as in this engagement.

The next year, the Araucanians were again led on by their new toqui, Lincoyan, and the Spaniards, remembering the former engagement, were inspired with such terror, that after confessing themselves, and receiving the sacrament, they took shelter under the cannon of their fortifications. In his first attack on these, Lincoyan was unsuccessful, and obliged to retreat, which the Spaniards ascribed to the immediate interposition of St. James, their patron saint, who they affirmed was seen riding on a white horse, armed with a flaming sword, and striking terror into their enemies. The governor having received some reinforcements from Peru, after a year elapsed, resolved to attack them; and, unopposed by Lincoyan, he penetrated to the Cauten, by which Araucania is divided into two equal parts. Here he built a city which he called Imperial, and also despatched one of his officers to found another, called Villarica, on the Lauquen.

Proceeding on, he traversed the whole of Araucania, from north to south, with but small loss, and finally arrived at the territory of the Cunches. Here he found a valiant nation, allies of the Araucanians, who were prepared to oppose his passage of the Calacalla. The Cunchese general, however, was induced to permit the invaders to pass unmolested. Valdivia here founded another city, to which he gave his own name, and then, satisfied with his conquests, prepared to return, building fortresses and founding cities in various parts. Ercilla says that the Spaniards in this expedition had to fight many battles, but the details are not given.

To Lincoyan, succeeded Caupolican, an account of whose exploits has been already given in another volume of this Library. He was a brave warrior, and drove the Spaniards from several of the towns and fortresses which Valdivia had established. But these successes were succeeded by a severe reverse, and he was on the point of being defeated, when Lautaro, incited by patriotism, broke forth from the Spanish ranks, and led on his countrymen to victory. The whole Spanish army was destroyed except a few prisoners, and two Promaucians, their Indian allies.

After the death of Valdivia, who was put to death while pleading for his life, the Spaniards evacuated all the cities which the Spanish governor had founded, except two. These were immediately besieged by Caupolican, while Lautaro, now appointed lieutenant-general, or vice-toqui, fortified himself for the defence of the frontiers on the lofty mountains of Mariguena. The mountain being full of precipices and clefts, and covered on one side by impenetrable thickets, presented only a single winding by-path, which led to the top of the mountain. Villagran, the successor of Valdivia, engaged in battle with the young Lautaro, but, after a desperate fight, he was worsted, and compelled to retire. Believing it impossible to defend the city of Concepcion, he embarked a portion of the inhabitants, consisting of old men, women, and children, on board of two ships, then in the harbour, while he led the remainder to Santiago.

Lautaro entered the deserted city, where he found a great booty, and after having plundered it, burned the houses, and razed the citadel to the ground, and returned in triumph to Arauco. Caupolican, however, was forced to raise the siege of Imperial and Valdivia, in consequence of the strong reinforcements which had been thrown into them by Villagran. While he was engaged in ravaging the country around Imperial, the small-pox, that destructive scourge of the natives, made its appearance, probably communicated by some Spanish soldiers, and made terrible havoc, so that there were some districts almost depopulated. In one of these containing 12,000 inhabitants, it is asserted that not more than 100 persons escaped death.

Villagran, availing himself of these circumstances, rebuilt Concepcion, which however was no sooner done than Lautaro recrossed the Biobio, and attacking the Spaniards whom he found in the open plain, put them to flight. He then entered the fort, killed great numbers of the citizens, and once more plundered and burnt the city. Emboldened by this success, he resolved to carry the war still farther into the enemy’s country, and marched the distance of 500 miles, to Santiago, near which he encamped with his forces. The Spanish general here surprised and fell upon them, and cut them all to pieces, including the brave Lautaro, who fell in the outset.

The Araucanians fought with the most determined bravery to the very last, despising every offer of quarter; thus the victory was dearly earned, with a great loss both of officers and men. This battle took place in the year 1556, and Lautaro, at his death, was only nineteen years of age. Probably, had he lived, the Spaniards might have been eventually driven, not only from Chili, but a large portion of Peru. His name is said to be still celebrated in their heroic songs, and his actions proposed as the most glorious example to their youth. The result of this disaster was, that Caupolican quitted the siege of Imperial, and returned to his own country.

A succession of battles followed, in which the Araucanians were generally defeated, and Caupolican himself, being taken prisoner, was put to a cruel death by impalement. The Spanish general now advanced into the country, and reached the place where Valdivia, as related above, had been defeated and taken prisoner. Here he built a city, in contempt of the Araucanians, which he called Canete; and, considering the war now terminated, he gave orders for once more rebuilding Concepcion.

In the year 1558, he marched against the Cunches. When this people first heard of the arrival of the strangers, they met to deliberate as to the best course for them to take in this emergency; whether to submit or attempt resistance to an enemy flushed with victory. An Araucanian, present in their council, being invited to give his opinion, replied in the following language: “Be cautious how you adopt either of these measures; as vassals, you will be despised and compelled to labor; as enemies, you will be exterminated. If you wish to free yourselves from these dangerous visiters, make them believe you are miserably poor; hide your property, particularly your gold; they will not remain where they have no expectation of obtaining that sole object of their wishes; send them such a present as will impress them with an idea of your poverty; in the mean time, retire to the woods.”

This advice was approved, and the Araucanian and nine of their own people were commissioned by the Cunches to carry the present recommended to the Spanish general. Accordingly, they clothed themselves in rags, and, counterfeiting fear, appeared before the Spaniard, and, after a rude address, presented him with a basket containing some roasted lizards and wild fruits. The Spanish soldiery could not refrain from laughter at the ridiculous appearance of these ambassadors, and begged their commander to go no farther; but he exhorted them to proceed, assuring them that he had heard of a country beyond, which abounded with metals. The wily Araucanian, being requested to furnish a guide, gave him one, who, by his direction, led the invaders by the most rugged and difficult roads of the coast.

The year 1559 was signalized by numerous battles fought between the two armies. The Araucanians were led by Caupolican the Second, the son of the former toqui of that name, whom he succeeded. He was, like his father, a man of distinguished talents, but was not equally prosperous in his early efforts in defending his country. At the battle of Quipeo, he lost nearly all his valiant officers, and, being pursued by a detachment of Spaniards, slew himself, to avoid being taken prisoner, as his father had been.

The Araucanians were not, however, utterly disheartened; but the few ulmenes who had escaped the defeat of Quipeo met in a wood, and elected as toqui an officer of inferior rank, named Antiguenu, who had distinguished himself in that battle.

He, with a few soldiers, retired to the inaccessible marshes of Lumaco, where he caused high scaffolds to be erected to secure his men from the extreme moisture of the gloomy retreat he had chosen. The youth, who were from time to time enlisted, went there to be instructed, and the Araucanians still considered themselves free and independent.

Antiguenu began soon to make incursions into the Spanish territory, to practise his troops, and feed them at the enemy’s expense. Grown bolder, he came to an engagement with a son of Villagran, whom he defeated, and then marched against Canete; but Villagran, feeling that its defence was impracticable, withdrew the inhabitants to Concepcion and Imperial. The Araucanians, finding the town deserted, set fire to it, and utterly consumed it. Villagran, affected by this loss, and worn down by care and anxiety, soon after died; and Antiguenu, learning the fact, and having raised 4,000 men, divided them into two parties; with one of these he directed the vice-toqui to lay siege to Concepcion, while he marched with the other against Arauco. The siege was protracted, and the commanders decided upon settling the affair by single combat. After having fought two hours, they were separated by their men.

The garrison, however, were at last compelled by famine to abandon the place, the houses were burned, and the walls demolished. In attempting the conquest of another place, called Angol, Antiguenu, after the most brilliant feats of valor and courage, was forced along with a crowd of retreating soldiers, and falling from a high bank into the river, was drowned.

His successor was Paillataru, the brother or cousin of Lautaro. In the year 1665, the fort of Arauco and the city of Canete were rebuilt by the Spanish commander. The history of this remarkable people is henceforward a series of battles; and, though they fought with various success, they never lost their indomitable spirit, or their determination not to be brought into subjection to the Europeans. Observing the advantage obtained by cavalry, they early organized a body of horsemen, and in seventeen years after their first encounters with the Spaniards, were able to oppose them with cavalry on the field of battle.

In 1589, while Guanoalca was toqui, the Spanish governor, believing that it would be impossible for him to defend the forts of Purea, Trinidad, and Espiritu Santo, which had been established, evacuated them; and the war is said to have been reduced to the construction and demolition of fortifications.

During the toquiate of Guanoalca, and his successors, Quintuguenu and Paillaeco, the Araucanians suffered a number of severe defeats. After the one last mentioned, the Araucanians, unsubdued in courage, appointed to the chief command a man named Paillamachu, the hereditary toqui of the second district; who, though advanced in years, is said to have been a person of wonderful activity. The tide of fortune seemed to turn at once in his favor, and his success was so great, that he is declared to have surpassed all his predecessors in military glory, and was enabled to restore his country again to her full independence.

In 1598, owing to his victories, not only the Araucanian provinces, but those of the Cunches and the Huilliches, were in arms, comprising the whole country to the Archipelago of Chiloe. Every Spaniard found without the garrisons was put to death, and the cities of Osorno, Valdivia, Villarica, Imperial, Arauco, Canete, Angol, and Caya, were all closely besieged at one and the same time. Paillamachu also crossed the Biobio, burned Concepcion and Chillan, laid waste the provinces dependent on them, and returned laden with spoils. He also forced the Spaniards to evacuate the fort and city of Arauco, and obliged the inhabitants to retire to Concepcion.

In the month of November, 1599, he caused his army to cross the broad river Valdivia, by swimming, stormed the city, burned the houses, and killed a great number of inhabitants. He attacked the vessels that lay at anchor, which only escaped by immediately setting sail, and then returned in triumph to the guard he had stationed on the Biobio, with a spoil of 2,000,000 of dollars, all the cannon, and upwards of 400 prisoners.

Villarica also, after a siege of two years and eleven months, fell into the hands of the Araucanians in the year 1602, and the city of Imperial shared the same fate. Indeed, all the Spanish settlements in the country were destroyed, which Valdivia and his successors had established, and preserved at the expense of so much toil and blood, and they remained unbuilt, scarcely a vestige of their ruins being left.

The prisoners were numerous; the unmarried females were taken into the seraglios of their conquerors, while the unmarried men were allowed to espouse the women of the country. From these mixed marriages, it is said, have proceeded the Mestizos, who became, in subsequent wars, the most terrible enemies of the Spanish name. Some of the prisoners were ransomed by their friends or exchanged; though many were induced, from love to their children, to remain with their captors.

Paillamachu died soon after, at the close of the year 1603, and was succeeded by Hunecura. The disasters experienced by the Spaniards were severely felt, and the court of Spain gave orders that there should be constantly maintained a body of 2,000 regular troops on the Araucanian frontier, for whose support the sum of 292,279 dollars was annually drawn from the treasury of Peru.

A jesuit, named Luis Valdivia, desirous of preaching to the Araucanians, and perceiving how utterly impossible any such attempt would be while war was carried on, went to Spain, and represented to the then reigning king, Philip the Third, the great injury done to the cause of religion by these continued wars. The prince listened to his representations, and directed that the River Biobio should be fixed as the boundary line between the contending parties. The articles of peace had been discussed and agreed upon, when the whole was frustrated by an untoward event. The toqui, whose name was Ancanamon, had espoused a Spanish woman, who, taking advantage of his absence, fled for refuge to the governor, accompanied by her children and four other women, whom she had likewise persuaded to become Christians; two of these were the wives, and two the daughters of her husband. The toqui, exasperated to the highest degree, met the missionaries who were sent to the Araucanians, and put them all to death.