Chapter XXXI: Appendix: No. I

HISTORICAL VIEW OF LITHUANIA.

If, notwithstanding the many good works recently published upon Poland, the history of that country is still but imperfectly known to the rest of the world; it may be said that the history of Lithuania is almost absolutely unknown to the people of the West. It is generally thought that it has always composed an integral part of the Russian empire, and that it was only occasionally that it has held relations with ancient Poland;--a false impression, and one which the public journals have but too frequently assisted in propagating. The truth is, that for five hundred years, Lithuania has voluntarily associated herself with the destinies of ancient Poland, and it is only with shame and reluctance that she has borne the Russian yoke. But that which is of great importance at present to consider, is, the ancient sympathy which has constantly united the two people. There is a common spirit of nationality, which, notwithstanding the studiously contrived disintegration of their territory, has always animated the Lithuanians and the Poles;--a most important fact, for it is on this fraternity of feeling and community of opinion between the ancient Polish provinces, that the salvation of modern Poland essentially depends. We will endeavor, by presenting to the reader the following extracts from the work of Leonard Chodzko, to throw some light upon the political history of this interesting portion of the Slavian race.

'For a long time a distinct power, and governed by its Grand Dukes, united for the first time with Poland in the year 1386, and making, in 1569, an integral part of the republic of Poland, Lithuania, from that epoch, to that of 1795, formed, in the political state, the third province of Poland; being composed of the palatinates of Wilno, of Troki, the duchies of Starostia, and Samogitia, of Nowogrodek, of Brzsclitewski, of Minsk, of Polock, of Witepsk, Mscislaw and of Smolensk. The Grand Duchy was bounded on the north by Courland, Semigallia, Polish Livonia, and the province of Great Nowogorod; on the east by Moscovy; on the south by the Ukraine, Volhynia, and the country of Chelme; on the west, by the Baltic Sea, the duchy of Prussia, and the palatinates of Podlasia and Lublin. Its arms were a cavalier at full speed, with a sabre raised over his head. This cavalier of Lithuania, joined with the white eagle of Poland, figured inseparably upon the arms of the republic, upon the national standards, the public edifices and the coins, up to the moment when foreign force and domestic treason struck a liberticide blow at that union which ages has consecrated. In 1812, for a moment, those fraternal arms were united; but separated again, they once more floated upon every banner after the memorable date of the 29th of November. According to ancient traditions, towards the year 900, there landed on the coast of Samogitia, between Memel, Polonga, and Libau, a colony of Italians who introduced into that country a certain degree of civilization, and from thence came that multitude of Latin words which are to be remarked in the Lithuanian language. From these Italian families, arose several sovereign dynasties, which governed Lithuania and Samogitia. Of this origin were, without doubt, the Gerules or Herules, who formerly governed Lithuania. This people is the same which in the fifth century invaded Italy, with Odacre, and returning on their steps, spread themselves upon the shores of the Baltic, which embrace, at the present day, Oriental Prussia, Lithuania, Samogitia, and Courland.

'The Lithuanians, though subjugated first by the Russians, did not fail to make their strength soon felt by their invaders. In the 13th century, when the Tartars ravaged on one side the Russian States, the Lithuanians on the other side took possession of Grodno, Brzesc, and Drohyczyn, and did not stop till they reached the banks of the Prypec and the town of Mozyr. In the north their victorious arms were pushed as far as the Dwina, and the city of Polock. In the year 1220, the Russians, under Mscislaw-Romanowicz, declared war upon Lithuania, but they were beaten near the river Tasiolda, and the Lithuanians augmented their possessions by the occupation of Pinsk and Turow. Ringold was the first who took the title of Grand Duke of Lithuania, in 1235. Mindowe or Mendog, having promised the Pope to embrace the Christian religion, was crowned king of Lithuania in 1252, at Nowogrodek; but this did not continue long, for Mindowe, finding himself deceived, returned to Paganism, and died in 1263. From 1280 to 1315, the dukes Latuwer and Witènes reigned over this country; but the greatest power of Lithuania dates from the fourteenth century, when Gédymin seized the reins of government. Impatient to crush the Russian power, which had distressed Lithuania, this prince defeated the enemy in 1320, upon the river Pirna, made himself master of Volhynia, of Küovie, of Sewerie, of Czerniechovia, and extended his boundaries as far as Putiwel upon the Diésna. In 1340, when Gédymin perished upon the field of battle by the hands of the Teutonic knights, the Tartaro-Russian power commenced ravaging Polodia, but Olgerd, successor of Gédymin, came to the succor of his nephews, Koryatowicz, who were in possession of that province, defeated the Czars of the Tartars in a pitched battle, and extended the territory of Lithuania as far as the banks of the Don and the Black Sea. To form an idea of the extent of the Lithuanian provinces, it is sufficient to point out here the partition between the sons of Gédymin: Monwid possessed Kiernow and Slonim; Narymond--Pinsk, Mozyr, and a part of Volhynia: Olgerd--Krewo, the ancient capital of the duchy, and all the country as far as the Berezina; Kieystat--Samogitia, Troki, and Podlachia: Koryat--Nowogrodek and Wolkowysk: Lubar--Wlodgimierz, with the rest of Volhynia: Jawnat--Wilno, Osmiana, Wilkomierz, Braslaw. The last succeeded first to his father, but after his death it was Olgerd who took the reins of government.

'Olgerd was the most powerful of the sovereigns of Lithuania. The republic of Pskow, in 1346, and that of Nowogorod, in 1349, acknowledged him for their master. In 1363, the Tartars of Pérékop (Krimea,) became his vassals. On the east, embracing the cause of the duke of Twer, he came three times, in 1368, 1370, 1373, to break his lance against the ramparts of the city of Moscow; of that city where at a later day the great generals of Poland and of Lithuania, and at last, in 1812, the Gallo-Polono-Lithuanian lances were crossed in front of the superb Kremlin! Kiegstut powerfully seconded his brother in his conquests. It was under such auspices that Olgerd, descending to the tomb, left his brilliant inheritance to Jagellon, one of his thirteen sons. Jagellon, who ascended the grand-ducal throne in 1381, ceded it to his cousin Witold, in 1386, when he went to place upon his head the crown of the Piasts, to unite his hand to that of Hedwige, and to cement forever the glorious junction of Lithuania and Poland. In 1389, he gave the government of the duchy of Sévérie-Nowogorodien and the republic of Nowogorod-the-Great to his two brothers; while on the other side, his cousin Witold, being attacked in his new conquests by the Tartars, beat them, chased a part of them beyond the Don, and transported those who fell into his hands into the different countries of Lithuania, where, instead of reducing them to slavery, he gave them possessions, with the liberty of freely exercising their religious rights. It was the descendants of those Tartars who showed themselves such worthy children of their adopted country, at the epoch of the war of independence, in 1794, and in the campaign of 1812. In this manner Witold acquired the possession, not only of the Russian territories, delivered from the yoke of the Tartars by his grandfather and his uncle, but those which were held by the other small Trans-Borysthenian Czars. Turning then his victorious army to the north, he forced the northern republics, whose fidelity he suspected, to humble themselves before him, and recognize his unqualified supremacy. In fine, Poland and Lithuania arrived, at that epoch, to such a degree of power, that the dukes of Mazovia and Russia, the Czars of Moscow, Basile, that of Twer Borys, that of Riezan, Olegh, the little Czars of Pérékop and Volga, the Teutonic masters, the Prussians and Livonians, in fine, the emperor of Germany, Sigismond himself, accompanied by his wife, and several princes, Erik, king of Denmark and Sweden, as well as the ambassadors of the emperor of the East, Paleogogus, presented themselves to Wladislas-Jagellon at Luck, in Volhynia, and held there a general congress in 1428, in which they deliberated upon the war against the Ottomans; and at which the emperor of Germany attempted in vain, by means of intrigues, to throw some seeds of dissension between Jagellon and Witold. Witold died in 1430. Kasimir le Jagellon, successor of Wladislay, was reigning still with eclat; when the moment approached, at which from one side the Ottomans began to take possession of the Tauride, while a new Muscovite power, subjugating the Russians from the north and east, were soon to contract the frontiers of Lithuania.

'All this, however, could have no effect upon the union of the two nations, which daily acquired new strength; for, subsequently to the first union of 1386, a Diet, in 1413, held in the bourg of Horoldo, having declared the Lithuanians to be on an equal footing with the Poles in regard to taxes and laws, many Lithuanian families allied themselves with Polish families; in fine, the arms of the two nations were united. It was then determined that the Lithuanians should receive their grand duke from the hands of the king of Poland, and that, when the latter should die without children or descendants worthy to succeed him, the Poles should elect their new king conjointly with the Lithuanians. The alliance concluded in 1413, was renewed in 1499; and it was added, explicitly, that the Lithuanians should not elect their grand duke without the concurrence of the Poles, nor the Poles their king, without that of the Lithuanians. In 1561, the knights militant submitted themselves, and the part of Livonia which remained with them, to the domination of the king of Poland, as grand duke of Lithuania; the new duke of Courland became also his feudatory. In fine, in 1569, under Sigismond-Augustus, the Poles and Lithuanians held a Diet at Lublin, in which the grand duchy was limited to the kingdom of Poland, so that they thereafter formed but one body, subject to one prince, who was conjointly elected by the two nations, under the double title of king of Poland and grand duke of Lithuania. It was agreed, also, that the Diet should be always held at Warsaw, that the two people should have the same senate, the same chamber of deputies; that their coins should be of the same designation; that, in fine, their alliances, their auxiliary troops, and every thing, should be in common. The campaigns of Moskow under Sigismond III, Wladislaz IV, and Etienne Batory, amply proved that the Lithuanians were worthy of calling the Poles brethren; for they were found ready for every sacrifice, when the general good of the country was in question. In the laws of 1673, 1677, and 1685, it was ruled that each third Diet should be held in Lithuania at Grodno; the Diets of convocation, and of election and coronation were excepted, however, from this rule. In 1697, the Polish and Lithuanian laws received an equal force and authority.

'At the epoch of the regeneration of Poland, the Lithuanians gave the most convincing proofs of their devotedness to the Polish cause, in the last years of the existence of Poland. In effect, when they became satisfied that, for the common interest, and to give more consistency to the new form of government which it was proposed to establish, at the Diet of 1788, it was necessary to strengthen still more the relations between Lithuania and the crown; that is to say, between Little and Great Poland, so as to form out of the three provinces a single powerful state, and to obliterate totally all the distinctions which had before existed between the Poles and the Lithuanians, they made a voluntary sacrifice of the privileges which they had held with great pertinacity, and renounced, without hesitation, that of having a separate army and treasury, consenting to unite themselves under a single administration with the two other provinces.

'The whole world was witness to the heroism which the Lithuanians displayed in the glorious confederation of Bar, from 1768 to 1772; in the campaigns of 1792 and 1794, against foreign rapacity, when Kosciuszko, a Lithuanian by birth, covered with imperishable laurels the chains of Poland. The Lithuanians fell, but they fell with the whole of Poland, and were buried in the common ruin. How nobly have not the Lithuanians been seen to figure among the brave Polish patriots, who sought in France, in Italy, and in Turkey, some chances of restoration for a country which had been the victim of foreign ambition! And how many of them have not been found under the banners of Dombrowski, in Italy, and under those of Kniaziewiez, upon the Danube? Have we not seen, in the years 1806 and 1809, twelve thousand Lithuanians, united with their brethren, the Volhynians, the Podolians, and the Ukranians, hastening to range themselves under the banners of the army of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw? In 1812, their joy was extreme, when they thought that their political existence was, at last, about to be renewed. Then was seen the cavalier of Lithuania, united with the white eagle, decorating the flags planted on the walls of Wilno. But the disastrous retreat of the French army struck a mortal blow to the destinies of those countries. The kingdom of Poland was proclaimed in 1815; the Diets of Warsaw, of 1818, 1820, and 1825, preserved silence respecting the lot of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. A look full of hope from all Lithuania was turned once more towards Warsaw, upon the 24th of May, 1829, the day of coronation of Nicholas the 1st, but the reunion of Lithuania was not even made a question of.'

[_Tableau de la Pologne, ancienne et moderne, par Malte Brun, edition refondue et augmentee par Leonard Chodzko. Paris, 1831._ pp. 288-295. Tom. I.]

No. II.

ADDRESS OF THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT OF POLAND TO THE INHABITANTS OF LITHUANIA, VOLHYNIA, PODOLIA, AND UKRAINE.[85]

_Brethren, and Fellow Citizens!_

The National Government of regenerated Poland, happy on being able at last to address you in the name of the bond of brotherhood and liberty, is anxious to lay before you the present state of our country, and to show you our wants, our dangers, and our hopes.

The wall which separated us is broken down--your wishes and ours realized. The Polish eagle flies over our territory. United as we are, hand and heart, we will henceforth proceed in concert to accomplish the difficult, perilous, but just and sacred work--the restoration of our country.

The Manifesto of the Diet, in explaining the cause of our rising, gave an account of our sentiments as well as yours. Scarcely had we risen in arms, provided with but few means, and uncertain what course to pursue, before we showed to the world and to the Emperor Nicholas that the same spirit animated us, and that we were desirous to become, as we had formerly been, but one and the same nation. The Emperor Nicholas did not wish to consecrate the tomb of his brother by a monument, which, during the life time of Alexander, would have sealed the glory of his reign.

He did not wish to regard us as Poles, bowed down with injuries--as citizens of a free and independent country;--and would treat with us only as slaves who had rebelled against Russia. We have arrested--we have driven back the threatening phalanxes of his different corps. Of the forces of which our army was composed, some fought here against the main body of the enemy; others penetrated into your provinces to call forth our brethren to range themselves under the national banner. You did not wait for this appeal.

At the very commencement of the insurrection, many of your citizens explained their sentiments and their wishes in the National Assembly, and some raised regiments, dignified by the names of your provinces; in fine, whole districts of Lithuania and Volhynia rose _en masse_.

The partition of Poland has been denominated a crime by the unanimous voice of Europe, and who at this day will revoke such a decision? Who will venture to come forward as the champion against it? Undoubtedly none! And we have the well-grounded hope that Europe will hasten to recognize our independence, as soon as we have proved by our courage, our perseverance, our union, our moderate and noble conduct, that we deserve to be a free nation. This revolution is only a consequence of our oppression and our misfortunes. It was the wish of our hearts, and arises from the nature of our history, which displays our determination from the very beginning, and proves that our rising was not of foreign prompting. It is not civil war--it is not tainted with the blood of our brethren--we have not overturned social institutions in order to raise up new ones at hazard;--it is a war of independence, the most just of wars. This is the character of our revolution, which is at once mild, but firm--which with one arm conquers the enemy, and with the other raises and ennobles the needy peasant.

We admire England and France--we wish to be, like them, a civilized nation, but without ceasing to be Poles! Nations cannot and ought not to change the elements of their existence. Each has its climate, industry, religion, manners, character, education, and history. From these different elements spring the feelings or passions which display themselves in revolutions, and the circumstances proper to be adopted in their future conduct.

Individuality strongly expressed, forms the power of a people. We have preserved ours in the midst of slavery. Love of country, prepared to make every sacrifice--courage--piety--noble-mindedness, and gentleness, formed the character of our forefathers. These qualities also are ours.

The patriots of Warsaw triumphed without chiefs and without law; yet with what crime can they be charged? An army of 30,000 men, and, in short, the whole kingdom, rose as if by enchantment; and how did they conduct themselves towards the Grand Duke Constantine? That prince, who for fifteen years had shown himself destitute of regard or pity for our feelings and liberties, was in our power; but he knew the nation, and, just to it for once only, he intrusted his person and his army to our honor! At the moment of alarm, we did not listen to the voice of public vengeance, but respected the prince and his troops, without taking advantage of our superiority. Our battalions who had awaited with a firm determination all the forces of Russia, allowed to pass through their ranks the fallen enemy, whose safety was guaranteed by the national honor.

The generosity of the nation has been proved by many isolated facts, and Europe admires our moderation as much as our valor. Brethren, fellow-citizens, equal admiration still awaits us. Without delay, then, come forward with the whole of your force simultaneously, and act as one man in peace and in war; it is the people who are the source of all power. To the people, then, direct your views and your affections. Children, worthy of your fathers, you will act like them; you will break the odious bonds, and you will cement a holy alliance by reciprocal benefits and by gratitude. In other countries it is by force, and force alone, that the people recover their liberties--here those liberties are received as the gift of their brethren. A generous, just, and necessary deed will become the act only of your own choice, and you will proclaim to the people their independence, and the return of the Polish eagles to their native soil. Our fields will lose nothing in cultivation and value when they are tilled by the industry of brave men. You will be ennobled in the eyes of civilized Europe, and your country will gain millions of fellow-citizens, who, like our brave peasants, will fly to the defence of their liberty, and drive back a power whose character is that only of slavery. Do not forget, brethren and fellow citizens, that the Greek religion is professed by a great part of the people. Toleration is one of the qualities of civilization. The clergy, the churches, and religion, shall be placed under the protection of the government, and will lend you their assistance in carrying this measure of justice into effect.

[The address goes on to enlarge upon the respect paid by Polish noblemen to religious rites and feelings, and calls on the people on this occasion to follow their example; also to send deputies from the different provinces to the National Congress. It then goes on to describe the vast power of Russia, and the difficulties to be encountered, much in the same manner as the proclamation of Skrzynecki, and concludes thus:--]

God hath already wrought prodigies for us. God, and not the Emperor of Russia, will be our judge! He will decide.

He will decide who hath committed perjury, who has been the victim of oppression, and who ought to obtain the victory. We have already fought with success, in the name of the God of our fathers; and we will fight till at length we have accomplished the ends of justice. All the nations of Europe possessed of the feelings of humanity tremble for our fate, and exult with joy at our successes.--They only wait your general rising to hail you as members of the free and independent nations of Europe.

Brethren and fellow-citizens! when we shall have finished this terrible and unequal contest, we will invite the Powers of Europe to form themselves into a tribunal of justice; we will appear before them covered with our blood, lay open the book of our annals, unroll the chart of Europe, and say--'Behold our cause and yours! The injustice done to Poland is known to you: you behold her despair; for her courage and generosity appears to her enemies!'

Brethren! let us hope in God. He will inspire the breast of our judges, who, obeying the dictates of eternal justice, will say--'Long live Poland! free and independent!'

The President of the National Government,

(Signed) The Prince Czartoriski.

Warsaw, May 13, 1831.

No. III.

There is a rich consolation for the sufferings of a just cause, in the demonstrations of sympathy which my countrymen have uniformly met with on the part of the people among whom they have been thrown in their exile. I cannot refuse myself the satisfaction of inserting here one among the many notices which have appeared in the journals of the day, exhibiting the warm interest with which they have been regarded by the people of France.

[From the N.Y. Courier des Etats Unis, 7th April.]

'The _Journal of Saoine and Loire_ publishes full details of the arrival of the Poles at Maçon. The reception given to the third detachment, which has passed through that city, was even still more marked, affectionate, and touching than that of the preceding. All the inhabitants of the country quitted their labors, to go out to meet the exiles. The national guard and the troops of the line paid them the honors of the place. Salvos of artillery announced their arrival and their departure. It was a triumphal march. The director of the packet boats gratuitously transported the Poles from Chalons to Lyons. At Maçon, just as the packet boat pushed off, a Polish captain threw his sword upon the bank, exclaiming--'Brave Maçonnois, I give you the dearest possession I have in the world; preserve it as a token of our gratitude.' The sword was carried in triumph to the _Hotel de Ville_, of Maçon, where it was deposited, and a subscription was opened to make a present to the brave stranger of a sword of honor.

'The arrival of this column at Lyons was celebrated with great solemnity. An idea of it may be formed from the recital which is given in the _Precurseur de Lyon_.

'"Since the triumphal passage of the veteran of Liberty, Lyons has seen nothing so magnificent as the great movement of which the arrival of the Poles was the signal. From eighty to a hundred thousand souls marched before the column, upon the road of Bresse, and from far beyond the faubourgs. Having reached the entrance of the city, escorted by the elite of its inhabitants, the Poles found themselves in the midst of an immense crowd, who made the air ring with their cries of enthusiasm and sympathy. From thence to the Place de Terreaux, the column experienced extreme difficulty in advancing through the throngs of the delirious multitude. Words would fail to give the brilliant colors of this truly sublime picture.

'"Maledictions against the infamous policy of the Cabinets, mingled with the cries of 'Vive la Pologne!' The accents of generous indignation were united with those of a deep and heartfelt pity for those remnants of an exiled people.

'"A banquet was prepared at the Brotteaux. One of the committee ascended a carriage to conduct hither that young heroine [the countess Plater, we presume,] who follows to a land of exile her noble companions in arms, as she had followed them upon the field of battle. The people had scarcely recognized her, when they precipitated themselves towards her, unharnessed the horses, and dragged the carriage in triumph to the place of the assemblage.

'"The banquet was attended by more than five hundred persons, and the committee had been forced to refuse a great number of subscribers on account of the smallness of the accommodations.

'"The first toast, given by the president, M. Galibert, was, 'To immortal Poland!' This toast, enlarged upon with an eloquence full of warmth and pathos, excited a universal enthusiasm. The French embraced their noble guests, and it was a touching spectacle--this assembly, electrified by the most pure emotions of the soul, and in which tears flowed from every eye.

'"It was affecting to see the physiognomies of the brave Poles during this solemnity. Many of them understood the French language, and tears flowed down their cheeks at each of the allusions which the orators made to their absent country, their crushed revolution. The young heroine, seated by the side of the president, and who excited a profound and general interest, could hardly suppress the sobs which oppressed her.

'"The most perfect order reigned through the whole fete. Not a gendarme was present, and no excess of the slightest kind occurred. This countless multitude was calm, notwithstanding the violence of its emotions. The people proved how little their masters understand them."'

No. IV.

The following extract from the London Courier of April 9th, 1832, in reference to the recent Imperial Manifesto which converts Poland into a province of Russia, may serve to confirm the remarks which we have made in the text, on the system of deception practised by the Emperor Nicholas towards the Cabinets both of England and France, on the subject of Poland.

* * * * *

'We perceive that the Manifesto of the Emperor of Russia, relative to Poland, which we gave on Saturday, has excited general indignation in France, as well as in this country. Perhaps, as the Poles are not of a character to be awed into submission by the power of their oppressors, whilst the slightest chance of emancipation is open to them, it is better for the cause of humanity that they should be tied hand and foot in the bonds of slavery, than that any opportunity should be afforded them of again saturating the soil of Poland with the blood of its best and bravest patriots. If life with disgrace be better than death without dishonor, the destruction of the nationality of Poland may not be so great an evil as the world at large imagine. If the utter impossibility of successful revolt be clearly shown, the Poles may at length wear their fetters without resorting to vain attempts to shake them off; and the monarch who has enslaved them, may gradually witness the extinction of mind, in proportion as he coerces and binds the body. But what a sad disgrace it is upon the government and people of this country to have neglected, in proper season, the means of securing to the brave and unfortunate people of Poland a nationality which would have given to them the form and substance of liberty, without involving the necessity of a rupture with the Power which has conquered them. Is it not true, that, at a time when the warm-hearted and generous portion of the people of this country were calling upon the Government to exercise the influence and power of the British Crown on behalf of the Poles, the reply was, 'We cannot go to war with the Emperor of Russia for foreign interests--we cannot insist upon his evacuating Poland, and leaving the country in a state of complete independence; but we will use our good offices towards obtaining favorable terms for the insurgents; and we have already the satisfaction of knowing that the Emperor Nicholas has declared that the nationality of Poland shall in no case be forfeited, and that in all other respects the world shall be astonished at the extent of his generosity towards the vanquished.'

'Is there a member of the Government, or any other person, who will tell us that such language as this was not made publicly and privately, in Parliament and out of Parliament, in the newspapers and out of the newspapers, and that the sole excuse for non-intervention was not the real or pretended belief that the nationality of Poland would be respected, and the conduct of the Emperor Nicholas be full of generosity and magnanimity? Gracious God! and are we come to such a pass that the sovereign of a semi-barbarous country can laugh at the honor and dignity of the British name! Is all the respect that he can show to the good offices of the British Government, in behalf of a great-minded people, to be found in empty professions and unmeaning declarations; and are we to put up tamely with one of the greatest insults that ever was inflicted upon the Government of the country? Was it for this that we conciliated the Autocrat of the North on the Belgian question? And is all the return of our concessions a bold and naked defiance of our power, and a determination to convince the world that the days of British influence are passed forever? Perhaps we shall be told, even now, of the magnanimous intentions of the Emperor of Russia; but the cheat is too stale. Every body knows not only that we have truckled to Russia in vain, but that to deception she has added insult, and that at this moment there is a Russian Ambassador in town, with instructions to cajole the Government on the Belgian question, and to withhold the ratification of the treaty until after the passing or rejecting of the Reform Bill, when the Emperor may be enabled by a change of government to dispense with it altogether.--But we are tired of the subject; the more we look at it, the more we feel disgraced. We blame not this or that minister; for the intentions of the government towards Poland, we firmly believe, were kind in the extreme; but we blush for the country at large in having purchased the chance of peace at the sacrifice of honor.'

No. V.

The following is the Imperial Manifesto referred to in the preceding article, as it appears in the Berlin State Gazette, under the head of Warsaw, March 25th, 1832.

* * * * *

'By the grace of God, Nicholas I, Emperor of Russia, King of Poland, etc. When, by our Manifesto of Jan. 2, last year, we announced to our faithful subjects the march of our troops into the kingdom of Poland, which was momentarily snatched from the lawful authority, we at the same time informed them of our intention to fix the future fate of this country on a durable basis, suited to its wants, and calculated to promote the welfare of our whole empire. Now that an end has been put by force of arms to the rebellion in Poland, and that the nation, led away by agitators, has returned to its duty, and is restored to tranquillity, we deem it right to carry into execution our plan with regard to the introduction of the new order of things, whereby the tranquillity and union of the two nations, which Providence has entrusted to our care, may be forever guarded against new attempts. Poland, conquered in the year 1815 by the victorious arms of Russia, obtained by the magnanimity of our illustrious predecessor, the Emperor Alexander, not only its national existence, but also special laws sanctioned by a Constitutional Charter. These favors, however, would not satisfy the eternal enemies of order and lawful power. Obstinately persevering in their culpable projects, they ceased not one moment to dream of a separation between the two nations subject to our sceptre, and in their presumption they dared to abuse the favors of the restorer of their country, by employing for the destruction of his noble work the very laws and liberties which his mighty arm had generously granted them. Bloodshed was the consequence of this crime. The tranquillity and happiness which the kingdom of Poland had enjoyed to a degree till then unknown, vanished in the midst of civil war and a general devastation. All these evils are now passed. The kingdom of Poland, again subject to our sceptre, will regain tranquillity, and again flourish in the bosom of peace, restored to it under the auspices of a vigilant government. Hence we consider it one of our most sacred duties to watch with paternal care over the welfare of our faithful subjects, and to use every means in our power to prevent the recurrence of similar catastrophes, by taking from the ill-disposed the power of disturbing public tranquillity. As it is, moreover, our wish to secure to the inhabitants of Poland the continuance of all the essential requisites for the happiness of individuals, and of the country in general, namely, security of persons and property, liberty of conscience, and all the laws and privileges of towns and communes, so that the kingdom of Poland, with a separate administration adapted to its wants, may not cease to form an integral part of our empire, and that the inhabitants of this country may henceforward constitute a nation united with the Russians by sympathy and fraternal sentiments, we have, according to these principles, ordained and resolved this day, by a new organic statute, to introduce a new form and order in the administration of our kingdom of Poland.

'St Petersburgh, February 26, 1832.

'NICHOLAS.

'The Secretary of State, Count Stephen Grabowski.'

After this Manifesto, the organic statutes of Poland are given, the principal of which are as follows:

* * * * *

'By the grace of God, we, Nicholas I, Emperor and Autocrat of all the Russias, King of Poland, &c, &c.

'In our constant solicitude for the happiness of the nations which Providence has confided to our government, we are occupied in fixing the basis for the future organization of the kingdom of Poland, having regard to the true interests and positions of the country, and to the local wants and manners of the inhabitants.

'GENERAL DISPOSITIONS.

'Art. 1. The kingdom of Poland is forever to be re-united to the Russian empire, and form an inseparable part of that empire. It shall have a particular administration conformably to its local necessities, as well as a civil and military code. The statutes and the laws of cities and towns remain in full vigor.

'Art. 2. The Crown of the kingdom of Poland is hereditary in our person and in our heirs and successors, agreeably to the order of succession to the throne prescribed by all the Russias.

'Art. 3. The Coronation of the Emperors of all the Russias and Kings of Poland shall be one and the same ceremonial, which shall take place at Moscow, in the presence of a deputation from the kingdom of Poland, which shall assist at that solemnity with the deputies from the other parts of the empire.

'Art. 4. In the possible event of a regency in Russia, the power of the regent or regentess of the empire will extend over the kingdom of Poland.

'Art. 5. The freedom of worship is guarantied; every one is at liberty to exercise his religion openly, under the protection of Government; and the difference of Christian faiths shall never prove a pretext for the violation of the rights and privileges which are allowed to all the inhabitants. The Roman Catholic religion, being that of the majority of our Polish subjects, shall be the object of especial protection of the Government.

'Art. 6. The funds which the Roman Catholic clergy possess, and those of the Greek church united, shall be considered as the common and inviolable property of the hierarchy of each of those creeds.

'Art. 7. The protection of the laws is assured to all the inhabitants without distinction of rank or class. Each shall be empowered to assume dignities or to exercise public functions, according to his personal merits or talents.

'Art. 8. Individual liberty is guarantied and protected by the existing laws. No one shall be deprived of his liberty, or called to justice, if he be not a transgressor of the law in all the forms prescribed. Every one detained shall be apprised of the motive of arrest.

'Art. 9. Each person arrested must submit to a delay of three days to be heard and judged of, according to the forms of law, before competent tribunals: if he be found innocent, he will instantly obtain his liberty. He will be equally restored to liberty who shall furnish a sufficient surety.

'Art. 10. The form of judicial inquests directed against the superior functionaries of the kingdom, and against persons accused of high treason, shall be determined by a particular law, the foundation of which shall be accordant with the other laws of our empire.

'Art. 11. The right of property of individuals, and of corporations, is declared sacred and inviolable, inasmuch as it will be conformable to the existing laws. All the subjects of the kingdom of Poland are perfectly free to quit the country, and to carry away their goods, provided they conform to the regulations published to that effect.

'Art. 12. The penalty of confiscation shall not be enforced but against state crimes of the first class, as may be hereafter determined by particular laws.

'Art. 13. Publication of sentiments, by means of the press, shall be subjected to restrictions which will protect religion, the inviolability of superior authority, the interests of morals, and personal considerations. Particular regulations, to this effect, will be published according to the principles which serve as a basis to this object in the other parts of our empire.

'Art. 14. The kingdom of Poland shall proportionably contribute to the general expenditure and to the wants of the empire. The proportion of taxes will be stated hereafter.

'Art. 15. All contributions and all taxes which existed in November, 1830, shall be levied after the manner formerly settled till the new fixing of taxes.

'Art. 16. The treasury of the kingdom of Poland, and all the other branches of the administration, shall be separated from the administration of the other parts of the kingdom.

'Art. 17. The public debt of Poland, acknowledged by us, shall be guarantied as formerly, by the government, and indemnified by the receipts of the kingdom.

'Art. 18. The bank of the kingdom of Poland, and the laws respecting credit, shall continue under the protection of Government.

'Art. 19. The mode of commercial transactions between the Russian empire and the kingdom of Poland shall be regulated according to the respective interests of the two countries.

'Art. 20. Our army in the empire and in the kingdom shall compose one in common, without distinction of Russian or Polish troops. We shall reserve to ourselves a future decision of this, by an especial law, by what arrangement, and upon what basis, the kingdom of Poland shall participate with our army. The number of troops which shall serve as the military defence of the kingdom will be also ultimately determined upon by a law.

'Art. 21. Those of our subjects of the empire of Russia, who are established in the kingdom of Poland, who possess or shall possess, real property in that country, shall enjoy all the rights of natives. It shall be the same with those of our subjects of the kingdom of Poland, who shall establish themselves, and shall possess property, in the other provinces of the empire. We reserve to ourselves to grant hereafter letters of naturalization to other persons, as well to strangers as to Russians, who are not yet established there. Those of our subjects of the Russian empire who may reside for a certain time in Poland, and those of our subjects of the kingdom of Poland who may sojourn in the other parts of the empire, are subject to the laws of the country where they reside.

'Art. 22. The superior administration of the kingdom of Poland is confided to a council of administration, which shall govern the kingdom in our name, under the presidency of the governor of the kingdom.

'Art. 23. The council of administration is composed of the governor of the kingdom, of superior directors, who superintend the commissions, and among whom are divided the interests of the administration, of comptroller, presiding over the supreme Chamber of Finance, and of other members, whom we shall appoint by special orders.'

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 85: Not having a copy of this address in the original, we make use of a rather unsatisfactory translation, which we find in the journals of the day.]

LIST OF POLISH NAMES,

_With their Pronunciation in English_.

POLISH ALPHABET.

a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q

ah bey tsey dey ey ef ghey hah ye ee kah el em en o pey koo

r s t u w x y z.

err es tey oo voo ix ee zed.

_Note._ In every Polish name, or word, the letters are all sounded and pronounced, as their names indicate.

Names as spelled in Their pronunciation. Polish.

A

Adamski Ahdamsky
Augustow Owgoostov
Alexota Ahlexotah

B

Bestuzew Bestoozhev
Boleslaw-Chrobry Boleslav-Khrobry
Biala-Cerkiew Beahlah-Tseyrkyev
Bilinski Belinsky
Biernacki Byernatsky
Bialystok Beahlistok
Brzesc Brzhests
Boimie Boimea
Boguslawski Bogooslavsky
Bialolenka Beahlolenkah
Bug Boog
Bielak Bieylak
Berowski Beyrovsky
Blendowsky Blendovsky
Bystrzyca Bistrzhitsa
Berzykowski Berzhyhkovsky
Beysogola Beysogolah
Bialowiez Beahlovyezh
Belzyca Belzheetsah
Borowa Borovah
Beresteczko Beyrestechko
Bady Bahdy
Brainsk Brainsk
Bielsk Byelsk
Bukowski Bookovsky
Bialobrzegi Byahlobrzheygy
Bocki Botsky
Blonie Blony

C

Chlopicki Khlopitsky
Chodkiewicz Khodkyavitch
Czarnecki Tcharnetsky
Czartoryski Tchartorisky
Ciechanowiec Tsyakhanovyets
Czyzewski Tcheejevski
Czaykowski Tshahovski
Czarno-morskie Tcharna-morskyey
Chlapowski Khlaposvky
Ceglow Tseyglov
Chrzanowski Khrzhahnovsky
Czyzew Tcheejev
Czaykiszki Tchaikishki
Czenstochowa Tchenstokhovah
Cytowiany Tsetoviahny
Czarna Tcharnah
Ciechanow Tsyeykhhanov
Chodzko Khodzko

D

Dembek Dembek
Downarowicz Dovnarovich
Dombrowski Dombrovsky
Diebitsch Deebich
Dwernicki Dvernitsky
Dobre Dobrey
Dembe-Wielkie Dembey-Vielkye
Dnieper Dneeper
Dembinski Dembinsky
Dawgeliszki Davgalishky
Dubno Doobno
Dlugie-Siodlo Dloogya-Syodlo
Dobzyn Dobzhin.

G

Grabowski Grahbovsky
Grodno Grodno
Grochow Grokhov
Granica Grahnitsah
Goclaw Gotslav
Gotembiewski Gotembyevsky
Gielgud Gyelgood
Grombkow Grombkov
Gruszki Grooshky
Galiczyn Gahlichyn
Graiewo Grahyeyvo
Gielgudyszki Gyelgoodishky
Gury-Konarskie Goory-Konarskya
Gorzdy Gorsdy
Giedroyc Gyedroits

H

Hauke Houka
Hildebrand Hildeybrand
Hurtig Hoortig

J

Jablonowski Yablonovsky
Jgelstrom Eegelstrom
Jurgaszko Yoorgashko
Jezierski Yazhyersky
Jadow Yahdov
Jablonna Yablonnah
Jakubow Yahkoobov
Januwek Yahnoovek
Jankowski Yankovsky
Jendrzeiow Yendrzhagov
Jarburg Yarboorg
Jagiellow Yahgyellov
Jedlina Yedlenah
Janow Yahnov
Jeroma Yaroma

K

Kosciuszko Kostchioushko
Krzyzanowski Krzhezhanovsky
Kichelbeker Keekhelbaker
Kachowski Kakhovsky
Krasinski Krahsinsky
Kornatowski Kornahtovsky
Kozienice Kozhyanetsey
Krukowiecki Krookovyetsky
Kock Kotsk
Kaluszyn Kahlooshyn
Kostrzyn Kostrzhyn
Konik Konyik
Kawenczyn Kahvenchyn
Kicki Keetsky
Krasny-taw Krasneestav
Kozieradzki Kozhyaradzky
Karczew Karchev
Kurow Koorov
Konskawola Konskahvolah
Keydany Kaydahny
Kowno Kovno
Kazimierz Kahzheemyerzh
Kolodno Kolodno
Krzemieniece Krzheymyeynyets
Knielce Knyeltsa
Kuflew Kooflev
Kolacze Kolachey
Kamionka Kahmyonkah
Kleczkowo Klechkovo
Kaminski Kaminsky
Koss Koss
Kalwaryia Kalvahreya
Karwowska Kavovskah
Kurzany Koorzhahny
Kikiernicki Kekyornitsky
Kniaziewicz Knyahzyavich

L

Lubowidzki Looboveedzky
Lazienki Lahzhyenky
Lelewel Leyleyvel
Lubecki Loobetsky
Lubinski Loobinsky
Lowicz Lovich
Lubomirska Loobomeerskah
Lenczna Lenchnah
Lukow Lookov
Lublin Looblin
Liwiec Levyets
Leduchowski Leydookhovsky
Lagowski Lahgovsky
Lewandowski Leyvandovsky
Latowicz Lahtovich
Lipawa Lepahvah
Lukowiec Lookovyets
Lomza Lomzah
Lubartow Loobartov
Lubania Loobahnyah
Lipinska Lepinskah
Lida Ledah
Lysobyki Lysobyky
Laskarzew Laskarzhev
Laga Lahgah
Luberacz Loobeyrach

M

Murawiew Mooravyev
Mieciszewski Myatsishevsky
Mokotow Mokotov
Miendzyrzyc Myenjeerzhyts
Makowiec Mahkovyets
Minsk Minsk
Macieiowice Matsyaovcetsa
Mingosy Mingosy
Milosna Melosna
Makow Mahkov
Malachowski Mahlahkhovsky
Maslowski Maslovsky
Markuszew Markushev
Magnuszewo Magnooshavo
Memel Mamel
Mycielski Meetsyelsky
Modlin Modlin
Milatyn Meelahtyn
Mordy Mordy
Modzele Modzala
Mniszew Mneshev
Menzynin Menzhenin
Malinowski Mahlenovsky
Mlawa Mlahvah
Matusiewicz Mahtoosyavich
Myszogola Meshogolah
Michalowski Mekhahlovsky
Maluszyn Mahlooshyn
Morawski Moravsky

N

Niemcewicz Nyemtseyvich
Nasielsk Nahsyelsk
Narew Nahrev
Nowawies Novah-vies
Nowy-dwor Novy-dvor
Niewiaza Nyavyahzhah
Narewska Nahrevkah
Nurzec Noorzhets
Neydenburg Nidenboorg
Nowe-miasto Nova-myasto
Nadarzyn Nahdarzhyn

O

Ostrowski Ostrovsky
Ostrolenka Ostrolenkah
Orsyca Orseetsah
Okuniew Okoonyev
Osmiany Osmyahny
Ostrog Ostrog
Orla Orlah
Oyrany Oyrahny

P

Plichta Plikhtah
Pestel Pestel
Potocki Pototsky
Poniatowski Ponyahtovsky
Powonzki Povonsky
Pac Pats
Pultusk Pooltoosk
Parczewo Parchavo
Praga Prahgah
Pientka Pyentkah
Paszkiewicz Pashkyavich
Pulawy Poolahoy
Polonga Polongah
Prondzynski Proodzynsky
Piast Pyast
Plomieniec Plomyanyets
Proskirow Proskerov
Piaski Pyasky
Poznan Pornan
Prasynsz Prasnysh
Plater Plahter
Podbrzeze Podbrzhazha
Piwecki Pevetsky
Pawenduny Pahvendoony
Piaseczno Pyasechno

R

Rozniecki Rozhnyetsky
Releiew Reyleyiev
Rukiewicz Rookyavich
Ruda Roodah
Ryczywol Reecheevol
Radom Rahdom
Radomierza Rahdomyerzhah
Radzimin Rahjeemin
Rybinski Reebinsky
Rozany Rozhahny
Rosseyny Rosseyny
Radziwil Rahjecvel
Radziwilow Rahjeevelov
Raygrod Raigrod
Rumszyski Roomshysky
Rewdany Revdahny
Rasinowicz Rahsenovich
Retow Retov
Racioncz Rahtsyonzh
Ruzycki Roozhytsky

S

Sokolnicki Sokolnitsky
Soltyk Soltyk
Szlegel Shleygel
Suwarow Soovahrov
Sobieski Sobyesky
Sapieha Sahpyahah
Szulec Shoolets
Siemiontkowski Syamyontkovsky
Skrzynecki Skrzhynetsky
Szembek Shembek
Sierawski Syeyravsky
Siedlce Syedltsa
Serock Seyrotsk
Stryinski Stryinsky
Seroczyn Serochyn
Sokolow Sokolov
Stoczek Stochek
Swider Sveder
Stanislawow Stahneslahvov
Swierza Svyerzhah
Szachowski Shakhovsky
Skarzynski Skarkhynsky
Siekierki Syakerky
Sznayder Shnider
Szuszerin Shoosherin
Siennica Syenneetsah
Szymanski Shymansky
Szawla Shavlah
Swienciany Svyentsyahny
Szerwinty Shervinty
Sucha Sookhah
Styr Styr
Stary-Konstantynow Stahry-Konstantenov
Starygrod Stahregrod
Stoiadly Stoyadly
Strzebucza Strzhaboocha
Suraz Sooraz
Sierakowski Syeyrahkovsky
Szymanowski Shemahnovsky
Szczuczyn Shchoochyn
Suwalki Soovalky
Swieta Svieytah
Salacki Sahlatsky
Slupecki Sloopeytsky
Sloboda Slobodah
Sonk Sonk
Siemiatycze Syamyahtecha

T

Tarnowski Tarnovsky
Trembicki Trembitski
Turno Toorno
Targowek Targovek
Troki Troky
Tarnopol Tarnopol
Tarnogura Tarnogoorah
Troszyn Troshyn
Tykocin Tykotsin

U

Uminski Oominski
Uscilug Oostseloog
Uchania Ookhanyah

W

Wigielin Vegyalen
Wielkaniee Vyelkahneetsa
Wiliaminow Velyahmeenov
Wyzechowski Vezhakhovsky
Wysocki Vesotsky
Wengrzecki Vengrzhetsky
Wonsowicz Vonsovich
Wolicki Volitsky
Wlodawa Vlodahvah
Wielezynski Vealazhynsky
Wengrow Vengrov
Wawr Vavr
Wkra Vkrah
Wilanow Velahnov
Wodynie Vodenya
Wieprz Vyeyprzh
Wilno Vilno
Wilkomierz Vilkomyerzh
Wereszczaki Vareshchahky
Wielkie Vyelkya
Wyszkow Vyshkov
Wroclaw Vrotslav
Wiliia Veleyah
Worna Vornah
Wierzbna Vyerzhbnah

Z

Zamoyski Zahmoisky
Zymirski Zymeersky
Zegrz Zeygrzh
Zlotoria Zlotoryah
Zelechow Zheyleykhov
Ziemiecki Zyeymyeytsky
Zombky Zombky
Zagroby Zahgroby
Zaluski Zahloosky
Zoliborz Zoleborzh
Zimna-woda Zimna-vodah
Zamosc Zahmosts
Zambrowo Zambrovo
Zeymy Zaymy
Zawadzka Zahvadzkah
Zaliwski Zahlivsky
Zabiello Zabyello

[Transcribers Note: Original spelling of names and place-names has been retained]