Chapter LXVI: Part 66

_The peeres are in doubt to whome the rule of the land should be committed, why they durst not that Edgar Edeling should vndertake it though he was interested to the same, how William duke of Normandie pretended a right to the crowne, Harold the sonne of earle Goodwine crowned, proclaimed, and consecrated king; his subtill and adulatorie meanes to win the peoples fauour; duke William sendeth ambassadors to Harold to put him in mind of a promise passed to the said duke for his furtherance to obteine the crowne; Harolds negatiue answer to the said ambassage, as also to the marieng of the dukes daughter which was Harolds owne voluntarie motion; he prouideth against the inuasions of the enimie as one doubting afterclaps, a blasing starre of seuen daies continuance._

THE EIGHT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: HAROLD.] [Sidenote: K. Edward departed this life.] [Sidenote: An. Christi. 1065, after the account of the church of England.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: Edeling, that is, a noble man, and such one as is come of the kings blood.] King Edward being thus departed this life, the péeres of the land were in great doubt & perplexitie to whome they might best commit the roiall gouernement of the realme. For there was not anie among them that had iust title thereto, or able and apt to take the charge vpon him. For although Edgar surnamed Edeling, the sonne of Edward the outlaw, that was sonne of Edmund Ironside, was at the same time latelie come into England, with his mother and sisters out of Hungarie where he was borne: yet for that he was but a child, & not of sufficient age to beare rule, they durst not as then commit the gouernement of the realme vnto him, least (as some haue thought) his tendernesse of age might first bréed a contempt of his person, and therewith minister occasion to ciuill discord, wherby a shipwracke of the estate might ensue, to the great annoie and present ouerthrow of such as then liued in the same. But what consideration soeuer they had in this behalfe, they ought not to haue defrauded the yoong gentleman of his lawfull right to the crowne. For as we haue heard and séene, God, whose prouidence and mightie power is shewed by ouerthrowing of high and mightie things now and then, by the weake and féeble hath gouerned states and kingdomes oftentimes in as good quiet and princelie policie by a child, as by men of age and great discretion.

But to the purpose, beside the doubt which rested among the lords, how to bestow the crowne, the manifold and strange woonders, which, were séene and heard in those daies, betokening (as men thought) some change to be at hand in the state of the realme, made the lords afraid, and namelie bicause they stood in great doubt of William duke of Normandie, who pretended a right to the crowne, as lawfull heire appointed by king Edward, for that he was kin to him in the second and [Sidenote: Dukes of Normandie.] third degree. For Richard the first of that name duke of Normandie, begot Richard the second, and Emma; which Emma bare Edward by hir husband Ethelred. Richard the second had also issue Richard the third, and Robert, which Robert by a concubine had issue William, surnamed the bastard, that was now duke of Normandie, and after the death of his coosine king Edward, made claime (as is said) to the crowne of England.

Whilest the lords were thus studieng and consulting what should be [Sidenote: Harold proclaimed king of England.] best for them to doo in these doubts, Harold, the son of Goodwine earle of Kent, proclaimed himselfe king of England: the people being not much offended therewith, bicause of the great confidence and opinion which they had latelie conceiued of his valiancie. Some write [Sidenote: Edmerus.] (among whome Edmerus is one) how king Edward ordeined before his death, that Harold should succéed him as heire to the crowne, and that therevpon the lords immediatlie after the said Edwards deceasse, crowned Harold for their king, and so he was consecrated by Aldred archbishop of Yorke, according to the custom and maner of the former [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] kings, or (as other affirme) he set the crowne on his owne head without anie the accustomed ceremonies, in the yéere after the birth of our sauiour 1066, or in the yéere of Christ 1065, after the account of the church of England (as before is noted.)

But how and whensoeuer he came to the seat roiall of this kingdome, certeine it is, that this Harold in the begining of his reigne, considering with himselfe how and in what sort he had taken vpon him the rule of the kingdome, rather by intrusion than by anie lawfull [Sidenote: Harold séeketh to win the peoples hearts.] [Sidenote: _Sim. Dunel._] right, studied by all meanes which way to win the peoples fauour, and omitted no occasion whereby he might shew anie token of bountious liberalitie, gentlenesse and courteous behauiour towards them. The gréeuous customes also and taxes which his predecessors had raised, he either abolished or diminished: the ordinarie wages of his seruants and men of warre he increased, and further shewed himselfe verie well bent to all vertue and goodnesse, whereby he purchased no small fauor among such as were his subiects.

[Sidenote: An ambassage from Normandie.] Whilest Harold went about thus to steale the peoples good willes, there came ouer vnlooked for sundrie ambassadours from William the bastard duke of Normandie, with commission to require him to remember his oth sometime made to the said William in the time of his extremitie, which was, that he the said Harold should aid him in the obteining of the crowne of England, if king Edward should happen to die without issue. This couenant he made (as it is supposed) in king Edwards daies, when (by licence of the same Edward, or rather (as Edmerus writeth) against his will) he went ouer into Normandie to visit his brethren, which laie there as pledges.

[Sidenote: K. Harolds answer.] Howbeit at this present, Harolds answer to the said ambassadors was, that he would be readie to gratifie the duke in all that he could [Sidenote: _Eadmerus._] demand, so that he would not aske the realme, which alreadie he had in his full possession. And further he declared vnto them (as some write) that as for the oth which he had made in times past vnto duke William, [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] the same was but a constreined & no voluntarie oth, which in law is nothing; since thereby he tooke vpon him to grant that which was not in his power to giue, he being but a subiect whilest king Edward was liuing. For if a promised vow or oth which a maid maketh concerning the bestowing of hir bodie in hir fathers house, without his consent, is made void; much more an oth by him made that was a subiect, and vnder the rule of a king, without his souereignes consent, ought to be void and of no value. He alledged moreouer, that as for him to take an oth to deliuer the inheritance of anie realme without the generall consent of the estates of the same, could not be other than a great péece of presumption, yea although he might haue iust title therevnto; so it was an vnreasonable request of the duke at this present to will him to renounce the kingdome, the gouernance whereof he had alreadie taken vpon him, with so great fauor and good liking of all men.

[Sidenote: Duke William eftsoones sendeth to king Harold.] Duke William hauing receiued this answer, and nothing liking thereof, sent once againe to Harold, requiring him then at the least-wise, that he would take his daughter to wife, according to his former promise; in refusing whereof he could make no sound allegation, bicause it was a thing of his owne motion, and in his absolute power, both to grant and to performe. But Harold being of a stout courage, with proud countenance frowned vpon the Norman ambassadors, and declared to them that his mind was nothing bent as then to yéeld therevnto in any maner of wise. And so with other talke tending to the like effect he sent them away without anie further answer. The daughter of duke William [Sidenote: _Gemeticensis._] whome Harold should haue maried, was named Adeliza, as Gemeticensis saith, and with hir (as the same author writeth) it was couenanted by duke William, that Harold should inioy halfe the realme in name of hir [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] dower. Howbeit some write that this daughter of duke William was departed this life before the comming of these ambassadors, and that Harold therevpon thought himselfe discharged of the oth and couenants made to duke William, and therefore sent them away with such an vntoward answer.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] But howsoeuer it was, after the departure of these ambassadors, king Harold (doubting what would insue) caused his ships to be newlie rigged, his men of warre to be mustered, and spéedilie put in a readinesse, to the end that if anie sudden inuasion should be made and attempted by his enimie, he might be able to resist them. ¶ About the same time also, and vpon the 24 of Aprill (whilest Harold was making prouision to withstand the Norman force) there appeared a blasing starre, which was séene not onelie here in England, but also in other parts of the world, and continued the space of seuen daies. This [Sidenote: _Rog. Houed._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] blasing starre might be a prediction of mischéefe imminent & hanging ouer Harolds head; for they neuer appeare but as prognosticats of afterclaps. To be resolutelie instructed herein, doo but peruse a treatise intituled; A doctrine generall of comets or blasing starres published by a bishop of Mentz in Latine, and set foorth in English by Abraham Fleming vpon the apparition of a blasing starre séene in the southwest, on the 10 of Nouember 1577, and dedicated to the right worshipfull sir William Cordell knight, then maister of hir maiesties rolles, &c.

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_Earle Tostie afflicteth his brother Harold on sea and land, he taketh the repulse, and persuadeth Harfager king of Norweie to attempt the conquest of England against Harold, Harfager & Tostie with their powers arriue at Humber, they fight with the Northumbers vnder the conduct of Edwine and Marchar, and discomfit them; Harold leuieth an armie against them, the rare valiantnes of a Norwegian souldior; Harfager and Tostie slaine in battell; the Norwegians are foiled and flie; Harolds vnequall and parciall dividing of the spoile, he goeth to Yorke to reforms things amisse._

THE NINTH CHAPTER.

Whilest Harold desirous to reteine, and verie loth to let go his vsurped roialtie, had crackt his credit with the duke of Normandie, and by his lewd reuolting from voluntarie promises ratified with solemne othes, had also kindled the fire of the dukes furie against him; it came to passe, that the proud and presumptuous man was (to [Sidenote: Tostie séekes to disquiets his brother.] begin withall) vexed in his owne flesh, I meane his owne kinred. For Tostie the brother of king Harold (who in the daies of king Edward for his crueltie had béene chased out of the realme by the Northumbers) returning out of Flanders, assembled a nauie of ships from diuers [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ saith but 40.] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: _Ran Higd._] [Sidenote: _Sim. Dun._] parts to the number of 60, with the which he arriued in the Ile of Wight, & there spoiled the countrie, and afterward sailing about by the coasts of Kent, he tooke sundrie preies their also, and came at the last to Sandwich: so that Harold was now constreined to appoint the nauie which he had prepared against the Normans, to go against his brother earle Tostie. Whereof the said Tostie being aduertised, drew towards Lindsey in Lincolnshire, and there taking land did much hurt [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: Tosties repelled.] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] in the countrie, both with sword and fire, till at length Edwine earle of Mercia, and Marchar earle of Northumberland, aided with the kings nauie, chased him from thence, and caused him to flie into Scotland, not without some losse both of his men and ships.

This trouble was scarse quieted, but streightwaies another came in the necke thereof, farre more dangerous than the first. For Tostie, perceiuing that he could get no aid in Scotland to make anie account [Sidenote: Harold Harfager king of Norweie.] of, sailed forth into Norweie, and there persuaded Harold Harfager king of that realme, to saile with an armie into England, persuading him that by meanes of ciuill dissention latelie kindled betwixt the king and his lords (which was not so) it should be an easie matter for him to make a conquest of the whole realme, and reigne ouer them as his predecessors had done before. Some authors affirme, that Harold [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] king of Norwey tooke this enterprise in hand of his owne mind, and not by procurement of Tostie, saieng, that Tostie méeting with him in Scotland, did persuade him to go forward in his purposed busines, and that the said Harold Harfager with all conuenient spéed passed foorth, [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._ saith 500.] & with a nauie of 300 saile entered into the riuer of Tine, where after he had rested a few daies to refresh his people, earle Tostie came also with his power (according to an appointment which should be made betweene them.) They ad furthermore, that they sailed forth [Sidenote: The Norwegians arriue in Humber.] [Sidenote: Richall.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] alongst the coast, till they arriued in the mouth of Humber, & then drawing vp against the streame of the riuer Owse, they landed at length at a place called Richhall, from whence they set forward to inuade the countrie, & néere vnto Yorke on the northside of the citie, they fought with the power of the Northumbers, which was led by the [Sidenote: The English men discomfited.] earls Edwine and Marchar (two brethren) and there discomfited and chased them into the citie, with great slaughter and bloudshed.

[Sidenote: This battell was fought on the even of S. Mattew the apostle, as saith _Si. Dun._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] Harold king of England being aduertised of this chance, made the more hast forward (for he was alreadie in the field with his armie, intending also to come towards his enimies) so that vpon the fift day after he came to Stamford bridge, finding there the said king Harfager and Tostie readie imbattelled, he first assailed those that kept the bridge, where (as some writers affirme) a Norwegian souldier with his axe defended the passage, mauger the whole host of the Englishmen, and slue fortie of them or more with his axe, & might not be ouercome, till an Englishman went with a boat vnder the said bridge, and through an hole thereof thrust him vp into the bodie with his speare: yet Matt. West, saith that he was slaine with a dart which one of king Harold his seruants threw at him, & so ended his life. Which bridge [Sidenote: The Norwegians discomfited.] being woone, the whole host of the Englishmen passed ouer, and ioined with their enimies, and after a verie great and sore battell put them all to flight.

[Sidenote: The king of Norwaie and Tostie slaine.] In this conflict Harold Harfager king of the Norwegians was slaine, & so was Tostie the king of England his brother, besides a great number of other, as well in the battell as in the chase: neither did the Englishmen escape all frée, for the Norwegians fought it out a long [Sidenote: This battell was fought on the 25 of September as saith _Si. Dun._] time verie stoutlie, beating downe and killing great numbers of such as assailed them with great courage and assurance. The residue of the Norwegians that were left to kéepe their ships vnder the guiding of Olaue sonne to the king of Norwaie, and Paule earle of Orkneie, after [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] they vnderstood by their fellowes that escaped from the field, how the mater went with Harfager and Tostie, they hoised vp their sailes and directed their course homewards, bearing sorowfull newes with them [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] into their countrie, of the losse of their king and ouerthrow of all his people. Some write, that the king of England permitted them franklie to depart with 20 ships, hauing first caused them to deliuer such hostages as they had receiued of the citizens of Yorke. Harold reioising in that he had atteined so glorious a victorie, and being now surprised with pride and couetousnesse togither, he diuided the [Sidenote: _M. West._] [Sidenote: Vnequall diuiding of the spoile.] spoile of the field nothing equallie, but to such as he fauored he distributed liberallie, and to other (though they had much better deserued) he gaue nothing at all, reteining still the best part of all to himselfe, by reason whereof he lost the fauor of manie of his men, who for this his discourtesie, did not a little alienate their good [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] willes from him. This doone, he repaired to Yorke, and there staied for a time to reforme the disordered state of the countrie, which by reason of these warres was greatlie out of frame.

¶ But Harold being more presumptuous and foole-hardie, than prouident and wise in his enterprise; bending all his force to redresse enormities in those quarters of Yorkeshire (much like vnto him, whom the Comediographer marketh for a foole, "Ea tantùm quæ ad pedes iacent contemplans, non autem ventura præuidens") neglected the kinglie care which he should haue had of other parts of his realme, from the which he had withdrawen himselfe, and (as it is likelie) had not left sufficientlie prouided of a conuenient vicegerent to gouerne the same by his warranted authoritie, and such fortifications as might expell and withstand the enimie. Which want of foresight gaue occasion to the enimie to attempt an inuasion of the English coasts, as in the next chapt. shall be shewed.

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_William duke of Normandie prepareth to inuade England and to conquere it, the earle of Flanders and the French king assist him, the number of his ships, hir arriuall at Peuensey in Sussex, vpon what occasions he entred this realme; the pope liked well duke Williams attempt, why king Harold was hated of the whole court of Rome; why duke William would not suffer his souldiers to wast the countries where they came; Harold goeth towards his enimies, why his vnskilfull espials tooke the Normans (being old beaten souldiers) for priests; Girth dissuadeth his brother Harold from present incountering with the duke; where note the conscience that is to be had of an oth, and that periurie can not scape vnpunished._

THE TENTH CHAPTER.

WILLIAM duke of Normandie hauing knowledge after what maner K. Harold was busied in the north parts of his realme, and vnderstanding that the south parts thereof remained destitute of due prouision for necessarie defense, hasted with all diligence to make his purueiance of men and ships, that he might vpon such a conuenient occasion set forward to inuade his enimie. And amongest other of his friends, vnto [Sidenote: _Ia. Meir._] [Sidenote: Baldwine earle of Flanders aided duke William to conquere England.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Geme._] whome he laboured for aid, his father in law Baldwine earle of Flanders was one of the chiefest, who vpon promise of great summes of monie and other large offers made, did aid him with men, munition, ships, and victuals, verie freelie. The French king also did as much for his part as laie in him to helpe forwards this so high an enterprise. Wherefore when all things were now in a readinesse, he came to the towne of S. Valerie, where he had assembled togither an [Sidenote: The chronicles of Normandie haue 896 ships.] huge nauie of ships, to the number (as some authors affirme) of three hundred saile; and when he had taried there a long time for a conuenient wind, at length it came about euen as he himselfe desired. Then shipping his armie which consisted of Normans, Flemings, [Sidenote: Duke William landed at Peuensey, now Pemsey.] Frenchmen, and Britains, with all expedition he tooke the sea, and directing his course towards England, he finallie landed at a place in Sussex, ancientlie called Peuensey, on the 28 day of September, where he did set his men on land, & prouided all things necessarie to incourage and refresh them.

At his going out of his ship vnto the shore, one of his féet slipped as he stepped forward, but the other stacke fast in the sand: the which so soone as one of his knights had espied, and séeing his hand wherevpon he staied full of earth, when he rose, he spake alowd and said: "Now sir duke, thou hast the soile of England fast in thy hand, & shalt of a duke yer long become a king." The duke hearing this tale, laughed merilie thereat, and comming on land, by and by he made his proclamation, declaring vpon what occasion he had thus entered the realme.

[Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: 1]

The first and principall cause which he alleged, was for to chalenge his right, meaning the dominion of the land that to him was giuen and assigned (as he said) by his nephue king Edward late ruler of the same land.

[Sidenote: 2]

The second was, to reuenge the death of his nephue Alured or Alfred the brother of the same king Edward, whome Goodwine earle of Kent and his adherents had most cruellie murthered.

[Sidenote: 3]

The third was to be reuenged of the wrong doone vnto Robert archbishop of Canturburie, who (as he was informed) was exiled by the meanes and labor of Harold in the daies of king Edward.

Wherein we haue to note, that whether it were for displeasure that the [Sidenote: _Wil. Lamb._] [Sidenote: The pope fauored duke Williams enterprise.] pope had sometime conceiued for the wrong doone to the archbishop, or at the onlie sute of duke William, certeine it is that the pope, as then named Alexander the second, fauored this enterprise of the duke, and in token thereof sent him a white banner, which he willed him to set vp in the decke of the ship, wherein he himselfe should saile. In déed (as writers report) the pope with his cardinals, and all the whole court of Rome had king Harold euer in great hatred and disdaine,

[Sidenote: _Matth. West._] because he had taken vpon him the crowne without their consent, or anie ecclesiasticall solemnitie or agréement of the bishops. And although the pope and his brethren the said cardinals dissembled the matter for the time, yet now beholding to what end his bold presumption was like to come, with frowning fortune they shewed themselues open aduersaries, inclining streightwaies to the stronger part, after the manner of couetous persons, or rather of the réed shaken with a sudden puffe of wind.

[Sidenote: _Gemeticensis._] Duke William at his first landing at Peuensey or Pemsey (whether you will) fortified a péece of ground with strong trenches, and leauing therein a competent number of men of warre to kéepe the same, he sped him toward Hastings, and comming thither, he built an other fortresse there with all spéed possible, without suffering his souldiers to rob or harrie the countrie adioining, saieng that it should be great [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] follie for him to spoile that people, which yer manie daies to come were like to be his subiects. K. Harold being as yet in the north parts, and hearing that duke William was thus landed in England, sped him southward, and gathering his people togither out of the countries as he went forwards, at length came néere his enimies: and sending [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] espials into their campe to vnderstand of what strength they were; the vnskilfull messengers regarding smallie their charge, brought woord againe of nothing else, but that all duke Williams souldiers were [Sidenote: Normans berds shauen.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Marle._] priests. For the Normans had at that time their vpper lips and chéekes shauen, whereas the Englishmen vsed to suffer the haire of their vpper lips to grow at length. But Harold answered, that they were not priests, but wether-beaten and hardie souldiers, and such as were like to abide well by their capteine.

[Sidenote: Girth would not haue his brother king Harold fight himselfe.] [Sidenote: _Gemeticensis._] In the meane season, Girth one of Harolds yoonger brethren (considering that periurie is neuer left vnpunished) aduised his brother not to aduenture himselfe at this present in the battell, for so much as he had beene sometime sworne to duke William, but rather to suffer him and other of the nobilitie to incounter with the said duke, that were not bound to him by former oth, or otherwise: but Harold answered that he was free from anie such oth, and that in defense of his countrie he would fight boldly with him as with his greatest enimie. ¶ Where (by the waie) would be noted the conscience which Girth a yoonger brother made of an oth, not concerning himselfe directlie, but his elder brother Harold, who had sworne the same; meaning nothing lesse than the performance therof, as the sequele of his dooings to his discredit and vndooing euidentlie declared, which euents might séeme countable to him as due punishments and deserued plagues inflicted vpon him and others, for his sake; sith he made no reckoning of violating a vow ratified with an oth to a prince of no small puissance, who afterwards became a whip vnto him for his periurie; a sinne detested of the heathen, and whereof the poet notablie speaketh, saieng:

[Sidenote: _Tibul, lib._ 1.]

Ah miser, & si quis primò periuria celat,
Sera tamen tacitis p[oe]na venit pedibus.

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_After peace offered & refused on each side, both armies meete in the field, the order of the Englishmens attire & araie, the maner how the Normans were placed to fight in battell; the dissolute and droonken behauior of the Englishmen the night before the incounter farre differing from the Normans deuout demenour; duke Williams speech vpon occasion of wrong putting on his armour, the battell betwixt him and king Harold is valiantlie tried, the English by duke Williams politike stratagem are deceiued, king Harold slaine, his armie put to flight and manie of them slaine after a long and bloudie incounter, manie of the Normans pursuing the English ouerhastilie procure their owne death, they take the spoile of the English, the dead bodies of both armies are licenced to be buried; the differing reports of writers touching the maner of Harolds death, a description of his person, his ambition did him much hurt and hinderance, the number that were slaine on both sides, his bodie buried at Waltham, nothing dispraisewoorthie in him but his ambitious mind, a view of his valiantnesse in a conflict against the Welshmen, his rigorous or rather pitilesse handling of them, his seuere law or decree touching their bounds, they are vtterlie subdued, and (by the kings leaue) the Welshwomen marrie with the Englishmen, the Saxon line ceasseth, how long it lasted, and how long it was discontinued by the inuasion of the Danes._

THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] Now it fortuned that both armies, as well the kings as the earles, being prepared to battell, diuerse offers were made on each side (before they fell to the conflict) for an vnitie to haue béene had betwixt the two princes: but when no conditions of agreement could take place, they forthwith prepared themselues to trie the matter by dint of swoord. And so on the 14 day of October, being saturday, both hosts met in the field, at a place in Sussex not farre from Hastings, [Sidenote: The order of the Englishmen.] whereas the abbeie of Battell was afterward builded. The Englishmen were all brought into one entire maine batell on foot, with huge axes [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] in their hands, and paled a front with paueises, in such wise that it was thought vnpossible for the enimie to breake their arraie. On the other side, the Normans were diuided into seuerall battels, as first [Sidenote: The arraie of the Normans.] the footmen that were archers, and also those that bare gleiues and axes were placed in the forefront, and the horssemen diuided into wings stood on the sides in verie good order.

[Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] All the night before the battell, the Englishmen made great noise and slept not, but sang and fell to drinking and making of reuell & pastime, as though there had beene no account to be made of the next daies trauell. But the Normans behaued themselues warilie and soberlie, spending all that night in praier and confessing their sinnes vnto God; and in the morning earelie they receiued the communion before they went foorth to the battell. Some write, that when duke William should put on his armour to go to the field, the backe halfe of his curasses by chance was set on before by such as holpe to arme him: at which chance he tooke occasion of laughter, saieng merrilie to them that stood by; "No force, this is good lucke, for the estate of my dukedome shall be yer night changed into a kingdome." Beside this, he spake manie comfortable woords vnto his men, to incourage them to the battell. Neither was Harold forgetfull in that point on his part. And so at conuenient time when both armies were readie, they made forward each to incounter with other, on the foresaid fouretéenth day of October, with great force and assurance.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: The battell betwixt king Harold and duke William is begun.] In the beginning of the battell, the arrowes flue abroad freshlie on both sides, till they came to ioine at hand strokes, and then preassed each side vpon his counter part with swoords, axes, and other hand weapons verie egerlie. Duke William commanded his horssemen to giue the charge on the breasts of his enimies battels: but the Englishmen kéeping themselues close togither without scattering, receiued their enimies vpon the points of their weapons with such fiercenesse and in such stiffe order, that manie of the Norman horssemen were ouerthrowne without recouerie, and slaine at the first brunt. When duke William perceiued this inconuenience (as he that well and throughlie vnderstood the skilfull points of warre as well as the best) he gaue a signe to his men (according to an order appointed before hand vpon [Sidenote: The policie of duke William to disorder his enimies.] [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] anie such occasion) that they should giue backe, and make a countenance as though they did flée, which was quicklie doone by the Normans, and withall they imbattelled their footmen in a new order, so that their horssemen shifted themselues on the wings, readie to rescue the footmen if their arraie should happen to be disturbed.

By this wilie stratagem and policie of warre, the Englishmen were deceiued: for they beholding the Normans somwhat shrinking backe to bring themselues into the aboue said order, thought verelie that they had fled, and therevpon meaning to pursue them before they should recouer their ground, they brake their arraie, and began to follow the chase: wherevpon the Normans (perceiuing now that all things came to passe as they desired) spéedilie returned, and casting themselues togither quicklie into arraie, began to charge them againe afresh, and [Sidenote: A sore foughten battell.] [Sidenote: King Harold slaine.] so hauing them at that aduantage, they slue them downe on euerie side. The Englishmen on the other part fought sore, and though their king was beaten downe among them and slaine, yet were they loth to flée or giue ouer; so sharpe was the battell, that duke William himselfe had thrée horsses slaine vnder him that day, and not without great danger of his person.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] Some of the Englishmen got them to the height of an hill, and beate backe the Normans that forced themselues to win the hill of them, so that it was long yer the Normans could preuaile, being oftentimes driuen downe into the botome of the vallie beneath. At length the [Sidenote: The Englishmen put to flight.] Englishmen, perceiuing themselues to be ouermatched and beaten downe on euerie side, and therevnto greatlie discouraged with slaughter of their king, began first to giue ground, and after to scatter and to run away, so that well was he that might then escape by flight. When [Sidenote: _Chron. de bello._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Geme._] [Sidenote: The Normans fall into a ditch.] they had fought the most part of all that saturday, the Normans followed the chase with such eger rashnesse, that a great number of them falling with their horsses and armour into a blind ditch (shadowed with reed and sedges which grew therein) were smouldered and pressed to death, yer they could be succoured or get anie reliefe. The next day the Normans fell to gathering in the spoile of the field, burieng also the dead bodies of their people that were slaine at the battell, giuing licence in semblable manner to the Englishmen to doo [Sidenote: _Giral. Camb._] the like. Of the death of Harold diuerse report diuerslie, in so much that Girald Cambrensis saith, that after king Harold had receiued manie wounds, and lost his left eie, he fled from the field vnto the citie of Westchester, and liued there long after, an holie life, as an anchoret in the cell of S. James, fast by S. Johns church, and there made a godlie end. But the saieng of Girald Cambren. in that point is not to be credited, bicause of the vnlikelihood of the thing it selfe, [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] and also generall consent of other writers, who affirme vniuersallie that he was killed in the battell, first being striken thorough the left eie by the scull into the braine with an arrow, wherevpon falling from his horsse to the ground, he was slaine in that place, after he [Sidenote: _Floriac._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] had reigned nine moneths and nine daies, as Floriacensis dooth report. He was a man of a comelie stature, and of a hawtie courage, & albeit that for his valiancie he was highlie renowmed and honored of all men, [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: The chronicles of Normandie haue of English men slaine 67974, and of Normans 6013.] yet through his pride and ambition he lost the harts of manie. There were slaine in this battell, besides king Harold and his two brethren, Girth and Leofrike, what on the one side and on the other, aboue twentie thousand men.

The bodie of king Harold being found among other slaine in the field, was buried at Waltham, within the monasterie of the holie crosse which he before had founded, and indowed to the behoofe of such canons as he had placed there, with faire possessions. Verelie (as some old writers [Sidenote: _Ex_ 6. _libro Polycraticon, side de nugis curialium._] [Sidenote: _John Sarisb._] haue reported) there was nothing in this man to be in anie wise dispraised, if his ambitious mind could haue beene staied from coueting the kingdome, and that he could haue béene contented to haue liued as a subiect. Among other manifest proofes of his high valiancie, this is remembred of him, that being sent against the Welshmen (as before is partlie mentioned) knowing their readie nimblenesse in seruice, and how with their light armed men they were accustomed to annoie and distresse those that should assaile them, he likewise (to match them) prepared light armed men for the purpose, & so being furnished with such bands of nimble men and light souldiers, entered vpon the mounteins of Snowdon, and there remained amongst the enimies for the space of two yéeres. He sore afflicted the Welsh nation, tooke their kings, and sent their heads vnto the king that sent him about his businesse, and proceeding in such rigorous maner as might mooue the hearers to lament and pitie the case, he caused all the male kind that might be met with, to be miserablie slaine: and so with the edge of his swoord he brought the countrie to quiet, and withall made this lawe; that if anie Welshman from thencefoorth should presume to passe the limits ouer Offas ditch with anie weapon about him, he should lose his right hand. To conclude, by the valiant conduct of this chieftaine, the Welshmen were then so sore brought vnder, that in maner the whole nation might séeme to faile, and to be almost vtterlie destroied. And therefore by permission of the king of England, the Women of Wales ioined themselues in marriage with Englishmen. Finallie, héereby the bloud of the Saxons ceassed to reigne in England after they had continued possession of the same, from the first comming of Hengist, which was about the yéere of our Sauiour 450, or 449, vntill that present yeere of king Harolds death, [Sidenote: 1069.] which chanced in the yéere 1069. So that from the beginning of Hengist his reigne, vnto Harolds death, are reckoned 916 yéeres, or (after some) 617, as by the supputation of the time will easilie appeere. By all the which time there reigned kings of the Saxons bloud within this land, except that for the space of twentie yéeres and somewhat more, the Danes had the dominion of the realme in their possession: for there are reckoned from the beginning of K. Swaines reigne (which was the first Dane that gouerned England) vnto the last yéere of K. Hardicnute (the last Dane that ruled heere) 28 yéeres, in which meane space Egelred recouering the kingdome reigned 2 yéeres, then after him his sonne Edmund Ironside continued in the rule one yéere; so that the Danes had the whole possession of the land but 25 yéeres in all. Touching this alteration, and others incident to this Iland, read a short aduertisement annexed (by waie of conclusion) to this historie, comprising a short summarie of the most notable conquests of this countrie one after an other, by distances of times successiuelie.

* * * * *

_The rule of this realme by Gods prouidence allotted to duke William, his descent from Rollo the first duke of Normandie downewards to his particular linage, he was base begotten vpon the bodie of Arlete duke Roberts concubine, a pleasant speech of hirs to duke Robert on a time when he was to haue the vse of hir person, a conclusion introductorie for the sequele of the chronicle from the said duke of Normandies coronation, &c: with a summarie of the notable conquests of this Iland._

THE TWELFE CHAPTER.

Now, forsomuch as it pleased God by his hid and secret iudgement so to dispose the realme of England, and in such wise, as that the gouernance thereof should fall after this maner into the hands of William duke of Normandie, I haue thought good before I enter further into this historie (being now come to the conquest of the realme, made by the foresaid duke of Normandie) to set downe his pedegrée, thereby to shew how he descended from the first duke of that countrie, who was named Rollo, and after by receiving baptisme called Robert.

The said Rollo or Rou, was sonne to a great lord in Denmarke called Guion, who hauing two sons, the said Rou and Gourin, and being appointed to depart the countrie, as the lots fell to him and other (according to the maner there vsed, in time when their people were increased to a greater number than the countrie was able to susteine) refused to obeie that order, and made warre there against the king, who yet in the end by practise found meanes to slea the foresaid Guion, and his sonne Gourin; so that Rou or Rollo, hauing thus lost his father and brother, was compelled to forsake the countrie, with all those that had holpe his father to make warre against the king. Thus driuen to séeke aduentures, at length he became a christian, and was created duke of Normandie, by gift of Charles king of France, surnamed le Simple, whose daughter the ladie Gilla he also maried: but she departing this life without issue, he maried Popée daughter to the earle of Bessin and Baileux, whome he had kept as his wife before he was baptised, and had by hir a sonne named William Longespée, and a daughter named Gerlota.

William Longespée or Longaspata, had to wife the ladie Sporta, daughter to Hubert earle of Senlis, by whome he had issue Richard the second of that name duke of Normardie, who married the ladie Agnes, the daughter of Hugh le grand, earle of Paris, of whome no issue procéeded: but after hir deceasse, he maried to his second wife a gentlewoman named Gonnor, daughter to a knight of the Danish line, by [Sidenote: Ye must note that there was one Richard duke of Normandie before Rollo.] whom he had thrée sonnes, Richard that was after duke of Normandie, the third of that name, Robert and Mauger. He had also by hir three daughters, Agnes otherwise called Emma, married first to Egelred king of England, and after to K. Cnute: Helloie, otherwise Alix, bestowed vpon Geffrey earle of Britaine: and Mawd coupled in marriage with Euldes earle of Charters and Blais. Richard the third of that name maried Iudith, sister to Geffrey earle of Britaine, by whome he had issue thrée sonnes, Richard, Robert, and William, and as manie daughters: Alix, married to Reignold earle of Burgogne, Elenor married to Baldwine earle of Flanders; and the third died yoong, being affianced to Alfonse king of Nauarre. Their mother deceassed after she had beene married ten yéeres, and then duke Richard married secondlie the ladie Estric, sister to Cnute king of England and Denmarke, from whome he purchased to be diuorsed, and then married a gentlewoman called Pauie, by whome he had issue two sonnes, William earle of Arques, and Mauger archbishop of Rouen.

Richard the fourth of that name, duke of Normandie, eldest sonne to Richard the third, died without issue, and then his brother Robert succéeded in the estate, which Robert begat vpon Arlete or Harleuina daughter to a burgesse of Felais, William surnamed the bastard, afterward duke of Normandie, and by conquest king of England. Of whose father duke Robert, & his paramour Arlete, take this pleasant remembrance for a refection after the perusing of the former sad and sober discourses.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm. lib._ 3. _cap._ 1.] [Sidenote: _Ranulph. lib._ 6. _cap._ 19.] In the yéere of Christ 1030, Robert, the second sonne of Richard the second duke of Normandie, and brother to Richard the third duke of that name there hauing with great honour and wisedome gouerned his dukedome seuen yéeres, for performance of a penance that he had set to himselfe, appointed a pilgrimage to Jerusalem; leauing behind him this [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm. lib._ 3. _cap._ 1.] [Sidenote: _Ranulph. lib._ 6. _cap._ 19.] William a yoong prince, whome seuen yéeres before he had begotten vpon his paramour Arlete (whom after he held as his wife) with whose beautifull fauour, louelie grace and presence, at hir dansing on a time then as he was tenderlie touched, for familiar vtterance of his mind what he had further to say, would néeds that night she should be his bedfellow, who else as wiuelesse should haue lien alone: where when she was bestowed, thinking that if she should haue laid hir selfe naked, it might haue séemed not so maidenlie a part: so when the duke was about (as the maner is) to haue lift vp hir linnen, she in an [Sidenote: _Ran. li._ 6. _ca._ 19.] humble modestie staid hir lords hand, and rent downe hir smocke asunder, from the collar to the verie skirt. Heereat the duke all smiling did aske hir what thereby she ment? In great lowlines, with a feate question she answerd againe; "My lord, were it méet that any part of my garments dependant about me downeward, should presume to be mountant to my souereignes mouth vpward? Let your grace pardon me." He liked hir answer: and so and so foorth for that time.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _lib._ 3. _cap._ 1.] [Sidenote: _Ran. ibid._] This duke before his voiage, calling at Fiscam all his nobilitie vnto him, caused them to sweare fealtie vnto his yoong sonne William, whome he then at his iournie betooke vnto the gouernance of earle Gilbert, and the defense of the gouernour vnto Henrie the French king. So Robert passing foorth in his pilgrimage, shewed in euerie place and in [Sidenote: _Ran. ibid._] all points a magnanimitie and honour of a right noble prince, and pleasant withall; who once in Iurie not well at ease, in a litter was borne toward Ierusalem vpon Saracens shoulders, & méeting with a subiect of his that was going home toward Normandie: Friend (quoth he) if my people at thy returne aske after me, tell them that thou sawest [Sidenote: _Ran. ibid._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Mal. idem._] [Sidenote: _Ran. idem._] their lord carried to heauen by diuels. The Norman nobilitie during duke Roberts life, did their dutie to the yoong prince faithfullie, but after they heard of his fathers death, they slackened apace, euerie one shifting for himselfe as he list, without anie regard either of oth or obedience toward the pupill their souereigne. Whereby not manie yéeres after, as Gilbert the gouernour, by Rafe the childes coosine germane, was slaine; the dukedome anon, by murther and fighting among themselues was sore troubled in all parts. Thus much a little of duke Robert the father, and of prince William his sonne for part of his tender yéeres.

* * * * *

_A notable aduertisement touching the summe of all the foresaid historie, wherin the foure great and notable conquests of this land are brieflie touched, being a conclusion introductorie, as is said in the argument._

In the former part of this historie it is manifest to the heedful [Sidenote: Britaine inhabited by Brute.] reader, that (after the opinion of most writers) Brute did first inhabit this land; and called it then after his owne name, Britaine, in the yéere after the creation of the world 2855, and in the yéere before the incarnation of Christ 1108. ¶ Furthermore the said land of [Sidenote: 1 Britaine conquered by the Romans.] Britaine was conquered by C. Iulius Cesar, and made tributarie to the Romans in the 50 yéere before the natiuitie of Christ, and so continued 483 yéeres. So that the Britains reigned without tribute and vnder tribute, from Brute, vntill the fourth yeere of the reigne of king Cadwalladar, which was in the yéere of our Lord 686. And so the Britains had continuance of the gouernement of this land the space of 1794 yéeres. Then was the realme of Britaine an heptarchie, that is, diuided into seuen kingdoms. And Britaine receiued the faith of Christ [Sidenote: 2 Britaine conquered and ouercome by the Saxons.] in the 7 yéere of the reigne of king Lucius, which was in the 187 yéere after the birth of Christ. ¶ Next after the Britains entered the Saxons, in the third yéere of king Vortiger; and in the yéere of our Lord 450, and they gouerned vntill the last yéere of king Athelstane, which was in the yéere of Christ 938. So that the time of the Saxons first entrance into this realme, and the time of their regiment was the space of 487 yéeres. ¶ Howbeit, in the time of their gouernement, that is to say, in the 9 yéere of king Britricus, which was in the [Sidenote: 3 Britaine conquered and ouercome by the Danes.] yéere of our Lord 387, the Danes entred into this land, spoiling and persecuting the people therin most gréeuouslie. At the last, Sweno or Swaine the Dane obteined possession roiall, in the yéere of Grace 1012, whose time of regiment lasted about three yéeres. After whom his sonne Canutus succeeded, and reigned 19 yéeres. After him Harold his sonne, who ruled thrée yeeres: and after him Hardicnute the sonne of Canutus, whose gouernement continued but thrée yeeres. This Hardicnute was the last king of the Danes, at which time the Danes were expelled and hunted out of the realme, which was in the yéere of our Lord 1042. So that it may appeare by this collection, that the Danes ruled as kings in this land by the space of 28 yéeres. Hereby also it is euident, that from the time of the first entrance of the Danes into [Sidenote: 4 Britaine conquered and possessed by the Normans.] this realme, vntill their last expulsion & riddance, was 255 yéeres. ¶ Finallie the Normans entred this land likewise, and conquered the same as before is expressed, in the yéere of our Lord 1067, which is since, vntill this present yéere of our Lord 1585, drawing néere to the number of 600 and od yéeres.

Now let these alterations of regiments be remembred [touching the which read a notable animaduersion in the description of Britaine, pag. 49, 50, 51] and teach vs that therein the iudgements of God reuealed themselues to speciall purposes. And whatsoeuer hath béene mentioned before, either concerning the subuersion of people, the desolation of prouinces, the ouerthrow of nobles, the ruine of princes, and other lamentable accidents diuerslie happening vpon sundrie occasions; let vs (I say) as manie as will reape fruit by the reading of chronicles, imagine the matters which were so manie yéeres past to be present, and applie the profit and commoditie of the same vnto our selues; knowing (as one wisely said) _Post sacram paginam chronica vivum veritatis typum gerere_, that next vnto the holie scripture, chronicles doo carie credit. But now to the sequele, and first to duke William of Normandie.

_Thus farre the historie of England from Noah and his sonnes,
&c; to William duke of Normandie. Hereafter followeth a
chronologicall continuation beginning at the first yeere of the
said dukes reigne ouer this land, vntill the 25 yeere of the
Queenes most excellent maiestie Elizabeth, &c; whose daies God
in mercie prolong (like the daies of heauen) in peace and
prosperitie, &c._

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

* * * * *

Transcriber's Note (1)

_ _ denotes italic text;

= = denotes Old English script, which is also bold.

[=a] (etc.) denotes a macron (straight line over a vowel).

Macrons on vowels ([=a], [=e], [=i], [=o], [=u]) sometimes indicate that 'n' has been omitted from the word. (Abbreviation in Mediæval manuscripts).

[Sidenotes] in the original were printed on the edge of the pages, as a type of index of the contents.

Elizabethan words and spellings have been retained (e.g. 'height' and 'heigth' are both used, sometimes in the same sentence; 'hight' = 'known as, called, etc.').

Only obvious printer's errors have been corrected, as when a letter seems to have been inverted ('n' for 'u').

The letters 'u' and 'v' are mostly interchanged; as, e.g., "in haruest time" and "vnder a bridge".

If a word or name did not fit the context, it was researched, and corrections made, if necessary.

There are a few printer's errors in this edition, which have been checked using the online 1587 edition (which itself is not without printing errors) as reference.

(http://sceti.library.upenn.edu/sceti/PrintedBooksnew/ index.cfm?TextID=holinshed_chronicle).

Also used were the Oxford English Dictionary (OED), and online Middle English and Anglo-Saxon Dictionaries, as well as online Wikipedia.

Some, but by no means all, of 'ee' has the first 'e' marked with an acute accent. This is not consistent. Where the 'é' is obviously missing from the scan, it has not been added to the text. This inconsistency in spelling and accents is an integral part of some very old books.

There are some instances of round brackets which have been opened and not closed, or nested, with only one pair closed (or closed, without having been opened). These have been retained as such.

Some placenames may have changed with the passage of time.

Some damaged or missing punctuation has been restored, but the punctuation in the lists at the end of Description III is as it appeared in the scans, and in the online edition.

There are a few instances of repeated word 'too'. These have been retained, being probably the author's personal style:

'is too too plaine' 'being too too much' 'haue too too manie'. 'too too lewd'

Page 43: "practise and put in vre within your realme and kingdome."

'vre', or 'ure', is an antique word, which survives in the modern word 'inure'.

(Ure) n. [OE. ure, OF. oevre, ovre, ouvre, work, F. [oe]uvre, L. opera. cf. Inure.] Use; practice; exercise. [Obs.] (Ure), v. t. To use; to exercise; to inure; to accustom by practice. [Obs.] (Webster's online dictionary, 1913 edition).

Page 67: 'barnacle'; 'barnacls'; 'barnacles' ... there were no spelling conventions in Holinshed's time. 'barnacls' matches 1587 ed.

Page 110: Cainborne is possibly a misprint, or name change, for Camborne, a town in the relevant locality.