Chapter VI: Part 6

The king perceiuing that it would not preuaile him to attempt the winning of the citie at that time, drew alongst the coast, fortified his castels, and prepared a great nauie, meaning to encounter his enimie Lewes by sea: but through tempest the ships which he had got togither from Yarmouth, Dunwich Lin, and other hauens, were dispersed in sunder, and manie of them cast awaie by rage and violence of the outragious winds.

[Sidenote: King John once againe sendeth to the pope.]

Somewhat before this time also, when he heard of the compact made betwixt the barons and his aduersaries the Frenchmen, he dispatched a messenger in all hast to the pope, signifieng to him what was in hand and practised against him, requiring furthermore the said pope by his authorise to cause Lewes to staie his iournie, and to succour those rebels in England which he had alreadie excommunicated. This he néeded not haue doone, had he béene indued with such prudence and prowesse as is requisit to be planted in one that beareth rule, of whom it is said,

Cui si quando Deus rerum permittat habenas,
Imperíjq; decus, tunc aurea secula fiunt,
Tunc floret virtus, terrásque Astrea reuisit,
Pax viget, & vitium duris cohibetur habenis,

[Sidenote: An. Reg. 18.]

[Sidenote: Cardinall Gualo.]

[Sidenote: _Matth. Paris._]

[Sidenote: The French kings allegations to the popes legat Gualo.]

[Sidenote: _Matth. West._]

[Sidenote: _Matth. Paris._]

whereas by meanes of defects in the contrarie, he bare too low a saile, in that he would be so foolified as being a king, to suffer vsurped supremasie to be caruer of his kingdome. But let vs sée the consequence. The pope desirous to helpe king John all that he might (bicause he was now his vassall) sent his legat Gualo into France, to disswade king Philip from taking anie enterprise in hand against the king of England. But king Philip though he was content to heare what the legat could saie, yet by no meanes would be turned from the execution of his purpose, alledging that king John was not the lawfull king of England, hauing first vsurped and taken it awaie from his nephue Arthur the lawfull inheritour, and that now sithens as an enimie to his owne roiall dignitie he had giuen the right of his kingdome awaie to the pope (which he could not doo without consent of his nobles) and therefore through his owne fault he was worthilie depriued of all his kinglie honor. For the kingdome of England (saith he) neuer belonged to the patrimonie of S. Peter, nor at anie time shall. For admit that he were rightfull king, yet neither he nor anie other prince may giue awaie his kingdome without the assent of his barons, which are bound to defend the same, and the prerogatiue roiall, to the vttermost of their powers. Furthermore (saith he) if the pope doo meane to mainteine this errour, he shall giue a perilous example to all kingdomes of the world. Herewithall the Nobles of France then present, protested also with one voice, that in defense of this article they would stand to the death, which is, that no king or prince at his will and pleasure might giue awaie his kingdome, or make it tributarie to anie other potentate, whereby the Nobles should become thrall or subject to a forren gouernour. These things were doone at Lions in the quindene after Easter.

[Sidenote: Lewes the Fr[=e]nch kings sonne mainteineth his pretended title to the crowne of England.]

[Sidenote: The priuilege of those that tooke vpon them the crosse.]

Lewes on the morrow following, being the 26 of Aprill, by his fathers procurement, came into the councell chamber, and with frowning looke beheld the legat, where by his procurator he defended the cause that moued him to take vpon him this iournie into England, disprouing not onelie the right which king John had to the crowne, but also alledging his owne interest, not onelie by his new election of the barons, but also in the title of his wife, whose mother the quéene of Castile remained onelie aliue of all the brethren and sisters of Henrie the second late king of England (as before ye haue heard.) The legat made answer herevnto, that "king John had taken vpon him the crosse, as one appointed to go to warre against Gods enimies in the holie land, wherefore he ought by decrée of the generall councell to haue peace for foure yeares to come, and to remaine in suertie vnder protection of the apostolike sée." But Lewes replied thereto, that king John had by warre first inuaded his castels and lands in Picardie, and wasted the same, as Buncham castell and Liens, with the countie of Guisnes which belonged to the fée of the said Lewes.

[Sidenote: _Matt. Paris._]

But these reasons notwithstanding, the legat warned the French king on paine of cursing, not to suffer his sonne to go into England, and likewise his sonne, that he should not presume to take the iournie in hand. But Lewes hearing this, declared that his father had nothing to do to forbid him to prosecute his right in the realme of England, which was not holden of him, and therefore required his father not to hinder his purpose in such things as belonged nothing to him, but rather to licence him to séeke the recouerie of his wiues right, which he meant to pursue with perill of life, if néed should require.

[Sidenote: The French kings sonne sendeth to the pope.]

[Sidenote: He commeth to Calice.]

The legat perceiuing he could not preuaile in his sute made to king Philip, thought that he would not spend time longer in vaine, in further treating with him, but sped him foorth into England, obteining yet a safeconduct of the French king to passe through his realme. Lewes in like maner, purposing by all meanes to preuent the legat, first dispatched foorth ambassadours in all hast vnto the court of Rome to excuse himselfe to the pope, and to render the reasons that most speciallie mooued him to procéed forward in his enterprise against king John, being called by the barons of England to take the crowne thereof vpon him. This doone, with all conuenient spéed he came downe to Calice, where he found 680 ships well appointed and trimmed, which Eustace surnamed the moonke had gathered and prepared there readie against his comming.

[Sidenote: He taketh the sea.]

[Sidenote: He landeth in Kent.]

[Sidenote: The lords doo homage vnto him.]

Lewes therefore foorthwith imbarking himselfe with his people, and all necessarie prouisions for such a iournie, tooke the sea, and arriued at a place called Stanchorre in the Ile of Tenet, vpon the 21 day of Maie, and shortlie after came to Sandwich, & there landed with all his people, where he also incamped vpon the shore by the space of thrée daies. In which meane time there came vnto him a great number of those lords and gentlemen which had sent for him, and there euerie one apart and by himselfe sware fealtie and homage vnto him, as if he had béene their true and naturall prince.

[Sidenote: _Matth. Paris._]

King John about the same time that Lewes thus arriued, came to Douer, meaning to fight with his aduersaries by the way as they should come forward towards London. But yet vpon other aduisement taken, he changed his purpose, bicause he put some doubt in the Flemings and other strangers, of whome the most part of his armie consisted, bicause he knew that they hated the French men no more than they did the English. Therefore furnishing the castell of Douer, with men, munition, and vittels, he left it in the kéeping of Hubert de Burgh, a man of notable prowesse & valiancie, and returned himselfe vnto Canturburie, and from thence tooke the high waie towards Winchester. Lewes being aduertised that king John was retired out of Kent, passed through the countrie without anie incounter, and wan all the castels and holds as he went, but Douer he could not win.

[Sidenote: Rochester castell woone.]

[Sidenote: Lewes cometh to London.]

At his comming to Rochester, he laid siege to the castell there, and wan it, causing all the strangers that were found within it to be hanged. This doone, he came to London, and there receiued the homage of those lords and gentlemen which had not yet doone their homage to him at Sandwich. On the other part he tooke an oth to mainteine and performe the old lawes and customes of the realme, and to restore to euerie man his rightfull heritage and lands, requiring the barons furthermore to continue faithfull towards him, assuring them to bring things so to passe, that the realme of England should recouer the former dignitie, and they their ancient liberties. Moreouer he vsed them so courteouslie, gaue them so faire words, and made such large promises, that they beléeued him with all their harts. But alas! Cur vincit opinio verum?

[Sidenote: Noblemen reuolting fr[=o]m K. John vnto Lewes.]

[Sidenote: Simon L[=a]ngton chancellor to Lewes.]

The rumour of this pretended outward courtesie being once spred through the realme, caused great numbers of people to come flocking to him, among whome were diuerse of those which before had taken part with king John, as William earle Warren, William earle of Arundell, William earle of Salisburie, William Marshall the yoonger, and diuerse other, supposing verelie that the French kings sonne should now obteine the kingdome, who in the meane time ordeined Simon Langton afore mentioned, to be his chancellour, by whose preaching and exhortation, as well the citizens of London as the barons that were excommunicated, caused diuine seruice to be celebrated in their presence, induced thereto, bicause Lewes had alreadie sent his procurators to Rome before his comming into England, there to shew the goodnesse of his cause and quarell.

[Sidenote: Cardinall Gualo commeth ouer into England.]

But this auailed them not, neither tooke his excuse any such effect as he did hope it should: for those ambassadors that king John had sent thither, replied against their assertions, so that there was hard hold about it in that court, albeit that the pope would decrée nothing till he hard further from his legat Gualo, who the same time (being aduertised of the procéedings of Lewes in his iournie) with all diligence hasted ouer into England, and passing through the middle of his aduersaries, came vnto king John, then soiourning at Glocester, of whome he was most ioifullie receiued, for in him king John reposed all his hope of victorie. This legat immediatlie after his comming did excommunicate Lewes by name, with all his fautors and complices, but speciallie Simon de Langton, with bell, booke, and candle, as the maner was. Howbeit the same Simon, and one Geruase de Hobrug deane of S. Pauls in London, with other, alledged that for the right and state of the cause of Lewes, they had alreadie appealed to the court of Rome, and therefore the sentence published by Gualo they tooke as void.

[Sidenote: The more part of the strangers depart from the seruice of K. John.]

[Sidenote: Castels woon by Lewes.]

At the same time also, all the knights and men of warre of Flanders and other parts beyond the seas, which had serued the king, departed from him, the Poictouins onelie excepted: and part of them that thus went from him resorted vnto Lewes, and entred into his wages; but the residue repaired home into their own countries, so that Lewes being thus increased in power, departed from London, and marching towards Winchester, he wan the castels of Rigat, Gilford, and Farnham. From thence he went to Winchester, where the citie was yéelded vnto him, with all the castels and holds thereabout, as Woluesey, Odiham, and Beaumere.

[Sidenote: William de Collingham a gentleman of Sussex.]

¶ Whilest the said Lewes was thus occupied in Sussex, about the subduing of that countrie vnto his obeisance, there was a yoong gentleman in those parts named William de Collingham, being of a valorous mind, and loathing forren subiection, who would in no wise doo fealtie to Lewes, but assembling togither about the number of a thousand archers, kept himselfe within the woods and desert places, whereof that countrie is full, and so during all the time of this warre, shewed himselfe an enimie to the Frenchmen, slaieng no small numbers of them, as he tooke them at any aduantage. O worthie gentleman of English bloud! And O

Grandia quæ aggreditur fortis discrimina virtus!

[Sidenote: Castels fortified by king John.]

In like manner, all the fortresses, townes, and castels in the south parts of the realme were subdued vnto the obeisance of Lewes (the castels of Douer and Windsore onelie excepted.) Within a little while after, Will. de Mandeuille, Robert Fitz Walter, and William de Huntingfield, with a great power of men of warre, did the like vnto the countries of Essex and Suffolke. In which season, king John fortified the castels of Wallingford, Corfe, Warham, Bristow, the Vies, and diuerse others with munition and vittels. About which time letters came also vnto Lewes from his procurators, whom he had sent to the pope, by the tenor whereof he was aduertised, that notwithstanding all that they could doo or say, the pope meant to excommunicate him, and did but onelie staie till he had receiued some aduertisement from his legat Gualo.

[Sidenote: The points wherewith king John was charged.]

The chéefest points (as we find) that were laid by Lewes his procurators against king John were these, that by the murther committed in the person of his nephue Arthur, he had béene condemned in the parlement chamber, before the French king, by the péeres of France, and that being summoned to appeare, he had obstinatelie refused so to doo, and therefore had by good right forfeited not onelie his lands within the precinct of France, but also the realme of England, which was now due vnto the said Lewes as they alledged, in right of the ladie Blanch his wife, daughter to Elianor quéene of Spaine. But the pope refelled all such allegations as they produced for proofe hereof, & séemed to defend king Johns cause verie pithilie: but namelie, in that he was vnder the protection of him as supreme lord of England: againe, for that he had taken vpon him the crosse (as before yée haue heard.) But now to returne where we left.

[Sidenote: The Frenchmen begin to shew themselues in their kind.]

About the feast of saint Margaret, Lewes with the lords came againe to London, at whose comming, the tower of London was yéelded vp to him by appointment, after which the French capteins and gentlemen, thinking themselues assured of the realme, began to shew their inward dispositions and hatred toward the Englishmen, and forgetting all former promises (such is the nature of strangers, and men of meane estate, that are once become lords of their desires, according to the poets words,

[Sidenote: _Iuuen. sat. 9._]

Asperius nihil est humili cùm surgit in altum)

they did manie excessiue outrages, in spoiling and robbing the people of the countrie, without pitie or mercie. Moreouer they did not onelie breake into mens houses, but also into churches, and tooke out of the same such vessels and ornaments of gold and siluer, as they could laie hands vpon: for Lewes had not the power now to rule the gréedie souldiers, being wholie giuen to the spoile.

[Sidenote: The castell of Norwich left for a prey to Lewes.]

[Sidenote: Lin.]

[Sidenote: Thomas de Burgh taken prisoner.]

But most of all their tyrannie did appeare in the east parts of the realme, when they went through the countries of Essex, Suffolke and Northfolke, where they miserablie spoiled the townes and villages, reducing those quarters vnder their subiection, and making them tributaries, vnto Lewes in most seruile and slauish manner. Furthermore, at his comming to Norwich, he found the castell void of defense, and so tooke it, without any resistance, and put into it a garison of his souldiers. Also he sent a power to the towne of Lin, which conquered the same, and tooke the citizens prisoners, causing them to paie great summes of monie for their ransoms. Morouer, Thomas de Burgh, chateleine of the castell of Norwich, who vpon the approch of the Frenchmen to the citie, fled out in hope to escape, was taken prisoner, and put vnder safekéeping. He was brother vnto Hubert de Burgh capteine of Douer castell.

[Sidenote: Gilbert de Gaunt made earle of Lincolne.]

[Sidenote: Lincolne woone.]

[Sidenote: Holland in Lincolnshire inuaded.]

[Sidenote: Yorkeshire subdued to Lewes.]

Now when Lewes had thus finished his enterprises in those parts, he returned to London, and shortlie therevpon created Gilbert de Gaunt earle of Lincolne, appointing him to go thither with all conuenient spéed, that he might resist the issues made by them which did hold the castels of Notingham and Newarke, wasting and spoiling the possessions and lands belonging to the barons néere adioining to the same castels. This Gilbert de Gaunt then, togither with Robert de Ropeley, comming into that countrie, tooke the citie of Lincolne, and brought all the countrie vnder subiection (the castell onlie excepted.) After that, they inuaded Holland, and spoiling that countrie, made it also tributarie vnto the French. Likewise, Robert de Roos, Peter de Bruis, and Richard Percie, subdued Yorke and all Yorkeshire, bringing the same vnder the obeisance of Lewes. The king of Scots in like sort subdued vnto the said Lewes all the countrie of Northumberland, except the castels which Hugh de Balioll, and Philip de Hulcotes valiantlie defended against all the force of the enimie.

And as these wicked rebels made a prey of their owne countrie, so the legat Gualo not behind for his part to get something yer all should be gone, vpon a falkonish or wooluish appetite fléeced the church, considering that,

®Êd' hôrê parameibetai minêthê de toi ergon,
------ meletê de ti ergon ophellei,®

[Sidenote: The legat Gualo gathereth proxes.]

[Sidenote: Sequestrati[=o]n of benefices.]

and tooke proxies of euerie cathedrall church & house of religion within England, that is to say, for euerie proxie fiftie shillings. Moreouer, he sequestred all the benefices of those persons and religious men, that either aided or counselled Lewes and the barons, in their attempts and enterprises. All which benefices he spéedilie conuerted to his owne vse, and to the vse of his chapleins.

[Sidenote: Lewes trauelleth in vaine to take Douer.]

[Sidenote: _Rafe Cog._]

In the meane time, Lewes was brought into some good hope thorough meanes of Thomas de Burgh, whom he tooke prisoner (as before you haue heard) to persuade his brother Hubert to yéeld vp the castell of Douer, the siege whereof was the next enterprise which he attempted. For his father king Philip, hearing that the same was kept by a garrison, to the behoofe of king John, wrote to his sonne, blaming him that he left behind him so strong a fortresss in his enimies hands. But though Lewes inforced his whole endeuour to win that castell, yet all his trauell was in vaine. For the said Hubert de Burgh, and Gerard de Sotigam, who were chéefe capteins within, did their best to defend it against him and all his power, so that despairing to win it by force, he assaied to obteine his purpose, by threatening to hange the capteins brother before his face, if he would not yéeld the sooner. But when that would not serue, he sought to win him by large offers of gold and siluer. Howbeit, such was the singular constancie of Hubert, that he would not giue anie eare vnto those his flatering motions. Then Lewes in a great furie menaced that he would not once depart from thence, till he had woon the castell, and put all them within to death, and began to assaile it with more force than before he had doone.

[Sidenote: Yermouth, Dunwich, & Gipswich ransomed.]

The barons also, which at this season lay at London, making a rode to Cambridge, tooke the towne, and after went foorth into Northfolke and Suffolke (as it were to gather vp such scraps as the French had left) spoiling those countries verie pitifullie, churches and all. They constreined the townes of Yermouth, Dunwich & Gipswich, to pay to them great summes of monie by waie of ransoming. And at length returning by Colchester, they vsed like practises there. From thence they returned to London, and shortlie after, vnder the conduct of the earle of Neuers (vpon a sudden) going to Windsore, they laid a strong siege about that castell; in the which was capteine Ingelard de Athie, with sixtie valiant knights, & other men of war of their suit, the which manfullie stood at defense.

[Sidenote: Alexander K. of Scots doth homage to K. Lewes.]

[Sidenote: This Eustace had married the sister of K. Alexander.]

In the moneth of August, Alexander king of Scotland came through the countrie vnto the siege of Douer, and there did homage vnto Lewes, in right of his tenure holden of the kings of England, and then returned home, but in his comming vp, as he came by castell Bernard in the countrie of Haliwerkfolke (which apperteined vnto Hugh de Balioll) he lost his brother in law the lord Eustace de Vescie, who was striken in the forehead with a quarrell, as he rode in companie of the king néere vnto the same castell, to view if it were possible vpon anie side to win it by assault.

[Sidenote: _Matth. Paris._]

[Sidenote: The vicount of Melune discouereth the purpose of Lewes.]

[Sidenote: The vicount of Melune dieth.]

About the same time, or rather in the yeare last past as some hold, it fortuned that the vicount of Melune, a French man, fell sicke at London, and perceiuing that death was at hand, he called vnto him certeine of the English barons, which remained in the citie, vpon safegard thereof, and to them made this protestation: "I lament (saith he) your destruction and desolation at hand, bicause ye are ignorant of the perils hanging ouer your heads. For this vnderstand, that Lewes, and with him 16 earles and barons of France, haue secretlie sworne (if it shall fortune him to conquere this realme of England, & to be crowned king) that he will kill, banish, and confine all those of the English nobilitie (which now doo serue vnder him, and persecute their owne king) as traitours and rebels, and furthermore will dispossesse all their linage of such inheritances as they now hold in England. And bicause (saith he) you shall not haue doubt hereof, I which lie here at the point of death, doo now affirme vnto you, and take it on the perill of my soule, that I am one of those sixtéen that haue sworne to performe this thing: wherefore I aduise you to prouide for your owne safeties, and your realmes which you now destroie, and kéepe this thing secret which I haue vttered vnto you." After this spéech was vttered he streightwaies died.

[Sidenote: The English nobilitie beginneth to mislike of the match which they had made with Lewes.]

When these words of the lord of Melune were opened vnto the barons, they were, and not without cause, in great doubt of themselues, for they saw how Lewes had alredie placed and set Frenchmen in most of such castels and townes as he had gotten, the right whereof indéed belonged to them. And againe, it gréeued them much to vnderstand, how besides the hatred of their prince, they were euerie sundaie and holidaie openlie accursed in euerie church, so that manie of them inwardlie relented, and could haue bin contented to haue returned to king John, if they had thought that they should thankfullie haue béene receiued.

[Sidenote: The death of pope Innocent.]

[Sidenote: Honorius the third chosen pope.]

In this yeare, about the 17 of Julie, pope Innocent died, at whose death (being knowen in England) all they that were enimies to king John greatlie reioised, for they were in great hope that his successour would haue rather inclined to their part, than to the kings. But it fell out otherwise, for Honorius the third that succéeded the same foresaid Innocent, mainteined the same cause in defense of king John, as earnestlie or rather more than his predecessour had doone, sending with all spéed his buls ouer into England to confirme Gualo in his former authoritie of legat, commanding him with all indeuour to procéed in his businesse, in mainteining the king against Lewes, and the disloiall English nobilitie that aided the said Lewes. But now to our purpose.

[Sidenote: The hauocke which king John made in the possessions of his aduersaries.]

[Sidenote: Northfolke and Suffolke.]

King John lieng all this while at Winchester, and hauing knowledge how his aduersaries were dailie occupied in most hard enterprises, as in besieging sundrie strong and inuincible places, sent forth his commissioners to assemble men of warre, and to allure vnto his seruice all such, as in hope of prey, were minded to follow his standard, of the which there resorted to him no small number. So that hauing gotten togither a competent armie for his purpose, he brake foorth of Winchester, as it had béene an hideous tempest of weather, beating downe all things that stood in his waie, sending foorth his people on ech side to wast the countries, to burne vp the townes and villages, to spoile the churches & churchmen. With which successe still increasing his furie, he turned his whole violence into Cambridgeshire, where he did excéeding great hurt. Then entring into the countries of Northfolke and Suffolke, he committed the like rage, wast, and destruction, in the lands and possessions that belonged vnto the earle of Arundell, to Roger Bigot, William de Huntingfield, and Roger de Cressey.

[Sidenote: The siege raised from Windsor.]

The barons in the meane time that lay at siege before the castle of Windsore, hearing that hauocke which king John had made in the east parts of the realme, secretlie in the night season raised their camps, and leauing their tents behind them, with all spéed made towards Cambridge. But king John by faithfull espials, hauing aduertisement of their intent, which was, to get betwixt him and the places of his refuge, withdrew him and got to Stamford, yer they might reach to Cambridge, so that missing their purpose, after they had taken some spoiles abroad in the countrie, they returned to London. King John from Stamford, marched toward Lincolne, bicause he heard that the castell there was besieged.

[Sidenote: Gilbert de Gaunt fléeth from the face of king John.]

[Sidenote: Lin.]

[Sidenote: The abbeies of Peterburgh & Crowland spoiled.]

[Sidenote: _Bernewell._]

But those that had besieged it, as Gilbert de Gaunt, and others, hearing that king John was comming towards them, durst not abide him, but fled, and so escaped. The king then turned his iournie towards the marshes of Wales, and there did much hurt to those places that belonged to his aduersaries. After this also, and with a verie puissant armie he went eftsoones eastwards, and passing through the countries, came againe into the counties of Northfolke and Suffolke, wasting and afflicting all that came in his waie, and at length comming to Lin, was there ioifullie receiued. Then kéeping foorth northwards, he spoiled the townes and abbeies of Peterburgh and Crowland, where a number of the kings enimies were withdrawne into the church, but Sauerie de Mauleon, being sent foorth to séeke them, found them in the church the morrow after S. Michaell, and drew them out by force, spoiled the house, and getting a great bootie and prey of cattell and other riches, he with his people conueied the same awaie at his departing, after he had ransacked euerie corner of the church, and other the houses and places belonging to that abbeie.

[Sidenote: The losse of the kings carriages.]

[Sidenote: _Matth. Paris._]

[Sidenote: _Matth. West._]

[Sidenote: King John falleth sicke of an ague.]

[Sidenote: _Matth. Paris._]

[Sidenote: Laford.]

[Sidenote: _Matth. West._]

[Sidenote: _Matth. Paris._]

[Sidenote: King John departed this life.]

Thus the countrie being wasted on each hand, the king hasted forward till he came to Wellestreme sands, where passing the washes he lost a great part of his armie, with horsses and carriages, so that it was iudged to be a punishment appointed by God, that the spoile which had béene gotten and taken out of churches, abbeies, and other religious houses, should perish, and be lost by such means togither with the spoilers. Yet the king himselfe, and a few other, escaped the violence of the waters, by following a good guide. But as some haue written, he tooke such gréefe for the losse susteined in this passage, that immediatlie therevpon he fell into an ague, the force and heat whereof, togither with his immoderate féeding on rawe peaches, and drinking of new sider, so increased his sicknesse, that he was not able to ride, but was faine to be carried in a litter presentlie made of twigs, with a couch of strawe vnder him, without any bed or pillow, thinking to haue gone to Lincolne, but the disease still so raged and grew vpon him, that he was inforced to staie one night at the castell of Laford, and on the next day with great paine, caused himselfe to be caried vnto Newarke, where in the castell through anguish of mind, rather than through force of sicknesse, he departed this life the night before the ninetéenth day of October, in the yeare of his age fiftie and one, and after he had reigned seauentéene yeares, six moneths, and seauen and twentie daies.

[Sidenote: _Caxton._]

¶ There be which haue written, that after he had lost his armie, he came to the abbeie of Swineshead in Lincolnshire, and there vnderstanding the cheapenesse and plentie of corne, shewed himselfe greatlie displeased therewith, as he that for the hatred which he bare to the English people, that had so traitorouslie reuolted from him vnto his aduersarie Lewes, wished all miserie to light vpon them, and therevpon said in his anger, that he would cause all kind of graine to be at a farre higher price, yer manie daies should passe. Wherevpon a moonke that heard him speake such words, being mooued with zeale for the oppression of his countrie, gaue the king poison in a cup of ale, whereof he first tooke the assaie, to cause the king not to suspect the matter, and so they both died in manner at one time.

[Sidenote: _Gisburn & alij._]

There are that write, how one of his owne seruants did conspire with a conuert of that abbeie, and that they prepared a dish of peares, which they poisoned, thrée of the whole number excepted, which dish the said conuert presented vnto him. And when the king suspected them to be poisoned indéed, by reason that such pretious stones as he had about him, cast foorth a certeine sweat, as it were bewraieng the poison, he compelled the said conuert to tast and eat some of them, who knowing the thrée peares which were not poisoned, tooke and eat those thrée, which when the king had séene, he could no longer absteine, but fell to, and eating gréedilie of the rest, died the same night, no hurt happening to the conuert, who thorough helpe of such as bare no good will to the K. found shift to escape, and conueied himselfe awaie from danger of receiuing due punishment for so wicked a déed.

[Sidenote: The variable reports of writers, concerning the death of king John.]

Beside these reports which yée haue heard, there are other that write, how he died of surfeting in the night, as Rafe Niger; some, of a bloudie flux, as one saith that writeth an addition vnto Roger Houeden. And Rafe Cogheshall saith, that comming to Lin, (where he appointed Sauerie de Mauleon to be capteine, and to take order for the fortifieng of that towne) he tooke a surfet there of immoderat diet, and withall fell into a laske, and after his laske had left him, at his comming to Laford in Lindsey, he was let bloud: furthermore to increase his other gréefes and sorrowes for the losse of his carriage, iewels and men, in passing ouer the washes, which troubled him sore; there came vnto him messengers from Hubert de Burgh, and Gerard de Sotegam capteins of Douer castell, aduertising him, that they were not able to resist the forceable assaults and engins of the enimies, if spéedie succour came not to them in due time. Whereat his gréefe of mind being doubled, so as he might séeme euen oppressed with sorrow, the same increased his disease so vehementlie, that within a small time it made an end of his life (as before yée haue heard.)

[Sidenote: _Bernewell._]

The men of warre that serued vnder his ensignes, being for the more part hired souldiers and strangers, came togither, and marching foorth with his bodie, each man with his armour on his backe, in warlike order, conueied it vnto Worcester, where he was pompouslie buried in the cathedrall church before the high altar, not for that he had so appointed (as some write) but bicause it was thought to be a place of most suertie for the lords and other of his fréends there to assemble, and to take order in their businesse now after his deceasse. And bicause he was somewhat fat and corpulent, his bowels were taken out of his bodie, and buried at Croxton abbeie, a house of moonks of the order called Præmonstratenses, in Staffordshire, the abbat of which house was his physician.

¶ How soeuer or where soeuer or when soeuer he died, it is not a matter of such moment that it should impeach the credit of the storie; but certeine it is that he came to his end, let it be by a surfet, or by other meanes ordeined for the shortening of his life. The manner is not so materiall as the truth is certeine. And suerlie, he might be thought to haue procured against himselfe manie molestations, manie anguishes & vexations, which nipt his hart & gnawd his very bowels with manie a sore symptome or passion; all which he might haue withstood if fortune had béene so fauourable, that the loialtie of his subiects had remained towards him inuiolable, that his Nobles with multitudes of adherents had not with such shamefull apostasie withstood him in open fight, that forren force had not weakened his dominion, or rather robbed him of a maine branch of his regiment, that he himselfe had not sought with the spoile of his owne people to please the imaginations of his ill affected mind; that courtiers & commoners had with one assent performed in dutie no lesse than they pretended in veritie, to the preseruation of the state and the securitie of their souereigne: all which presupposed plagues concurring, what happinesse could the king arrogate to himselfe by his imperiall title, which was through his owne default so imbezelled, that a small remanent became his in right, when by open hostilitie and accurssed papasie the greater portion was pluckt out of his hands.

Here therefore we sée the issue of domesticall or homebred broiles, the fruits of variance, the game that riseth of dissention, whereas no greater nor safer fortification can betide a land, than when the inhabitants are all alike minded. By concord manie an hard enterprise (in common sense thought vnpossible) is atchieued, manie weake things become so defended, that without manifold force they cannot be dissolued. From diuision and mutinies doo issue (as out of the Troiane horsse) ruines of roialties, and decaies of communalties. The sinewes of a realme is supposed of some to be substance and wealth; of other some policie and power: of other some conuenient defenses both by water and land: but a most excellent description of a well fortified countrie is that of Plautus, set downe in most pithie words and graue sentences: no lesse worthie to be written than read and considered. The description is this.

[Sidenote: _Plaut. in Pers._]

Si incolæ bene sunt morati pulchrè munit[=u] regn[=u] arbitror:
Perfidia & peculatus ex vrbe & auaritia si exulent,
Quarta inuidia, quinta ambitio, sexta obtrectatio,
Septimum periurium, octaua indulgentia,
Nona iniuria, decima quod pessimum aggressu scelus:
Hæc nisi inde aber[=u]t c[=e]tuplex murus reb. secundis par[=u] est.

And therefore no maruell though both courtiers and commoners fell from king John their naturall prince, and tooke part with the enimie; not onelie to the disgrace of their souereigne, but euen to his ouerthrow, and the depopulation of the whole land; sith these maine bulworks and rampiers were wanting; and the contrarie in most ranke sort and detestable manner extended their virulent forces.

But we will surceasse to aggrauate this matter, sith the same is sufficientlie vrged in the verie course of the historie concerning his acts and déeds, continued to the verie day of his death, and the verie time of his buriall, whereof I saie thus much, that whether it was his will to be interred, as is aforesaid, or whether his corpse being at the disposing of the suruiuers, to elect the place as a conuenient storehouse for a princes bones, I leaue it as doubtfull, and therefore vndetermined, estéeming the lesse to labour therein, bicause the truth can hardlie by certeintie be winnowed out, but by coniecturall supposals aimed and shot at. Notwithstanding, in my poore iudgement it is verie likelie (first in respect of the time which was superstitious and popish; secondlie by reason of the custome of funerall rites then commonlie vsed) that he was buried in the said place for order sake, & his bodie (if I may presume so farre by warrant of mine author) wrapped in a moonks cowle and so laid in his graue or toome. For the manner was at that time, in such sort to burie their Nobles and great men, who were induced by the imaginations of moonks and fond fansies of fréers to beléeue, that the said cowle was an amulet or defensitiue to their soules from hell and hellish hags, how or in what soeuer sort they died; either in sorrow and repentance for sinne, or in blasphemie, outrage, impatiencie, or desperation.

[Sidenote: _Humf. Lhloyd._]

[Sidenote: _Dauid Powell._]

This forme of funerals was frequented in Wales, hauing béene first brewed and broched in England, from whence (if we may giue credit to our late Chronographers) as from a poisoned spring it spred it selfe into Wales. For the first abbeie or frierie that is read to haue béene erected there, since the dissolution of the noble house of Bangor, which sauoured not of Romish dregs, was the Twy Gwyn, which was builded in the yeare 1146. Afterwards these vermine swarmed like bées, or rather crawled like lice ouer all the land, and drew in with them their lowsie religion, tempered with I wot not how manie millians of abhominations; hauing vtterlie forgotten the lesson which Ambrosius Telesinus had taught them [who writ in the yeare 540, when the right christian faith (which Joseph of Arimathia taught the Ile of Aualon) reigned in this land, before the proud and bloodthirstie moonke Augustine infected it with the poison of Romish errors] in a certeine ode, a part whereof are these few verses insuing,

Gwae'r offeiriad byd,
Nys angreifftia gwyd,
Ac ny phregetha:
Gwae ny cheidw ey gail,
Ac ef yn vigail,
Ac nys areilia:
Gwae ny theidw ey dheuaid,
Rhae bleidhie Rhiefeniaid,
Ai ffon grewppa.

[Sidenote: Thus in English almost word for word.]

Wo be to that préest yborne,
That will not cleanelie wéed his corne,
And preach his charge among:
Wo be to that shepheard (I saie)
That will not watch his fold alwaie,
As to his office dooth belong:
Wo be to him that dooth not kéepe,
From rauening Romish wolues his shéepe,
With staffe and weapon strong.

This (as not impertinent to the purpose) I haue recorded, partlie to shew the palpable blindnes of that age wherein king John liued, as also the religion which they reposed in a rotten rag, estéeming it as a Scala coeli or ladder to life; but speciallie inferred to this end, that we may fetch some light from this cléere candle (though the same séeme to be duskish & dim) whereby we may be lead to conceiue in reason and common sense, that the interrement of the king was according to the custome then in vse and request, and therefore by all likelihoods he was buried as the péeres and states of the land were woont to be in those daies, after the maner aboue mentioned.

[Sidenote: King Johns children.]

But to let this passe as a cold discourse of a coffen of bones cottered with clods of claie; you shall vnderstand that he left behind him posteritie of both sexes. For he had issue by his wife quéene Isabell two sonnes, Henrie who succéeded him in the kingdome, and Richard; thrée daughters, Joane married to Alexander king of Scotland, Isabell coupled in matrimonie with the emperour Frederike the second, and Elianor whome William earle of Glocester had to wife. He had also another daughter (as some haue left in writing) called Elianor.

He was comelie of stature, but of looke and countenance displeasant and angrie, somewhat cruell of nature, as by the writers of his time he is noted, and not so hardie as doubtfull in time of perill and danger. But this séemeth to be an enuious report vttered by those that were giuen to speake no good of him whome they inwardlie hated. Howbeit some giue this witnesse of him (as the author of the booke of Bernewell abbeie and other) that he was a great and mightie prince, but yet not verie fortunate, much like to Marius the noble Romane, tasting of fortune both waies: bountifull and liberall vnto strangers, but of his owne people (for their dailie treasons practised towards him) a great oppressour, so that he trusted more to forreners than to them, and therfore in the end he was of them vtterlie forsaken.

¶ Verilie, whosoeuer shall consider the course of the historie written of this prince, he shall find, that he hath béene little beholden to the writers of that time in which he liued: for scarselie can they afoord him a good word, except when the trueth inforceth them to come out with it as it were against their willes. The occasion whereof (as some thinke) was, for that he was no great fréend to the clergie. And yet vndoubtedlie his déeds shew he had a zeale to religion, as it was then accompted: for he founded the abbeie of Beauleau in the new forrest, as it were in recompense of certeine parish-churches, which to inlarge the same forrest be caused to be throwne downe and ruinated.

[Sidenote: _Matth. Paris._ _Polydor._ & _alij._]

He builded the monasterie of Farendon, and the abbeie of Hales in Shropshire; he repaired Godstow where his fathers concubine Rosamund laie interred; he was no small benefactor to the minster of Lichfield in Staffordshire; to the abbeie of Crokesden in the same shire, and to the chappell at Knaresburgh in Yorkshire. So that (to say what I thinke) he was not so void of deuotion towards the church, as diuerse of his enimies haue reported, who of méere malice conceale all his vertues, and hide none of his vices; but are plentifull inough in setting foorth the same to the vttermost, and interpret all his dooings and saiengs to the woorst, as may appeare to those that aduisedlie read the works of them that write the order of his life, which may séeme rather an inuectiue than a true historie: neuerthelesse, sith we cannot come by the truth of things through the malice of writers, we must content our selues with this vnfréendlie description of his time. Certeinelie it should séeme the man had a princelie heart in him, and wanted nothing but faithfull subiects to haue assisted him in reuenging such wrongs as were doone and offered by the French king and others.

Moreouer, the pride and pretended authoritie of the cleargie he could not well abide, when they went about to wrest out of his hands the prerogatiue of his princelie rule and gouernement. True it is, that to mainteine his warres which he was forced to take in hand as well in France as elsewhere, he was constreined to make all the shift he could deuise to recouer monie and bicause he pinched their pursses, they conceiued no small hatred against him, which when he perceiued, and wanted peraduenture discretion to passe it ouer, he discouered now and then in his rage his immoderate displeasure, as one not able to bridle his affections, a thing verie hard in a stout stomach, and thereby missed now and then to compasse that which otherwise he might verie well haue brought to passe.

[Sidenote: _Matth. Paris._]

It is written, that he meant to haue become feudarie (for maintenance sake against his owne disloiall subiects, and other his aduersaries) vnto Miramumeline the great king of the Saracens: but for the truth of this report I haue little to saie, and therefore I leaue the credit thereof to the authors. It is reported likewise, that in time when the realme stood interdicted, as he was abroad to hunt one day, it chanced that there was a great stag or hart killed, which when he came to be broken vp, prooued to be verie fat and thicke of flesh; "Oh (saith he) what a plesant life this déere hath led, and yet in all his daies he neuer heard masse." To conclude, it may séeme, that in some respects he was not greatlie superstitious, and yet not void of religious zeale towards the maintenance of the cleargie, as by his bountifull liberalitie bestowed in building of abbeies and churches (as before yée haue hard) it may partlie appeare.

[Sidenote: _Bale._]

In his daies manie learned men liued, as Geffrey Vinesaufe, Simon Fraxinus aliàs Ash, Adamus Dorensis, Gualter de Constantijs first bishop of Lincolne and after archbishop of Rouen, John de Oxford, Colman surnamed Sapiens, Richard Canonicus, William Peregrine, Alane Teukesburie, Simon Thuruaie, who being an excellent philosopher but standing too much in his owne conceit, vpon a sudden did so forget all his knowledge in learning, that he became the most ignorant of all other, a punishment (as was thought) appointed him of God, for such blasphemies as he had wickedlie vttered, both against Moses and Christ. Geruasius Dorobernensis, John Hanwill, Nigell Woreker, Gilbert de Hoiland, Benet de Peterburgh, William Paruus a moonke of Newburgh, Roger Houeden, Hubert Walter, first bishop of Salisburie and after archbishop of Canturburie, Alexander Theologus, of whome yée haue heard before, Geruasius Tilberiensis, Syluester Giraldus Cambrensis, who wrote manie treatises, Joseph Deuonius, Walter Mapis, Radulfus de Diceto, Gilbert Legley, Mauricius Morganius, Walter Morganius, John de Fordeham, William Leicester, Joceline Brakeland, Roger of Crowland, Hugh White aliàs Candidus that wrote an historie intituled Historia Petroburgensis, John de saint Omer, Adam Barking, John Gray an historiographer and bishop of Norwich, Walter of Couentrie, Radulphus Niger, &c. Sée Bale Scriptorum Britanniæ centuria tertia.

Thus farre king John.

Transcriber's Notes:

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Anachronistic and non-standard spellings retained as printed.

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While the Greek accentuation is clearly defective, it has been
retained as found.