Chapter II

La philosophie n’est pas philosophie si elle ne touche à l’abîme;
mais elle cesse d’être philosophie si elle y tombe.—COUSIN.

GOWER. I hope you are ready, Atherton, to illumine my darkness concerning Neo-Platonism, by taking up that individual instance you were speaking of last Monday.

ATHERTON. I have something ready to inflict; so prepare to listen stoutly. (_Reads._)

Plato pronounces Love the child of Poverty and Plenty—the
Alexandrian philosophy was the offspring of Reverence and Ambition.
It combined an adoring homage to the departed genius of the age of
Pericles with a passionate, credulous craving after a supernatural
elevation. Its literary tastes and religious wants were alike
imperative and irreconcilable. In obedience to the former, it
disdained Christianity; impelled by the latter, it travestied Plato.
But for that proud servility which fettered it to a glorious past,
it might have recognised in Christianity the only satisfaction of
its higher longings. Rejecting that, it could only establish a
philosophic church on the foundation of Plato’s school, and,
forsaking while it professed to expound him, embrace the
hallucinations of intuition and of ecstasy, till it finally vanishes
at Athens amid the incense and the hocus-pocus of theurgic
incantation. As it degenerates, it presses more audaciously forward
through the veil of the unseen. It must see visions, dream dreams,
work spells, and call down deities, demi-gods, and dæmons from their
dwellings in the upper air. The Alexandrians were eclectics, because
such reverence taught them to look back; mystics, because such
ambition urged them to look up. They restore philosophy, after all
its weary wanderings, to the place of its birth; and, in its second
childhood, it is cradled in the arms of those old poetic faiths of
the past, from which, in the pride of its youth, it broke away.

The mental history of the founder best illustrates the origin of the
school. Plotinus, in A.D. 233, commences the study of philosophy in
Alexandria, at the age of twenty-eight. His mental powers are of the
concentrative rather than the comprehensive order. Impatient of
negation, he has commenced an earnest search after some truth which,
however abstract, shall yet be positive. He pores over the Dialogues
of Plato and the Metaphysics of Aristotle, day and night. To promote
the growth of his ‘soul-wings,’ as Plato counsels, he practises
austerities his master would never have sanctioned. He attempts to
live what he learns to call the ‘angelic life;’ the ‘life of the
disembodied in the body.’ He reads with admiration the life of
Apollonius of Tyana, by Philostratus, which has recently appeared.
He can probably credit most of the marvels recorded of that strange
thaumaturgist, who, two hundred years ago, had appeared—a revived
Pythagoras, to dazzle nation after nation through which he passed,
with prophecy and miracle; who had travelled to the Indus and the
Ganges, and brought back the supernatural powers of Magi and
Gymnosophists, and who was said to have displayed to the world once
more the various knowledge, the majestic sanctity, and the
superhuman attributes, of the sage of Crotona. This portraiture of a
philosophical hierophant—a union of the philosopher and the priest
in an inspired hero, fires the imagination of Plotinus. In the
New-Pythagoreanism of which Apollonius was a representative,
Orientalism and Platonism were alike embraced.[12] Perhaps the
thought occurs thus early to Plotinus—could I travel eastward I
might drink myself at those fountain-heads of tradition whence
Pythagoras and Plato drew so much of their wisdom. Certain it is,
that, with this purpose, he accompanied, several years subsequently,
the disastrous expedition of Gordian against the Parthians, and
narrowly escaped with life.

At Alexandria, Plotinus doubtless hears from orientals there some
fragments of the ancient eastern theosophy—doctrines concerning the
principle of evil, the gradual development of the Divine Essence,
and creation by intermediate agencies, none of which he finds in his
Plato. He cannot be altogether a stranger to the lofty theism which
Philo marred, while he attempted to refine, by the help of his
‘Attic Moses.’ He observes a tendency on the part of philosophy to
fall back upon the sanctions of religion, and on the part of the
religions of the day to mingle in a Deism or a Pantheism which might
claim the sanctions of philosophy. The signs of a growing toleration
or indifferentism meet him on every side. Rome has long been a
Pantheon for all nations, and gods and provinces together have found
in the capitol at once their Olympus and their metropolis. He cannot
walk the streets of Alexandria without perceiving that the very
architecture tells of an alliance between the religious art of Egypt
and of Greece. All, except Jews and Christians, join in the worship
of Serapis.[13] Was not the very substance of which the statue of
that god was made, an amalgam?—fit symbol of the syncretism which
paid him homage. Once Serapis had guarded the shores of the Euxine,
now he is the patron of Alexandria, and in him the attributes of
Zeus and of Osiris, of Apis and of Pluto, are adored alike by East
and West. Men are learning to overlook the external differences of
name and ritual, and to reduce all religions to one general
sentiment of worship. For now more than fifty years, every educated
man has laughed, with Lucian’s satire in his hand, at the gods of
the popular superstition. A century before Lucian, Plutarch had
shown that some of the doctrines of the barbarians were not
irreconcilable with the philosophy in which he gloried as a Greek.
Plutarch had been followed by Apuleius, a practical eclectic, a
learner in every school, an initiate in every temple, at once
sceptical and credulous, a sophist and a devotee.

Plotinus looks around him, and inquires what philosophy is doing in
the midst of influences such as these. Peripateticism exists but in
slumber under the dry scholarship of Adrastus and Alexander of
Aphrodisium, the commentators of the last century.[14] The New
Academy and the Stoics attract youth still, but they are neither of
them a philosophy so much as a system of ethics. Speculation has
given place to morals. Philosophy is taken up as a branch of
literature, as an elegant recreation, as a theme for oratorical
display. Plotinus is persuaded that philosophy should be
worship—speculation, a search after God—no amusement, but a prayer.
Scepticism is strong in proportion to the defect or weakness of
everything positive around it. The influence of Ænesidemus, who, two
centuries ago, proclaimed universal doubt, is still felt in
Alexandria. But his scepticism would break up the foundations of
morality. What is to be done? Plotinus sees those who are true to
speculation surrendering ethics, and those who hold to morality
abandoning speculation.

In his perplexity, a friend takes him to hear Ammonius Saccas. He
finds him a powerful, broad-shouldered man, as he might naturally be
who not long before was to be seen any day in the sultry streets of
Alexandria, a porter, wiping his brow under his burden. Ammonius is
speaking of the reconciliation that might be effected between Plato
and Aristotle. This eclecticism it is which has given him fame. At
another time it might have brought on him only derision; now there
is an age ready to give the attempt an enthusiastic welcome.

‘What,’ he cries, kindling with his theme, ‘did Plato leave behind
him, what Aristotle, when Greece and philosophy had waned together?
The first, a chattering crew of sophists: the second, the lifeless
dogmatism of the sensationalist. The self-styled followers of Plato
were not brave enough either to believe or to deny. The successors
of the Stagyrite did little more than reiterate their denial of the
Platonic doctrine of ideas. Between them morality was sinking fast.
Then an effort was made for its revival. The attempt at least was
good. It sprang out of a just sense of a deep defect. Without
morality, what is philosophy worth? But these ethics must rest on
speculation for their basis. The Epicureans and the Stoics, I say,
came forward to supply that moral want. Each said, we will be
practical, intelligible, utilitarian. One school, with its hard
lesson of fate and self-denial; the other, with its easier doctrine
of pleasure, more or less refined, were rivals in their profession
of ability to teach men how to live. In each there was a certain
truth, but I will honour neither with the name of a philosophy. They
have confined themselves to mere ethical application—they are
willing, both of them, to let first principles lie unstirred. Can
scepticism fail to take advantage of this? While they wrangle, both
are disbelieved. But, sirs, can we abide in scepticism?—it is death.
You ask me what I recommend? I say, travel back across the past. Out
of the whole of that by-gone and yet undying world of thought,
construct a system greater than any of the sundered parts. Repudiate
these partial scholars in the name of their masters. Leave them to
their disputes, pass over their systems, already tottering for lack
of a foundation, and be it yours to show how their teachers join
hands far above them. In such a spirit of reverent enthusiasm you
may attain a higher unity, you mount in speculation, and from that
height ordain all noble actions for your lower life. So you become
untrue neither to experience nor to reason, and the genius of
eclecticism will combine, yea, shall I say it, will surpass while it
embraces, all the ancient triumphs of philosophy!‘[15]

Such was the teaching which attracted Longinus, Herennius, and
Origen (not the Father). It makes an epoch in the life of Plotinus.
He desires now no other instructor, and is preparing to become
himself a leader in the pathway Ammonius has pointed out. He is
convinced that Platonism, exalted into an enthusiastic illuminism,
and gathering about itself all the scattered truth upon the field of
history,—Platonism, mystical and catholic, can alone preserve men
from the abyss of scepticism. One of the old traditions of Finland
relates how a mother once found her son torn into a thousand
fragments at the bottom of the River of Death. She gathered the
scattered members to her bosom, and rocking to and fro, sang a magic
song, which made him whole again, and restored the departed life.
Such a spell the Alexandrian philosophy sought to work—thus to
recover and re-unite the relics of antique truth, dispersed and
drowned by time.

Plotinus occupied himself only with the most abstract questions
concerning knowledge and being. Detail and method—all the stitching
and clipping of eclecticism, he bequeathed as the handicraft of his
successors. His fundamental principle is the old _petitio principii_
of idealism. Truth, according to him, is not the agreement of our
apprehension of an external object with the object itself—it is
rather the agreement of the mind with itself. The objects we
contemplate and that which contemplates, are identical for the
philosopher. Both are thought; only like can know like; all truth is
within us. By reducing the soul to its most abstract simplicity, we
subtilise it so that it expands into the infinite. In such a state
we transcend our finite selves, and are one with the infinite; this
is the privileged condition of ecstasy. These blissful intervals,
but too evanescent and too rare, were regarded as the reward of
philosophic asceticism—the seasons of refreshing, which were to make
amends for all the stoical austerities of the steep ascent towards
the abstraction of the primal unity.

Thus the Neo-Platonists became ascetics and enthusiasts: Plato was
neither. Where Plato acknowledges the services of the earliest
philosophers—the imperfect utterances of the world’s first
thoughts,—Neo-Platonism (in its later period, at least) undertakes
to detect, not the similarity merely, but the identity between
Pythagoras and Plato, and even to exhibit the Platonism of Orpheus
and of Hermes. Where Plato is hesitant or obscure, Neo-Platonism
inserts a meaning of its own, and is confident that such, and no
other, was the master’s mind. Where Plato indulges in a fancy, or
hazards a bold assertion, Neo-Platonism, ignoring the doubts Plato
may himself express elsewhere, spins it out into a theory, or bows
to it as an infallible revelation.[16] Where Plato has the doctrine
of Reminiscence, Neo-Platonism has the doctrine of Ecstasy. In the
Reminiscence of Plato, the ideas the mind perceives are without it.
Here there is no mysticism, only the mistake incidental to
metaphysicians generally, of giving an actual existence to mere
mental abstractions. In Ecstasy, the ideas perceived are within the
mind. The mystic, according to Plotinus, contemplates the divine
perfections in himself; and, in the ecstatic state, individuality
(which is so much imperfection), memory, time, space, phenomenal
contradictions, and logical distinctions, all vanish. It is not
until the rapture is past, and the mind, held in this strange
solution, is, as it were, precipitated on reality, that memory is
again employed. Plotinus would say that Reminiscence could impart
only inferior knowledge, because it implies separation between the
subject and the object. Ecstasy is superior—is absolute, being the
realization of their identity. True to this doctrine of absorption,
the Pantheism of Plotinus teaches him to maintain, alike with the
Oriental mystic at one extreme of time, and with the Hegelian at the
other, that our individual existence is but phenomenal and
transitory. Plotinus, accordingly, does not banish reason, he only
subordinates it to ecstasy where the Absolute is in question.[17] It
is not till the last that he calls in supernatural aid. The wizard
king builds his tower of speculation by the hands of human workmen
till he reaches the top story, and then summons his genii to fashion
the battlements of adamant, and crown them with starry fire.

GOWER. Thanks. These Neo-Platonists are evidently no mere dreamers. They are erudite and critical, they study and they reason, they are logicians as well as poets; they are not mystics till they have first been rationalists, and they have recourse at last to mysticism only to carry them whither they find reason cannot mount.

ATHERTON. Now, I have a letter by Plotinus. It is without a date, but from internal evidence must have been written about A.D. 260.

PLOTINUS TO FLACCUS.

I applaud your devotion to philosophy; I rejoice to hear that your
soul has set sail, like the returning Ulysses, for its native
land—that glorious, that only real country—the world of unseen
truth. To follow philosophy, the senator Rogatianus, one of the
noblest of my disciples, gave up the other day all but the whole of
his patrimony, set free his slaves, and surrendered all the honours
of his station.

Tidings have reached us that Valerian has been defeated, and is now
in the hands of Sapor. The threats of Franks and Allemanni, of Goths
and Persians, are alike terrible by turns to our degenerate Rome. In
days like these, crowded with incessant calamities, the inducements
to a life of contemplation are more than ever strong. Even my quiet
existence seems now to grow somewhat sensible of the advance of
years. Age alone I am unable to debar from my retirement. I am weary
already of this prison-house, the body, and calmly await the day
when the divine nature within me shall be set free from matter.

The Egyptian priests used to tell me that a single touch with the
wing of their holy bird could charm the crocodile into torpor; it is
not thus speedily, my dear friend, that the pinions of your soul
will have power to still the untamed body. The creature will yield
only to watchful, strenuous constancy of habit. Purify your soul
from all undue hope and fear about earthly things, mortify the body,
deny self,—affections as well as appetites, and the inner eye will
begin to exercise its clear and solemn vision.

You ask me to tell you how we know, and what is our criterion of
certainty. To write is always irksome to me. But for the continual
solicitations of Porphyry, I should not have left a line to survive
me. For your own sake and for your father’s, my reluctance shall be
overcome.

External objects present us only with appearances. Concerning them,
therefore, we may be said to possess opinion rather than knowledge.
The distinctions in the actual world of appearance are of import
only to ordinary and practical men. Our question lies with the ideal
reality that exists behind appearance. How does the mind perceive
these ideas? Are they without us, and is the reason, like sensation,
occupied with objects external to itself? What certainty could we
then have, what assurance that our perception was infallible? The
object perceived would be a something different from the mind
perceiving it. We should have then an image instead of reality. It
would be monstrous to believe for a moment that the mind was unable
to perceive ideal truth exactly as it is, and that we had not
certainty and real knowledge concerning the world of intelligence.
It follows, therefore, that this region of truth is not to be
investigated as a thing external to us, and so only imperfectly
known. It is _within_ us. Here the objects we contemplate and that
which contemplates are identical,—both are thought. The subject
cannot surely _know_ an object different from itself. The world of
ideas lies within our intelligence. Truth, therefore, is not the
agreement of our apprehension of an external object with the object
itself. It is the agreement of the mind with itself. Consciousness,
therefore, is the sole basis of certainty. The mind is its own
witness. Reason sees in itself that which is above itself as its
source; and again, that which is below itself as still itself once
more.

Knowledge has three degrees—Opinion, Science, Illumination. The
means or instrument of the first is sense; of the second, dialectic;
of the third, intuition. To the last I subordinate reason. It is
absolute knowledge founded on the identity of the mind knowing with
the object known.[18]

There is a raying out of all orders of existence, an external
emanation from the ineffable One (πρόοδος). There is again a
returning impulse, drawing all upwards and inwards towards the
centre from whence all came (ἐπιστροφή). Love, as Plato in the
_Banquet_ beautifully says, is the child of Poverty and Plenty.[19]
In the amorous quest of the soul after the Good, lies the painful
sense of fall and deprivation. But that Love is blessing, is
salvation, is our guardian genius; without it the centrifugal law
would overpower us, and sweep our souls out far from their source
toward the cold extremities of the Material and the Manifold. The
wise man recognises the idea of the Good within him. This he
develops by withdrawal into the Holy Place of his own soul. He who
does not understand how the soul contains the Beautiful within
itself, seeks to realize beauty without, by laborious production.
His aim should rather be to concentrate and simplify, and so to
expand his being; instead of going out into the Manifold, to forsake
it for the One, and so to float upwards towards the divine fount of
being whose stream flows within him.

You ask, how can we know the Infinite?[20] I answer, not by reason.
It is the office of reason to distinguish and define. The Infinite,
therefore, cannot be ranked among its objects. You can only
apprehend the Infinite by a faculty superior to reason, by entering
into a state in which you are your finite self no longer, in which
the Divine Essence is communicated to you. This is Ecstasy. It is
the liberation of your mind from its finite consciousness. Like only
can apprehend like; when you thus cease to be finite, you become one
with the Infinite. In the reduction of your soul to its simplest
self (ἅπλωσις), its divine essence, you realize this Union, this
Identity (ἔνωσιν).

But this sublime condition is not of permanent duration. It is only
now and then that we can enjoy this elevation (mercifully made
possible for us) above the limits of the body and the world. I
myself have realized it but three times as yet, and Porphyry
hitherto not once. All that tends to purify and elevate the mind
will assist you in this attainment, and facilitate the approach and
the recurrence of these happy intervals. There are, then, different
roads by which this end may be reached. The love of beauty which
exalts the poet; that devotion to the One and that ascent of science
which makes the ambition of the philosopher; and that love and those
prayers by which some devout and ardent soul tends in its moral
purity towards perfection. These are the great highways conducting
to that height above the actual and the particular, where we stand
in the immediate presence of the Infinite, who shines out as from
the deeps of the soul.[21]

Note to page 75.

This imaginary fragment from Ammonius Saccas is, I believe, true to what seems fairly inferred concerning his teaching. See _Brucker_, ii. p. 211; and _Jules Simon_, i. 205; ii. 668.

Plotinus appears to have been indebted to Numenius even more than to Ammonius or Potamon for some of the ideas peculiar to his system. The modicum of information concerning Numenius which Eusebius has handed down shows that this Platonist anticipated the characteristic doctrine of Neo-Platonism concerning the Divine Being. Like the Neo-Platonist, he pursued philosophical inquiry in a religious spirit, imploring, as Plotinus does, divine illumination. He endeavoured to harmonize Pythagoras and Plato, to elucidate and confirm the opinions of both by the religious dogmas of the Egyptians, the Magi, and the Brahmins, and, like many of the Christian Fathers, he believed that Plato stood indebted to the Hebrew as well as to the Egyptian theology for much of his wisdom. He was pressed by the same great difficulty which weighed upon Plotinus. How could the immutable One create the Manifold without self-degradation? He solved it in a manner substantially the same. His answer is—by means of a hypostatic emanation. He posits in the Divine Nature three principles in a descending scale. His order of existence is as follows:—

I. _God_, the Absolute.

II. _The Demiurge_; he is the Artificer, in a sense, the imitator of the former. He contemplates matter, his eye ordains and upholds it, yet he is himself separate from it, since matter contains a concupiscent principle,—is fluctuating, and philosophically non-existent. The Demiurge is the ἄρχὴ γενέσεως, and good; for goodness is the original principle of Being. The second Hypostasis, engaged in the contemplation of matter, does not attain the serene self-contemplation of the First.

III. _Substance_ or Essence, of a twofold character, corresponding to the two former.

The Universe is a copy of this third Principle.

This not very intelligible theory, which of course increases instead of lessening the perplexity in which the Platonists were involved, though differing in detail from that of Plotinus, proceeds on the same principle;—the expedient, namely, of appending to the One certain subordinate hypostases to fill the gap between it and the Manifold. (See, on his opinions, _Euseb. Præp. Evang._ lib. viii. p. 411 (ed. Viger); lib. xi. c. 18, p. 537; capp. 21, 22, and lib. xv. c. 17.)

Note to page 81.

Plotinus and his successors are the model of the Pseudo-Dionysius in his language concerning the Deity. Of his abstract primal principle neither being nor life can be predicated; he is above being and above life. _Enn._ iii. lib. 8, c. 9. But man by simplifying his nature to the utmost possible extent may become lost in this Unity. In _Enn._ v. lib. 5, c. 8, the mind of the contemplative philosopher is described as illumined with a divine light. He cannot tell whence it comes, or whither it goes. It is rather he himself who approaches or withdraws. He must not pursue it (οὐ χρὴ διώκειν) but abide (a true Quietist) in patient waiting, as one looking for the rising of the sun out of the ocean. The soul, blind to all beside, gazes intently on the ideal vision of the Beautiful, and is glorified as it contemplates it—ἐκεῖ ἑαυτὸν πᾶς τρέπων καὶ διδοὺς στας δὲ καὶ οἷον πληρωθεὶς μένους, εἶδε μὲν τὰ πρῶτα καλλίω γενόμενον ἑαυτὸν, καὶ ἐπιστίλβοντα ὡς ἐγγὺς ὄντος αὐτοῦ.

But this is only a preliminary stage of exaltation. The Absolute or the One, has no parts; all things partake of him, nothing possesses him; to see impartially is an impossibility, a contradiction,—if we imagine we recognise a portion he is far from us yet,—to see him mediately (δι᾽ ἑτέρων) is to behold his traces, not himself. Ὅταν μὲν ὁρᾶς ὁλον βλέπε. But, asks Plotinus, is not seeing him wholly identity with him? cap. 10.

The mystical aspirant is directed therefore to leave the glorified image of himself, radiant with the transforming effulgence of Beauty, to escape from his individual self by withdrawing into his own unity, wherein he becomes identified with the Infinite One—εἰς ἓν αὑτῷ ἐλθὼυ, καὶ μήκετι σχίσας, ἓν ὁμοῦ πάντα ἐστὶ μετ᾽ ἐκείνου τοῦ θεοῦ, ἀψοφητὶ παρόντος. Retreating into the inmost recesses of his own being, he there ἔχει πᾶν, καὶ ἀφεὶς τὴν αἴσθησιν εἰς τ᾽ οὐπίσω, τοῦ ἕτερος εἶναι φόβῳ, εἶς ἐστίν ἐκεῖ. No language could more clearly express the doctrine of identity—the object seen and the subject seeing are one. Plotinus triumphantly asks—πῶς οὖν ἕσται τί; ἐν καλῷ, μὴ ὁρμῶν αὐτό· ἤ ὁρῶν αὐτὸ ὡς ἕτερον, οὐδέπω ἐν καλῷ· γενόμενος δὲ αὐτὸ, οὕτω μάλιστα ἐν καλῷ εἰ οὖν ὅρασις τοῦ ἔξο, ὅρασιν μὺν οὐ δεῖ εἶναι, ἢ οὔτως ὡς ταὺτὸν τῷ ὁρατῷ. _Ibid._ pp. 552-3.

Footnote 12:

The testimony of Cicero and Iamblichus may be received as indicating
truly the similarity of spirit between Pythagoras and Plato,—their
common endeavour to escape the sensuous, and to realize in
contemplative abstraction that tranquillity, superior to desire and
passion, which assimilated men to gods. The principles of both
degenerated, in the hands of their latest followers, into the
mysteries of a theurgic freemasonry. The scattered Pythagoreans were,
many of them, incorporated in the Orphic associations, and their
descendants were those itinerant vendors of expiations and of
charms—the ἀγύρται of whom Plato speaks (_Repub._ ii. p. 70)—the
Grecian prototypes of Chaucer’s Pardonere. Similarly, in the days of
Iamblichus, the charlatans glorified themselves as the offspring of
Plato.

Footnote 13:

Clement of Alexandria gives a full account of the various stories
respecting this idol, _Protrept._ c. iv. p. 42 (ed. Potter); moreover
an etymology and legend to match, _Strom._ lib. i. p. 383.

Certain sorts of wood and metal were supposed peculiarly appropriate
to certain deities. The art of the theurgist consisted partly in
ascertaining the virtues of such substances; and it was supposed that
statues constructed of a particular combination of materials,
correspondent with the tastes and attributes of the deity represented,
possessed a mysterious influence attracting the Power in question, and
inducing him to take up his residence within the image. Iamblichus
lays down this principle of sympathy in the treatise _De Mysteriis_,
v. 23, p. 139 (ed. Gale, 1678). Kircher furnishes a description of
this statue of Serapis, _Œdip. Ægypt._ i. 139.

Footnote 14:

See _Histoire de l’Ecole d’Alexandrie_, par M. Jules Simon, tom. i. p.
99.

Footnote 15:

See Note, p. 82.

Footnote 16:

See _Jules Simon_, ii. pp. 626, &c.

Footnote 17:

See Note to Chap. III. p. 92.

Footnote 18:

The statements made in this and the preceding paragraph, and the
reasons adduced by Plotinus in support of them, will be found in the
fifth Ennead, lib. v. c. i. He assumes at once that the mind must be,
from its very nature, the standard of certitude. He asks (p. 519) Πῶς
γὰρ ἄν ἔτι νοῦς, ἀνοηταίνων εἴη· δεῖ ἄρα αὐτὸν ἀεὶ εἰδέναι καὶ· μὴ
δ᾽ἂν ἐπιλαθέσθαί πότε. He urges that if Intelligibles were without the
mind it could possess but images of them; its knowledge, thus mediate,
would be imperfect, p. 521. Truth consists in the harmony of the mind
with itself. Καὶ γὰρ αὖ, οὔτως οὐδ᾽ ἀποδείξεως δεῖ, οὐδὲ πίστεως ὅτι
οὕτως αὐτὸς γὰρ οὕτως. καὶ ἐναργὴς αὐτὸς αυτῷ. καὶ εἴ τι πρὸ αὐτοῦ,
ὅτι ἐξ αὐτοῦ. καὶ εἴ τι μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνο, ὅτι αὐτός. καὶ οὐδεὶς πιστότερος
αὐτῷ περὶ αὐτοῦ. καὶ ὅτι, ἐκεῖ τοῦτο, καὶ ὄντως. ὥστε καὶ ἡ ὄντως
ἀλήθεια, οὺ συμφωνοῦσα ἄλλῳ, ἄλλ᾽ ἑαυτῆ. καὶ οὐδὲν παρ αὑτὴν ἄλλο
λέγει καὶ ἔστι. καὶ ὅ ἔστι τοῦτο καὶ λέγει, p. 522.

Footnote 19:

_Enn._ iii. lib. v. capp. 2 & 7. There the gardens of Jove, and Porus,
with his plenty, are said to be allegorical representations of the
intellectual food of a soul nourished and delighted by the truths of
Reason. Poverty, again, with its sense of need, is the source of
intellectual desire. Comp. Plato, _Symp._ p. 429 (_Bekk_).

Footnote 20:

See Note 2, p. 82.

Footnote 21:

_Enn._ i. lib. 3, c. 1.