Chapter XIII: Letter IV: Park House, Albion, Aug. 20, 1821 (2)

To the excellent admonitions on the subject of religious and moral conduct with which my brother concludes his letters, I cannot help adding my ardent hopes, that as the English settlement appears to be increasing in prosperity, and to present an happy asylum for those, who from various circumstances, are induced or compelled to emigrate from their native country, the inhabitants will prove an example of that true religion and virtue, which constitute the only sure foundation and preserver of states and communities:--my wishes are equally ardent, that as christians, they would not only avoid the errors of antichristian established churches, but of those which although professedly dissenting from them still retain a strong attachment to many of their follies. Primitive christianity, how seldom is it aspired after! The unnecessary division of christians into clergy and laity; the distinctions of dress, habits, and titles, so calculated to please the fancy of our grown babies in the christian church; the objectionable manner in which christian pastors are too frequently ordained and supported:--these with other follies which might be mentioned, all innovations on the simplicity and purity of the primitive churches will at the Illinois, it is hoped, be avoided. Let the English seriously recollect, that in their native country priestcraft prevails, not only in the established church, but in different degrees amongst those who dissent from it, where I fear it is increasing; and that those who are distinguished for their {67} attachment to _weak and beggarly elements_, are in general equally distinguished for their indifference to the grand principles of LIBERTY, for their servility to the ruling powers, and for their support of that ruinous system of war and corruption, which has so peculiarly disgraced the British nation for the past sixty years.--May the office of pastor of a christian church be no longer deemed a _trade_, but let every christian teacher aspire to the honour of being equally independent with the apostles and pastors of the primitive churches, who are chiefly if not wholly dependant on their own exertions in the pursuit of some honest calling. May all denominations, uniting with each other in the bonds of christian friendship, no longer consider their peculiar explanation of doctrines as necessary to christian communion. May their only grand essentials be, _sincerity in the search of truth_, _and honesty in practising it_. Thus may they, in the full enjoyment of political, civil, and religious liberty _go on unto perfection_.[71]

[71] That I may not be misunderstood, I beg leave to remark, that I intend no reflection on those who may have been educated solely with a view to the ministry, and of whose habits we cannot expect an alteration. It is an evil attending the present system, that while men of very moderate talents, and judging by their conduct, who have made no great advancement in the christian life, who possess a few superficial qualifications which captivate the ignorant and unthinking, are living in luxury, there are men of fine talents, and transcendent virtues, who are living in comparative poverty. The grand error is the mechanical transformation of youths into ministers at seminaries, instead of their being brought up to some trade or profession in which their independence might rest on themselves.

I have, on this subject, expressed myself more at large in the MEMOIRS OF ROBERT ROBINSON, prefixed to his Works. See also an excellent Sermon in his incomparable VILLAGE DISCOURSES, entitled, "_Any one who understands Christianity may teach it_." And another in the Posthumous volume of his works, entitled, "_The Corruptions of Christianity_."--B. FLOWER.

{68} [_Note_ C, _page_ 147.]

Mr. Cobbett's former calumnies respecting the English settlements in the Illinois were amply refuted by Mr. Birkbeck and my brother, in two pamphlets, published in 1819, and to neither of which, although he has alluded to a private letter, since written by the former, and inserted in a provincial paper, has he dared to reply. He has however, had the effrontery in a late _Register_, (_July_, 7th, 1821,) not only to repeat those calumnies, but to invent others still more atrocious; and as the parties concerned are five thousand miles distant, I deem it my duty on the present occasion, to add a few observations to those of my brother, that the character of the calumniator may appear in its true colours, and that my countrymen may no longer be the dupes of a man who has so frequently deceived them.

This writer has in his rage against the settlements at the Illinois, not only shewn his usual disregard of truth and decency, but thrown off the common feelings of humanity. Yes!--This marble-hearted reprobate has impiously dared to reproach an affectionate,--a peculiarly warm-hearted father with the death of a favourite son. Addressing himself to Mr. Birkbeck, he states as follows:--"As to English farmers, yours, or any like yours, is the _very worst spot_ they can go to." Of the falsehood of this assertion, the reader has before him demonstrative evidence. Then, alluding to Mr. William Hunt and his qualifications for farming, the writer adds:--"With great sorrow I heard of his untimely end, from one of those terrible fevers that never fail to haunt new settlements for years. One of Mr. Flower's sons is _dead also_, in the bloom of life. Now, had Mr. F. followed my advice given him at New York; if he had purchased a farm or two on the Atlantic side, _this son would in all probability have been alive_!" {69} To this atrocious paragraph I reply:--_It is false_ that "terrible fevers haunt the English settlements" more than is common in either England or America. I am well acquainted with some who were born, and had previous to their emigration, lived in one of the finest counties in England, Devonshire, who were not unfrequently subject to fevers in general, but to such "terrible fevers," as had nearly terminated their earthly existence. These very persons have lately written me, that during a twelvemonth's residence near Albion, succeeding a long and fatiguing voyage and journey, they had been less subject to fevers, and have enjoyed better health than when breathing their native air. As to the climate in general, its healthy state has, after four years experience, been proved, by the evidence of persons, whose characters for veracity more particularly, are as superior to that of their calumniator, as light is to darkness.--_It is false_ that Mr. W. Hunt was brought to an untimely end by "a terrible fever." At the moment I am writing I have a gentleman at my elbow, who during his late residence at the Illinois was well acquainted with Mr. H. and with the circumstances attending his death; and he has authorized me to state:--That Mr. Hunt's disorder was a common pleurisy, attended with but a slight degree of fever; that he was fast recovering; but as is not uncommon in other countries, not taking proper care of himself, and negligent in following medical advice, he had a relapse which terminated fatally.

_It is false_, that my amiable and excellent nephew _died also_ in consequence of one of those "terrible fevers." Being intimately acquainted with the circumstances of his case, from the very best authority I assure the reader, that his death was occasioned by a common complaint {70} in all countries, and to which young people are more peculiarly subject: a cold, caught on a journey, (it is not necessary to detail the particulars) which, without any alarming symptoms of fever, terminated in a decline, and as is frequently the case in such disorders, suddenly, when his parents and family were flattering themselves he had nearly recovered. Thus has Mr. Cobbett impiously represented an affecting visitation of Providence;--a visitation common to every spot on the habitable globe,--as a judgment inflicted on my brother for not following _his_ advice, although he _forgot_ to add, that this advice was enforced with a denunciation, clothed in his favourite phraseology, "I'll be d----d if I do not write down Birkbeck and his settlement."[72]--Thus has he strove to transpierce the heart of a father, and to tear open a wound, which time, a flourishing situation, with those ample means of enjoyment with which the favour of providence has surrounded him, together with those "strong consolations," which a true christian only can feel the force of, was healing; and I trust, that the same supports will enable him to triumph over the fiend whose deadly aim has been to send him a mourner to the grave.

[72] Flower's Letters from the Illinois, 1819, p. 32.--B. FLOWER.

Mr. C. warns my brother and his family "to retreat in time," which if they do not, he dooms them for their lives "to pass their days principally amongst the fellers of trees, and the swallowers of whiskey." After the reader has attended to the evidence respecting the state of society at the English settlements, in the pamphlet before him, (I might refer him to additional respectable evidence) it is only necessary to warn Mr. C. in return, should he again cross the Atlantic, and take it into his head to reside at the Illinois, to be careful to leave his vicious habits of {71} _swearing_ and _lying_ behind him, as he will otherwise find not only English society, but even the society of "fellers of trees, and swallowers of whiskey" too humane, too civilized, too virtuous to be very fond of _his_ company.

The _hypocrisy_ of Mr. Cobbett, in his professions of respect for Mr. B. and my brother can only be equalled by his _falsehood_. His inhuman attack on the latter I have already noticed; and his eagerness in the same _Register_, to expose and misrepresent private matters with which the public have no concern, for the sole purpose of making mischief, must be too obvious to its readers to require farther notice. I might quote from a subsequent _Register_, the manner in which he has endeavoured to ridicule both my brother and Mr. B. but it is too contemptible for a reply.

Mr. Birkbeck, in the letter quoted by Cobbett observes, "I suppose you have seen Cobbett's attack on me, and laughed at the ridiculous posture in which he has contrived to place me." On this Mr. C. indignantly demands--"Pray Sir, by what rule known amongst men, are you justified in imputing to me _an attack_ on you. I addressed to you two letters while I was in Long Island, dated in the latter part of the year 1818:--now throughout the whole of those letters _there is not to be found one single expression to warrant_ this charge of having made an attack on you; from one end to the other I speak of you with the greatest respect." Of the _sincerity_ of these professions the reader will judge, by a short extract or two from the letters referred to. "It is of little consequence," observes Mr. C. "what wild schemes are formed by men who have property enough to carry them back; but to invite men to go to the Illinois, with a few score of pounds in their pockets, and to tell them that they can become farmers with those pounds, appears to me to admit of no other apology {72} than an unequivocal acknowledgment that the _author is_ MAD! Yet your fifteenth letter from the Illinois really contains such an invitation. This letter is manifestly addressed to an _imaginary_ person, it is clear that the correspondent is a _feigned_ or _supposed_ being. It is, I am sorry to say, a mere trap to catch poor creatures with a few pounds in their pockets." Mr. Birkbeck in reply, after stating that his letter was not addressed to an "imaginary person," but to one with whose circumstances he was intimately acquainted, a relation by marriage, adds:--"You have posted me over England and America as _mad_, as a _simpleton_, and a _boaster_, and in one or two instances as _something worse_. _So great a liberty with truth, you say, never was taken by any mortal being_; and having made the discovery, you are in great haste to conclude your letter to me, _that your son William might take it to England with him, and publish it there six months before I could hear of it_!"--So much for Mr. Cobbett's _sincerity_ in his high professions of respect for Mr. B. his _veracity_ in declaring he made "no attack on him," and that his letter, "_was not written_ to be circulated _in Europe_!" It is a pity that he did not adduce his ever-memorable denunciation against Mr. B. and his settlement uttered a short time before he wrote his letters, as an additional proof of his _sincerity_ and _veracity_![73]

[73] Cobbett's Register, July 7, 1821. Birkbeck's Letters, printed for Ridgway, 1819, second edition.--B. FLOWER.

The _conceit_ of this writer is as intolerable as his other vicious qualities. Speaking of the House of Commons, he thus expresses himself:--"I am well aware of all the feelings that are at work in that assembly with regard to me and my writings. I have not mock modesty enough, to pretend not to perceive the power that I have in the {73} country; and it is out of the power of that assembly to disguise from me that they are well aware of the extent of that power. Neither am I ignorant of the power that I have with regard to _their_ actions, and of the great reluctance that they have to suffer the public to perceive that they feel the effects of any such power. I manage my matters adroitly: but the power I have, and the power I will have; and this I repeat it, the public know full as well as I do; and I only state the facts here in order to let those who grudge me the power know, that the possession of it gives me great satisfaction." How _adroitly_ this bankrupt in fortunes and character has "managed his matters," the _London Gazette_ and our courts of justice have recently afforded ample evidence; and should he profess modesty, that it will be "mock modesty," no man will dispute: as to the rest of the paragraph, surely the ravings of the poor bedlamite, with his crown of straw, brandishing his straw scepter, and fancying himself a king, appears rationality itself compared with this display of bloated pride and intoxicated vanity! What particular _power_ this writer possesses over the country, or over parliament, I know not: that he may impose upon some people by his acknowledged talents as a writer, whose style is so well calculated for the lower classes more particularly, and by his confident assertions, I do not deny; but in justice to Mr. C. I must observe, that I do not believe his powers for wickedness are so gigantic as he has laboured to persuade us they are. How often has he boasted of his power at any time totally to ruin the Bank of England by his favourite project of a general forgery of bank notes; and which he could easily put in execution at any time; but notwithstanding he proves his _good wishes_ on the subject, he has not had that {74} confidence in his own marvellous powers, as to risk his neck in the acquisition of that _exaltation_, which the attempt to put such a project in execution would most assuredly be his reward!

Mr. Birkbeck has drawn a most correct miniature likeness of his grand enemy, in describing him as a man,--I copy the sentence as printed by Mr. C.--"KNOWN _to be wholly indifferent to truth_." This description is so terribly galling as to provoke him to give additional proof of its justice. How numerous are the proofs,--how vast the evidence which might be collected from his writings! How many of the most useful and ornamental characters, and of the greatest and best men in the political, social, and literary world has he not libelled! It is not only Birkbeck, and Flower, but Waithman, Burdett,[74] {75} and Fox, Priestley, Franklin, Locke, and Addison, with many others whom this general libeller has calumniated. But to wade through his innumerable pages, and to collect the numberless proofs of the truth of this statement would be a more Herculean task than that of cleansing the Augean stable. To the number of his _Register_ already quoted I must confine myself: and indeed _that_ may be produced as a fair specimen of many others. Many years since, and early in his political career, he poured forth his abuse on Dr. Franklin; the fit has lately revisited him; and it has happened to him, to use the language of St. Peter, when describing similar characters of his time, _according to the true proverb, the dog is turned to his own vomit again_. Speaking of this friend of his country, and of the world, Mr. C. observes:--"Dr. Franklin's maxims are childish, if not trivial; a still greater number of them are false, _the whole tenor of them tends to evil_, for it constantly aims at strengthening selfishness, and at enfeebling generosity."--Yes reader! such is the description of the luminous pages of this illustrious American philosopher, statesman, and patriot, and which abound equally with lessons of philanthropy and prudence, enforced by his own example, and which have instructed, improved, and adorned, not only his own country, but almost every civilized spot on the habitable globe.

[74] In my Mr. C.'s treatment of Sir Francis Burdett, INGRATITUDE seems the crowning vice. The benevolent and patriotic baronet, deceived by him as many others have been, lent him a large sum of money, which just as he was setting out for America he declined paying, under the pretext that as government had by their oppressive measures injured him, he did not consider himself bound to discharge his debts till it suited his convenience! Sir Francis, alluding to this letter, remarked, that he did not know whether such a principle had ever before been acted upon, but he believed it was the first time it had ever been openly professed! As those letters are I find, very imperfectly recollected by many of Mr. C.'s readers, if he will reprint them in his _Weekly Register_, they will consider it as a favour.

Mr. C. commenced his notice of the worthy baronet by reviling him, and all men of his principles; in his usual style he afterwards veered about to the opposite point of the compass, and panegyrised him in the highest terms; but although he had partly gained his ends, finding that he could not completely transform Sir Francis into one of his tools, and by his means, accomplish his darling, but uniformly defeated project, of procuring a seat in the House of Commons, he in his rage, and under that prophetic impulse with which "The angel he so long has served," not unfrequently inspires him, pledged himself that in the course of a few months he would so expose the baronet, as to hurry him to his fate:--_That of committing suicide, and of being buried in a cross road, with a stake driven through his body_! If Dr. Young's sentiment--"He that's ungrateful has no crimes but ONE" be correct, Mr. C.'s character appears to have reached its climax.--B. FLOWER.

But although there is much more offensive matter in the _Register_ I have quoted, I must draw to a close. Mr. C. on some subjects shews considerable talents and industry, and he might have been useful to society, had he confined himself to his peculiar forte,--ferretting out {76} public abuses, and making every class understand their nature. It is indeed to be lamented how little he feels himself, what he has made others feel. But, as there is no system, men nor measures, but he has equally panegyrised and reviled, as it has suited his caprice, or weathercock opinions; his own conduct has, in a great degree, destroyed the effects of the best parts of his writings.--But as he has lately turned his attention to that best of books,--the bible,--which he has frequently sneered at, and reviled the successful exertions of those who have extended its circulation;--as his prolific pen has lately produced SERMONS, in which he has displayed his usual energies, I will not despair of him; and I hope he will take in good part my friendly and concluding hints. I will help him to one or two subjects for his succeeding sermons. The first shall be--THE SIN AND DANGER OF PROFANE SWEARING, from _Exodus_ xx. 7. _Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain, for the Lord will not hold him guiltless that taketh his name in vain._ The other,--GOD'S ABHORRENCE OF FALSEHOOD, from _Prov._ xii. 22. _Lying lips are an abomination to the Lord._ No man is capable of doing these subjects more ample justice; and I will promise him that, as I have distributed _some_ of his writings, I will so exert myself respecting these proposed sermons, as that he may add to his recent boastings of their extensive sale. It is impossible that in reading and studying the Bible, he can prevent it from _flying in his face_, and I most sincerely hope his reflections will terminate in his repentance and reformation: that he may no longer remain in the _gall of bitterness, and in the bond of iniquity_; but that it may be his fervent prayer to God,--_That the thoughts of his heart may be forgiven him_.

FINIS

WOODS'S TWO YEARS' RESIDENCE IN THE SETTLEMENT ON THE ENGLISH PRAIRIE--JUNE 25, 1820-JULY 3, 1821

Reprint of the original edition: London, 1822

TWO YEARS' RESIDENCE

IN THE SETTLEMENT ON THE

_ENGLISH PRAIRIE_,

IN THE

ILLINOIS COUNTRY,

UNITED STATES.

WITH AN ACCOUNT OF ITS

ANIMAL AND VEGETABLE PRODUCTIONS,
AGRICULTURE, &c. &c,

A DESCRIPTION OF THE

_PRINCIPAL TOWNS_, _VILLAGES_, _&c. &c._

WITH THE

HABITS AND CUSTOMS OF THE BACK-WOODSMEN.

BY JOHN WOODS.

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR

LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN,

PATERNOSTER-ROW.

1822.

TWO YEARS' RESIDENCE, &c. &c.

WAMBRO, ENGLISH PRAIRIE, ILLINOIS STATE, NORTH AMERICA.

_June 5th, 1820._

AS I was much pressed to write to many of my friends in England, to give them my opinion of emigrating to America, and as I promised to write to several, to give them my sentiments of America, and of my situation here; I will now endeavour to give them the best description in my power of our voyage and journey to this place, and how I am now situated, and of my future prospects.

As to the propriety of any person's leaving England, I must decline giving any advice on the subject.

{2} As I was conscious but little information could be conveyed in the short space of a letter to any particular friend, I shall, therefore, present them, (that is, all those who requested me to write to them,) with some extracts from my Journal.

_Extracts of a Journal, kept from April 29th to September 25th, 1819_

We left Killinghurst about noon, on April 29, and arrived at Portsmouth in the evening. Our party consisted of nine persons, including Mr. C. and a female servant.

30th. Our luggage, in a waggon, arrived at Portsmouth at noon, and we got a permit from the Custom-House, and embarked it on board a vessel for East Cowes, in the Isle of Wight, where it arrived in the evening, but too late to enter it at the Custom-House. We slept at East Cowes.

May 1st. Entered our luggage at the Custom-House, and were ourselves examined, {3} and afterwards put our luggage on board the brig Resolution, of Newcastle, Captain Clarke. From that time till the 9th, we were employed in procuring provisions and conveniencies for our voyage, and in stowing our luggage, &c. When about noon, the wind and tide being favourable, we sailed from East Cowes; but before we reached the Needles' rocks, the wind and tide both failed, and we cast anchor for a short time; but the wind again rising, we passed them, and before dark got a few miles to the westward. The pilot left us as soon as we had passed the Needles, and so did some friends of the passengers. They gave us three cheers at parting, which was returned by firing a salute with some small arms on board. The same was done at West Cowes, when we heaved our anchor.

The brig Resolution was of five hundred tons, and had seventy-one passengers on board, a small cargo of salt, the luggage of the passengers, to a considerable amount, {4} with the following live stock: a bull, two cows, a calf, three horses, with pigs, dogs, fowls, and ferrets. Mr. Pittis, who chartered the Resolution, with Mr. Edney, his son-in-law, and their families, occupied the cabin, but their young man slept in the fore part of the steerage, with the young men of the other parties. The females of my family, with myself, and some other passengers, occupied the hind part of the steerage, divided into ten separate births, with two bed-places in each birth; they were six feet square, and about five feet nine inches high.

10th. In the afternoon, part of the coast of Dorsetshire in sight.

11th. A great swell of the tide, and much sea-sickness on board; Berry-Head in Devonshire in sight in the morning, and land near Plymouth seen in the evening.

12th. Land seen in the morning, the last we saw of England; as the wind was north and north-west we stood to the southward, and it prevented our touching {5} at the Land's End, as our captain intended.

13th. We supposed ourselves opposite to the Land's End about noon.

15th. A good wind from the south-east, but the ship rolling much during the night; most of the passengers got but little rest. Weather fine, but cold.

16th. Being Sunday, two of the passengers read some chapters from the Testament, and a sermon.

22d. A good shower of rain, just as we had got our bedding on deck to air it. In the evening, I observed, for the first time, the water at the bows of the vessel to look like sparks of fire.

23d. Being nearly in the latitude of the Western Isles, many on board were on the look-out for them, in the hopes of getting some fish and fruit, and sending letters to England; but we were disappointed, as we saw nothing of them.

24th. The ship's carpenter tried a girdle {6} made of tin, and water tight, called a life-preserver; he found he could not sink, but at the same time he could not make any way in the sea with it on.

25th. Early in the morning we got sight of the island of St. Mary's; it was seen at a great distance. We had seen no land since the 12th, when we last saw the coast of Cornwall. In the afternoon, we passed the island 15 or 18 miles to the north of us, so we did not get any fruit, to the great disappointment of many on board.

27th. The sea ran high, and once cleared the fore-part of the vessel of every thing that was moveable. When the waves broke over the deck, some of the passengers generally got a wetting, which caused a hearty laugh from those who escaped.

29th. At noon, by observation, we were in latitude 33 deg. 58 min. north, which is three degrees south of Cape Henry, at the entrance of Cheasepeake Bay, to which we were bound. The weather warm, though not more so than a fine May-day in {7} England, although we were upwards of a thousand miles south of it.

30th. Some of the passengers bathed, till one of them got stung in the leg by a sea-nettle, or what the sailors called a Portuguese man of war; he was in great agony, but by rubbing it with vinegar, the pain abated.

June 6th. There were four ships in sight in the morning, and in the afternoon another was seen, and, at four o'clock, she sent a boat, with an officer and five men. They proved to be Russians, from a frigate of thirty-six guns, the Kamtschatka, from Kamtschatka, and the north-west coast of America; they had been round Cape Horn in their way out, and returned by Manilla, the Cape of Good Hope, and St. Helena, where only the captain was suffered to land. The inhabitants know but little of Bonaparte, as the governor was extremely jealous of all intercourse with his prisoner; most that they knew of him was from the English newspapers. {8} The officer eagerly enquired for news from Europe, they having been out two years. We gave him some English newspapers, and he in return took some letters for our English friends, as they intended to touch at some port in England, before they proceeded to Russia. The officer was regaled in the captain's cabin, and the men were treated with plum-pudding and strong beer, but they refused to taste it, till one of the passengers had first partaken of it; they then seemed to relish it extremely well. Some large fish and porpoises were seen round the ship, and two rifles were fired at them, without effect. A sea-snake was also seen in the evening, it appeared to be six or seven feet long.

7th. We saw some sea-weed that had much the appearance of the tops of dead juniper bushes, with many small berries on them; we took some pieces out of the sea, and found many little crabs in them, and a few small shrimps; the crabs from a quarter to two inches long. Most of the {9} passengers were now in good health. A pleasant evening, and the young people had a dance on the deck.

8th. Some dolphins taken by the sailors, with hooks and lines; they were from 18 to 30 inches long, and very beautiful fish. I bought one of the small ones, it weighed six or seven pounds, and proved very good eating.

9th. A small Swedish brig, the Dryade, sent a boat to enquire for a surgeon, their captain being ill; our surgeon went on board, and afterwards sent some medicines, for which, through a speaking trumpet, their captain thanked ours. They took some letters from us for England, as they proposed going thither, before they proceeded to Copenhagen. Our water being got very bad, it caused a little commotion on board, as there was but little water belonging to the captain. The passengers were found water by the person who chartered the Resolution; and the badness of {10} the water appeared to be occasioned by its being put into foul casks.

13th. Many flying fish seen; they flew from twenty to thirty yards at a time, some of them about the size of a herring, and others not larger than a chafer; when they rose near the vessel, the water that ran from them, had the appearance of a white string behind them; and when it ceased, they dropt into the sea again.

14th. We made 186 miles in 24 hours, being a great deal more than we had sailed, in the same space of time, since we left Cowes.

23d. We had a strong gale that blew down one of our sails.

26th. In the evening the main-sail boom broke, and spoiled a dance just began on deck. The accident was owing to the sailor at the helm being intoxicated, and letting the vessel get out of her course.

27th. All eagerly looking out for the gulf stream. In the evening we saw a sea-gull; {11} these birds are said never to fly far from land.

30th. We had a rough windy night, and it continued stormy through the day, and about six o'clock we had a tempest that split one of our sails. About noon we saw a ship that proved to be the Commodore Rogers, a pilot vessel of Baltimore, and from her we received a pilot, who informed us that Cape Henry, at the entrance of Cheasepeake Bay, was distant 25 miles. But a storm coming on, the wind changed just as we had sight of land, supposed to be Smith's Island, just at the entrance of the bay; this was the first land we saw after we lost sight of the island of St. Mary's.

July 1st. A wet night: we got upwards of 20 miles from Cape Henry. In the evening we again stood out to sea, the wind against us.

2d. In the evening, it being calm, we anchored two miles from Cape Henry light-house, and one mile and a half from the shore; which was very low land and covered {12} with trees to the water's edge, mostly pines of a barren appearance, resembling a furze hedge in the poor heaths of England. We had a good view of the shores for several miles. The weather being pleasant, there was a dance on deck; and as the night was calm and the moon shone brightly, it was kept up till a late hour.

3d. The captain and some passengers went on shore in a boat; when they returned, they brought on board a branch of wild vine, with some small grapes on it, a bough of myrtle, and some honeysuckles like the trumpet one in leaf and flower. They likewise brought some crab fish, of different sorts, unlike any I had ever seen before; one of them had a long tail, and was much larger than the rest; this the pilot called a sea-crab. They also brought a few sea-shells. The land, near the light-house, very sandy and barren, mostly covered with woods, composed chiefly of pines and a few oaks. The very little that was cultivated, was Indian corn.

{13} Cape Henry light-house is built of wood, and stands on the west side of the bay of Cheasepeake, and is in latitude 37 degrees north, longitude 85 degrees west. The bay, at its entrance, is upwards of 20 miles wide. On the opposite side is Cape Charles. At one o'clock we entered the bay opposite the mouth of James River.

4th. In the night there was a riot with the sailors; they quarrelled amongst themselves and with the captain; it was owing to the former having drank too freely; it was happily made up without any effusion of blood: I was in bed at the time, and heard nothing of it. We were much disappointed in not reaching Baltimore by this day, as it was the anniversary of American independence, and, as such, is always kept as a high holiday. We much wished to see their manner of celebrating it, but, for this year, we were disappointed in so doing.

5th. A little before day-break the mate discovered a comet. The bay much narrower, and both banks full in view, the land {14} much higher than before, and covered with trees. Early in the morning, the captain and some passengers went on shore, on the west side of the bay. They went four miles through the woods; but little cultivated land; wheat mostly harvested; Indian corn just come into ear; tobacco in a green state. The land poor, the woods mostly pines with a few oaks, &c. The country round was thinly peopled, no towns, villages, churches, or mills, for many miles. It is in Maryland, and the land is mostly cultivated by negro slaves, of whom they saw several, and their habitations. They shot a sea-eagle, as large as a goose, with very long wings, the quills of which were too hard for pens. They also shot a bird something like an English blackbird, except that the wings were crimson. They likewise killed a small dove, and were informed many wild ducks frequented the creeks in winter; and heard of two men killing a hundred and ten in one day. They brought on board some ripe cherries, and some apples nearly so; they saw great quantities {15} of the latter; also peaches and nectarines in a green state. They saw a few sheep, oxen, and cows, but no horses, oxen being worked instead of horses.

6th. We anchored near Kent Island, said to be good land, but we could see but little of it. At eight o'clock we again proceeded, and at ten got sight of Baltimore, eight or ten miles distant. As we approached Baltimore the bay became narrower, and the land, on both sides, so very low, the trees seemed to grow out of the water. The country more cultivated, and the people employed in getting in their harvest. We met a large steam vessel, and passed her at about twenty yards distance. There were two chimnies, from which issued a large quantity of smoke, a wheel on each side forced her forward; the forecastle was much like a common ship; the stern was covered with a canvas awning, to shelter the passengers from sun or rain; it was open on the sides: she moved along very majestically.

{16} Shortly after, a surgeon came on board, to examine the health of the passengers and crew; he expressed much satisfaction at their appearance. He was a venerable looking old man, of about 70 years of age, and a native of Britain.

At three o'clock we anchored near Fell's Point, Baltimore, and in the evening went on shore; but returned on board to sleep. The weather fine and very hot.

7th. At noon we went to the Custom-House to enter our luggage; in the afternoon some of our fellow-passengers, with ourselves, engaged a house at Fell's Point, at 10 dollars per month.

8th. We removed to our house, and hired a cart to take our luggage from the vessel, at 25 cents a load. Paid at the Custom-House, 37 dollars, 75 cents; expences, one dollar, 40 cents.

Trade at Baltimore extremely dull, and paper credit very bad, except some few banks.

Accounts are kept in dollars and cents; {17} a dollar is of the value of 4_s._ 6_d._ English; but in Maryland and Pennsylvania, it is called 7_s._ 6_d._; in New York, 8_s._; and in all the western country, 6_s._; but it is of equal value in all the states; it is the shilling that differs; 100 cents make a dollar; a cent is a trifle more than an English half-penny. Dollars are divided into halves, quarters, eighths, and sixteenths, thus 100 cents make a dollar, 50 cents half a dollar, 25 cents a quarter of a dollar, 12½ cents the eighth of a dollar, and 6¼ cents the sixteenth of a dollar. The shillings are different, as follows:--

1_s._ is The dollar Illinois, Virginia, Kentucky, &c. 16⅖ cents ----- 6_s._ 0_d._ Pennsylvania, Maryland, &c. 13⅓ cents ----- 7_s._ 6_d._ New York, &c. 12½ cents ----- 8_s._ 0_d._

These different denominations of the parts of a dollar are troublesome to strangers, and might be avoided, by counting in dollars and cents only; as there are no shillings in America, but only dollars, halves, quarters, eighths, and sixteenths, mostly Spanish coin, and some 10 and 20 cent {18} pieces of American and Spanish coin. Cents and half cents of copper are used in the eastern, but not in the western states; few cents being to be found west of the mountains.

The morning after we were settled at Baltimore, we opened some of our packages, and found them in good order. In the afternoon, I took a walk with a person I had known in England; he went to purchase some milch cows; we went three or four miles through the woods, to a Mr. Slater's, who had a 100 oxen and cows, of good size and shape, but of different sorts; his stock ran mostly in the woods, as he had but little cleared land. When we arrived, we found Mr. Slater with his men cutting wheat in a field of 25 or 30 acres; the wheat was of good quality, but not a large crop, not more than 14 or 16 bushels per acre. They cut it with scythes, some follow to tie it up and set it up in heaps, rather than shocks; the cutting, binding, and setting up, all done in a very slovenly manner. The wheat, {19} after Indian corn, was ploughed in ridges of about four feet wide, and sown before the Indian corn was got in, a practice very common in America; and the stalks of Indian corn cut down in the winter or spring, and left in the wheat. The land, a poor clay, very wet in winter. As Mr. Slater purposed bringing his cows to Baltimore market, the next day we returned, and passed his house, a very good brick building, pleasantly situated, having a fine view of the bay of Baltimore, a quarter of a mile distant. The out-houses and negroes' houses much out of repair. The manure was but little attended to, being scattered in all directions, although the soil stood so much in need of it. We saw one field of very poor oats and some weak Indian corn. The orchard contained much fruit, apples, peaches, and late cherries, the early ones were over. We had a fine view of the bay and part of the city; and the mouth of the Patapses River and a fort near it;[75] and the {20} numerous vessels sailing up and down the bay.

[75] Woods probably here refers to Fort McHenry, at the mouth of the north-west branch of the Patapco. This star-shaped brick fort was begun in 1794, when war with England seemed imminent. It was named in honor of James McHenry, secretary of war under Washington. During the War of 1812-15 (September 13, 1814) it was bombarded by the British; and his joy at seeing the flag wave from the ramparts throughout the attack, inspired Francis Scott Key to write the "Star-Spangled Banner."--ED.

We passed a fishing party of ten or twelve; they were taking some refreshment on the shore; one of the gentlemen was a native of England; but his parents left Cornwall when he was an infant: we took some whiskey and water with them. The woods we passed resembled English pleasure grounds, except there was a greater variety in the trees and shrubs. In this walk a greyhound dog that accompanied us, attracted much notice from all we met; few of whom had ever seen one before. One of the passengers in the Resolution brought over some ferrets; they also excited much attention, and a person wished to purchase one, to go into a collection of animals, and offered a great price for it; but no bargain was made when we left Baltimore. I have never seen or heard of any other ferrets in America.

There are many new buildings in Baltimore, and some now going on. Baltimore {21} street is a noble one, wide, straight, and of great length, crossed at right angles by many other good streets; Baltimore-street running east and west, the cross streets north and south. As the city was planned before the buildings had made much progress, it is very regular, and should the plan ever be completed, it will be a large and noble city. There are some good shops, (in America called stores), but not equal to those of London.

As no burial grounds, butcher's shops, or slaughter houses, are allowed in the city or at Fell's Point, many of them are on a hill, north east of Fell's Point. There are three burial grounds, all badly kept, one belonging to the catholics; I did not learn to what sects the other two belonged. The butcher's shops are on the top of the hill, in an airy situation; here they kill their meat, and carry it to the daily markets. At some distance from the burial grounds, there is a noble looking hospital, some rope walks, and brick yards.

{22} Across the top of the hill, some intrenchments were thrown up during the late war, to stop the progress of the British troops when they landed near Baltimore, but they did not advance so far as these intrenchments.

A man on the hill with porter for sale recommended it as of good age, it having been brewed _three whole_ days. Malt liquor not much drank, except by the English.

Towards the north-west, the land better than to the north-east, but still poor and rocky. Yet there is a great variety of soils in and near Baltimore. I was informed by a person who belonged to the society of Friends, that he had lived here a great many years, and had been concerned in most of the buildings; he said he believed there was not so convenient a place for building a city in the universe, as far as regards the finding the materials on the spot. Trees of many sorts grew where the city now stands, fit for building; {23} free-stone in great plenty; also shells and lime-stone for mortar; abundance of sand and clay, that made excellent bricks. The land being uneven, it required some labour to form the streets, but as most of the little hills were composed of sand or free-stone, a great part of them came into use, and the remainder served to raise the streets against the bay.

I was informed, there were thirty thousand inhabitants or upwards, but the number did not increase as during the war.

Trade being bad, most of the new buildings at a stand, to the great disappointment of many of the emigrants from Europe. But to those who came in the Resolution, it was of no great moment, as we most of us intended going westward before we left England, and not to stop in the sea-ports; and there were but few mechanics on board. Several vessels with emigrants arrived a short time before us, and there were three a few days after us; amongst them, one small American vessel from Havre with a {24} hundred and sixty-nine English, chiefly from Portsmouth and its neighbourhood; fifty-four days from Havre to New York, where some of them landed; the remainder came on to Baltimore, which place then contained many emigrants in want of work; some without money to take them up the country; and some with no inclination to go up; and some without either. A person who comes to America is most likely to succeed by moving from the sea-ports, they being very full of people. Labourers in agriculture, and many trades, are sure of work in the western country; but some from Europe have very erroneous opinions of America, in thinking that, when they arrive, they shall find every thing without any trouble; others think they cannot ask too much for their labour. I have known men dissatisfied with 6_s._ per day, who in England must have worked much harder for 2_s._

Many hackney-coaches and one-horse carts for hire, with very fine horses in {25} them, much better than the horses for the same purposes in England. The horses have much blood in them, and would not disgrace a nobleman's carriage; those that bring provisions to market are of the same description, light and active, and would make good hunters. The hackney-coaches are open on the sides, on account of the heat of the climate, with leather curtains, to let down in wet weather; the drivers principally negroes. But the carmen mostly English, Scotch, or Irish, but most of the latter.

The person with whom I went to Mr. Slater's, purchased of him at the market two cows and calves for 71 dollars, (15_l._ 19_s._ 6_d._), the cows young and very kind, and when fat, might weigh about 560 lbs. each; the calves eight or ten days old.

There is a market for horses and beasts, &c. twice a-week at Baltimore, and one every day, except Sunday, there and at Fell's Point, but there are two on Saturday, one in the morning, the other in the {26} evening, at each place, for the sale of flour, meal, meat, fish, butter, cheese, vegetables, and fruit, consisting of pine-apples and cocoa-nuts from the West Indies. Sweet and water-melons, apricots, peaches, prunes, plums, limes, lemons, oranges, cherries, currants, whortleberries, blackberries, fox-grapes, apples, pears, earth-nuts, and walnuts. The fruit in general good and reasonable; and vegetables the same, with the exception of cabbages, and they were very dear, owing to the dry season. Pine-apples 3¼_d._

Fell's Point has many pumps, but few of them possess good water; there was one near us a very good one, called Jackson's pump. The badness of the water, its low situation, and the quantity of stagnant water, were, I think, the chief, if not the only causes of the fatal fever that broke out soon after we left it; nay, I rather suppose it had commenced before we quitted it, as many people were ill, and some died most days during our stay. But the city {27} standing higher, with good springs, it is much healthier.

The first Sunday after our arrival, we went to the episcopal church, the building was lofty, light, and airy, with five stoves to warm it in winter; the pews were painted a light colour, with mahogany coloured rails. The service much as in England. The psalms for the day, or a selection at the choice of the minister. Prayers for the president and general government, instead of the king, &c. There was a fine organ. The congregation was a very genteel one, and as the heat was great, all the ladies used fans, mostly made of feathers. In the afternoon there was a thunder-storm and some rain, preceded by a very high wind, for about ten minutes; and as the weather had been extremely dry, the dust was driven in such clouds, as almost to make it totally dark. Much colder in the evening; and some of us went to the Methodist meeting; it was numerously attended, the manner much the same as in {28} England; the preacher, who had a strong voice, made the most of it. Towards the close of the service, two men, each with a bag at the end of a long stick, made a collection for the minister, &c.; and while they were so employed, a man with a long beard, and a leather girdle about his loins, (as the prophet Elijah), stood up, and begged to say a few words. First, he reproved the minister for taking money, and then declared himself a preacher sent from God to warn the world of its wickedness, and to inform the people, that before the crop of the year 1818 was consumed, "Time should be no more." I sat very near him, and he stood on one of the seats, that he might be heard the better, but he spoke so rapidly, I could not hear all he said, but I heard him reprove the minister, and all present; at length he was persuaded to sit down, and the preacher again went on. It being late we went home, as did some others. This man was deranged, constantly attending the markets, preaching and {29} prophesying the end of the world. He was often surrounded by a large concourse of people, to hear him; but few, if any, gave any credit to his testimony. He often got insulted by the crowd, but the magistrates did not interfere, but left him to do or say what he pleased. Some of our party went to the African meeting. There are many different religions in Baltimore, and all appear to live together in great harmony. As there is no religion established by law, all are equal in this respect, except the poor negroes, who are not allowed to attend divine worship with the white inhabitants. And although I disapprove of slavery in every point of view, in none so much as in their not being allowed to worship the Almighty with the other inhabitants, I think the treatment of the slaves at Baltimore was mild, but still they were slaves, and at the mercy of their owners, if fellow-creatures and Christians can be called the property of others. But thank God, I never yet considered any person had that right; {30} and as that was my opinion, I could not settle in a slave state, to disgrace myself and family by the horrid practice of slave keeping.

On the 15th there was a very heavy thunder-storm, the thunder was extremely loud, attended by heavy rain, the streets near us looked like rivers; indeed, when the rain ceased, the boys waded in the one before our house for some time. I was informed by several of the inhabitants, that they had seldom heard such thunder, or seen such rain before. This evening, and two other evenings, we had a very disagreeable scene in an alley near us. It was that of an Irish howl or wake, in which the mourners made a dreadful noise, crying and howling; we could hear them enquire, "Why their dear sister died;" "whether she wanted any thing;" "whether her friends were unkind to her," &c. &c. As the mourners made pretty free with whiskey, the noise increased as the night advanced. The watch several times {31} ordered them to be quiet, and they always obeyed for a short time, but soon began again.

Many of the principal people in Baltimore are Catholics, as well as numbers of the lower order of Irish, many of whom were recently arrived from Ireland. Irishmen are numerous every where in the States, but I am informed generally of a higher description than those in Baltimore and in the sea-ports.