Chapter XXV: Appendix: D
SUMMARY OF THE MOST RECENT MEASURES FOR THE ORGANIZATION OF THE KOREAN GOVERNMENT
The revised Organic Regulations of the Korean Government, published by an extra of the _Official Gazette_ (December 23, 1907), cover the five Administrative Departments for Home Affairs, Finance, Justice, Education, and Agriculture, Commerce and Industry. As for the Cabinet and War Office, they had not as yet reported any changes introduced in their Regulations. In addition to the particular Organic Regulations for each department there are Regulations common to all the Departments, the War Office not being excepted. The latter Regulations consist of 21 articles which outline the responsibility and duty of the Ministers, Vice-Ministers, and other officials, and fix the date for the enforcement of all the revised Regulations for January 1, 1908. Regulations for the organization of the different offices under the Departments of Home, Finance, and Justice were promulgated at the same time, including the Provincial Governor’s Office, Metropolitan Police Office and Customs Office.
To give a brief epitome of the Regulations for each administrative department: The Home Office is to contain three bureaus for local affairs—Police, Engineering, and Hygienics, with a Director for each. The rest of the staff consists of 12 secretaries, 5 commissioners, 5 engineering experts, 3 translators, 62 clerks, 10 police sergeants, 5 assistant engineering experts and a number of policemen. The Finance Department contains the three bureaus of Revenue, Accounts, and Managing Finance, each with a Director. Thirteen secretaries, 7 commissioners, 2 translators, and 100 clerks constitute the staff of this Department. The Department of Justice will have bureaus for Civil and Criminal Affairs, and each bureau is controlled by a Director. The regular staff of this department comprises 9 secretaries, 4 commissioners, 3 translators, and 40 clerks. In the Department of Education there are bureaus for School Affairs and for Edition and Compilation, with a Director each. The regular staff includes 7 secretaries, 4 commissioners, 3 engineering experts, 28 clerks, and 6 assistant engineering experts. The Department of Agriculture, Commerce and Industry will be divided into five bureaus—namely, Agriculture, Commercial and Industrial, Forestry, Mining, and Marine Products; and each bureau has a Director at its head. The regular staff of this Department includes 8 secretaries, 5 commissioners, 15 technical experts, 1 translator, 49 clerks, and 60 assistant technical experts.
In addition, each Department has a Minister’s Chamber, and a private secretary will be appointed to each Minister of State.
The Regulations for the Financial Department provide for the creation of a Temporary Bureau for investigation of the national resources, with a staff consisting of a Director, a secretary, 3 commissioners, and 5 technical experts.
More detailed regulations for the different offices under these departments are to be issued later.
The most recent advices from Korea report that the rioting, arson, and murder, headed by the disbanded Korean soldiers, is greatly diminished, and that the country is reverting to its normal condition so far as deeds of disorder and violence are concerned. The visit of the Crown Prince of Japan greatly gratified the pride and appeased the fears of the Imperial family and Yang-bans of Korea. Before leaving Seoul, Prince Ito laid the corner-stone of the new building of the Young Men’s Christian Association in that city. The Crown Prince of Korea, the son of Lady Om, whose guardianship Prince Ito has taken upon himself, accompanied by Ito, arrived in Tokyo, where he is to be placed in the Peers School, and was received with distinguished honors both by the Imperial Family of Japan and by the populace. The reports also show that the trade relations have had a significant increase between the two countries; but the most significant item is this: the exports of Korean products, which are for the most part rice and beans, exceed the imports from Japan by some 3,000,000 _yen_. The establishment of friendly relations between the two countries appears, therefore, to be moving forward rapidly; and the political and economical redemption of the peninsula appears to have been successfully begun. The first and, of necessity, most doubtful and difficult in the stages of the Passing of the Old Korea may therefore be said to have been already accomplished.
FOOTNOTES
[1] For the following description of Seoul, besides my own observations, I am chiefly indebted to a series of articles published during our stay there by Dr. G. Heber Jones in the Seoul _Press_.
[2] This may seem incredible, but it is a fact that, as late as the spring of 1907, even a basket of fruit could not be sent to the Emperor with the confidence that the eunuchs and palace servants would not steal it all. At every garden-party the dishes and even the chairs had to be carefully watched.
[3] It is now proper to say, since his own abdication and the Convention of July, 1907, have followed, that the Korean Emperor after repeated denials, confessed at the time to a faithful foreign friend (not a Japanese) that he had given to Mr. Hulbert a large sum of money to execute a certain commission the nature of which he kept secret. In spite of this friend’s importunate urging and vivid representation of what the consequences of the act might be to himself and to his family, His Majesty refused to telegraph a recall of the commission. He did, however, so far yield to the same pleading as to agree not to furnish a further sum of money which had been asked in behalf of the influence of another “foreign friend,” the editor of the most violently anti-Japanese newspaper.
[4] This document probably emanated from the same press in Seoul—conducted by a subject of Japan’s friendly ally, Great Britain—from which came the lying bulletin that afterward caused so much bloodshed on the morning of Friday, July 19th. It is a comfort to know that this same editor has since been indicted by his own Government for the crime of stirring up sedition, condemned to give bonds, and threatened with deportation if his offences are repeated.
[5] Hulbert, _The History of Korea_, I, p. 368.
[6] _Japan_, I, p. 69 _f._
[7] See _The History of the Empire of Japan_, (volume prepared for the World’s Columbian Exposition at Chicago, 1903), p. 38 _f._
[8] _Ibid._, p. 47.
[9] _The History of the Empire of Japan_, p. 278 _f._
[10] _Ibid._, p. 280.
[11] See Griffis, _The Hermit Nation_, p. 159.
[12] See _The History of the Empire of Japan_, p. 304.
[13] _Japan_, IV, p. 207.
[14] See _The History of the Empire of Japan_, p. 403 _ff._
[15] This is on the authority of Mr. D. W. Stevens, whose acquaintance with the facts is most accurate and full.
[16] _China’s Intercourse with Korea from the XVth Century to 1895_, p. 1 _f._
[17] _Foreign Relations of the United States_, 1871, p. 112.
[18] Quoted from the paper referred to above.
[19] For this account, as here given _verbatim_, I am indebted to the Hon. D. W. Stevens, who was at the time of my visit, “Adviser to the Korean Council of State and Counsellor of the Resident-General.”
[20] The list of these reforms is given in the volume of the _U. S. Foreign Relations_, containing the report sent to the United States by Minister Sill, September 24, 1894.
[21] _International Law and Diplomacy of the Russo-Chinese War_, p. 43 _f._
[22] Hershey, _International Law and Diplomacy of the Russo-Chinese War_, p. 44 _f._
[23] _Ibid._, p. 45 _f._ See also the account of Dr. K. Asakawa, _The Russo-Japanese Conflict_, p. 263 _ff._
[24] So Mr. Whigham, in his admirable book on _Manchuria and Korea_. (London, Isbiter & Company), p. 123.
[25] _The Passing of Korea_, p. 167.
[26] See on this and allied points, the lecture delivered by Mr. Rockhill, at the United States Naval War College, Newport, August 5, 1904.
[27] _The Passing of Korea_, p. 210 _f._
[28] _Manchuria and Korea_, p. 119.
[29] See Appendix A for its text.
[30] See Appendix B.
[31] _War and Neutrality in the Far East_, p. 216 _f._
[32] See especially Hulbert, _The Passing of Korea_, p. 464 _f._
[33] The narrative which follows may be trusted to correct most of these misstatements. But among them, some of the more important may here be categorically contradicted. Such are, for example, the statements that armed force was used; that General Hasegawa half drew his sword to intimidate Mr. Han; that Hagiwara seized the latter with the aid of gendarmes and police; that the Minister of Agriculture continued to hold out; that he and Minister Pak, during the conference, withdrew from the Japanese Legation and betook themselves to the Palace, denouncing the compact (something no one acquainted with the geographical relations of the two places would be likely to assert with a sincere belief); that the Emperor ordered the consenting Ministers to be assassinated; that Japanese troops patrolled the streets all night, etc., etc. One curiously characteristic error of Mr. Hulbert is involved in the statement, published in one of the papers of the United States, which makes his commission by the Korean Emperor to lodge an appeal with President Roosevelt the cause of hastening the Japanese Government in their iniquitous _coup d’état_. The truth is that the Japanese Government had made all the preparations for Marquis Ito’s departure, and the plan afterward carried out had been carefully formulated, weeks before it was known that Mr. Hulbert was going to the United States. The Marquis was only waiting the return of Baron Komura to Japan before leaving for Korea. No thought whatever was at any time given to Mr. Hulbert. It is, in general, late now to say that the efforts of those “friends of Korea,” who have taken the Korean ex-Emperor’s money while holding out to him the hope of foreign intervention, have done him and his country, rather than Japan, an injury impossible to repair.
[34] In order to understand the following negotiations and all similar transactions conducted in characteristic Korean style, it should be remembered that delay, however reasonable it may seem or really be, is in fact utilized for purposes not of reflection and judicious planning for future emergencies, but the rather for arranging intrigues, securing apparent chances of escape from the really inevitable, with the result of an increasing unsettlement of the Imperial mind.
[35] He was preparing to go when the Minister of the Household called with a message requesting the Marquis to postpone the conclusion of the Treaty two or three days.
[36] None of the party gathered in the council chamber saw Mr. Han after that. It seems from the accounts subsequently given by Palace officials that a little later Mr. Han went upstairs still deeply agitated. His evident purpose was to gain access to the Emperor, which, as he had not requested an audience, was a flagrant violation of etiquette from the Korean point of view. But the poor man in his confusion turned the wrong way and stumbled into Lady Om’s quarters. Some of the officials led him to a small retiring room, where he spent the night. The next morning it was officially announced that he had been dismissed from office in disgrace and would be severely punished. Marquis Ito immediately begged that the Emperor would pardon him, and, in deference to this request, Mr. Han was permitted to go into retirement with no other punishment than the loss of his office. The whole proceeding was one of those things which apparently can happen only in Korea and not excite any one’s special wonder. No one seemed to know precisely why the Minister was punished. He was amiable, not very strong mentally, but well-meaning and of comparatively good repute; he had done his best to carry out the Emperor’s wishes as he understood them, and, having failed, as was inevitable, his grief was the best proof possible of his sincerity; and one would think it might have excited sufficient pity to preclude resentment. However, it should be added that the sincerity manifest in Mr. Han’s grief did not extend to his memory or his powers of narration. At least that is an inference which one may draw from certain published accounts of these occurrences—Mr. Han having seemingly been the fountain-head of the information.
[37] The Marquis’ reasons for refusing hardly need explanation. Japan had already secured some measure of control over the internal administration of Korea by previous arrangements. The acceptance of the proposed amendment would have been virtually an abrogation of these arrangements, notably of the most important portion of the Protocols of February 23 and August 22. To that, of course, the Marquis could not agree. Besides this, the control of Korea’s foreign relations necessarily required some measure of control and guidance over the administration of her internal affairs. The relations between external and internal affairs, their frequent interdependence, is so intimate, that it would have been a grave mistake to assume the obligations which the one imposed without the power to guard against complications which might follow from maladministration of the other. As the case stands, the insertion of the word “primarily,” while soothing Korean susceptibilities, does not affect the control of the Protectorate in any material respect.
[38] The following facts with regard to the possession of the Imperial seal of Korea and its affixing to this important document, are given on the authority of Mr. D. W. Stevens. They are a complete refutation of the charges which have been made regarding this part of the entire transaction. It was the unavoidable delay in bringing the seal to the Palace which gave rise to these extraordinary stories. “What actually happened,” says Mr. Stevens, “was this. While the treaty was being copied, Mr. Pak went to the telephone and directed the clerk in charge of the seal at the Foreign Office to bring it to the Palace. After some delay he went again to the telephone and repeated the order. At the time the only two persons in the office were the clerk in charge of the seal and Mr. Numano, my Japanese assistant. Both were just then reading in the room where the clerk slept and where the seal was kept. The telephone bell rang, and the clerk who answered it informed Mr. Numano that Mr. Pak had ordered the seal to be brought to the Palace. He was putting on his street clothing preparatory to obeying the order when the Chief of the Diplomatic Bureau of the Foreign Office came into the room and asked the clerk where he was going. The clerk informed him, whereupon he went to the telephone and called up Mr. Pak. He implored the latter not to agree to the Treaty and, finally, receiving Mr. Pak’s peremptory order to cease interfering, threw himself down upon the clerk’s bed in great grief. After this, there was no further interruption from any quarter, and the seal was taken quietly to the Palace.”
It throws light upon the control and use of this seal to observe that, when in the summer of 1907 he was committed to the responsibility for the Commission to The Hague Conference by the fact that the commissioners were ready to prove their Imperial authorization by showing the Imperial seal, His Majesty did not admit this as evidence in proof of their claim. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that this use of his seal was also with his knowledge and permission. And, now, in connection with the various details inaugurated under the new Treaty which followed this violation of the Treaty of November, 1905, we are told that henceforth the Imperial seal will be kept _in a safe_ especially prepared for it, and carefully protected from intrusion.
[39] It is a significant fact that this memorial which is here followed very closely—and in the most important places even literally—has received no attention from the hostile critics of Japan. It would seem as though neither Mr. Hulbert nor Mr. Story is aware of the existence of such a memorial. This is the more remarkable in the case of the former, because he was for years resident in Seoul, was familiar with the Korean language, and was gathering material for his written account of the affair while upon the ground.
[40] It will, therefore, clearly appear that no one acquainted with this memorial can honestly place any confidence in His Majesty’s subsequent denials of the significance of these facts. Shall we not also be obliged to add, that no one who is acquainted with the memorial is entitled to the confidence of any one else, if he puts confidence in the denials of the Emperor. Amazement at the audacity of the falsehoods which have been told with regard to this historically important transaction would seem to be the fitting attitude of mind.
[41] This part of the memorial agrees closely with the statements in the first part of the chapter, as to what was then said.
[42] The purpose of this significant Memorial, we repeat, is self-evident. The Ministers, who had agreed to the Treaty by the Emperor’s commands and with his concurrence and approval, were being attacked as traitors. The Emperor himself was secretly favoring the attack and endeavoring to create the impression that he had not agreed to the Treaty, but that it was the work of the recreant Cabinet without his approval. The Memorial forced him to abandon that position once and for all. As before stated, it was officially promulgated with the Imperial sanction, and should have ended all controversy at once. In any country but Korea, and with any but the class of writers whom these incidents have developed, that would have been its result.
[43] An amusing illustration of the ex-Emperor’s way of filling his privy purse is found in the following authentic incident. At one time the large sum of 270,000 _yen_ was wanted in cash to pay a bill for silks and jades which, it was alleged, had been purchased in China for Lady Om. When the request was made to exhibit the precious goods which had cost so enormous a sum, and which were going to make so large an unexpected drain upon insufficient revenues, the show of materials was entirely unsatisfactory. But, if not the goods, at least the bill itself could be produced. A bill was then brought to light, with the items made out in due form, but by a Chinese firm of merchants in Seoul instead of in China. The Chinese Consul-General, on being inquired of, replied that there was indeed such a reputable Chinese firm in the city; and he desired to have the matter further investigated lest the credit and business honor of his countrymen might suffer by connection of this sort with His Majesty’s efforts to obtain ready money. Investigation elicited the fact that a certain Court official had visited this firm and inquired how much such and such things _would_ cost, _if_ purchased in Shanghai. But no goods had been delivered or even actually ordered!
[44] See Hulbert, _The History of Korea_, II, p. 61 _f._
[45] _The History of Korea_, I, p. 339.
[46] See Hulbert, _The History of Korea_, II, p. 54.
[47] Hulbert, _The Passing of Korea_, pp. 50, 58.
[48] _The Passing of Korea_, p. 67.
[49] _The Passing of Korea_, pp. 38, 41.
[50] _Ibid._, p. 43.
[51] See the account of the “Baby War” and “Breast Hunters,” _The History of Korea_, II., p. 245.
[52] _The Passing of Korea_, pp. 311, 319, 369.
[53] _Ibid._, p. 283.
[54] _Ibid._, p. 247.
[55] Whigham, _Manchuria and Korea_, p. 185.
[56] See a pamphlet bearing this title as an “Authorized Translation of Official Documents published by the Resident-General, in Seoul, January, 1907,” p. 7.
[57] During all my visit in Korea it was commonly reported by those intimate at Court that the Crown Prince was an imbecile both in body and in mind. But in his boyhood he was rather more than ordinarily bright, and his mother, the murdered Queen, was the most clever and brilliant Korean woman of her time. It is not strange, then, that since his accession to the throne and in view of his obviously sensible way of yielding to good advice from others, in spite of the evil influence of his father, the impression has been made that he might have been feigning imbecility in order to escape plots to assassinate him, which were formed in the interests of a rival claimant to the throne.
[58] Issue of Saturday, March 16, 1907.
[59] So the report on the “State of the Progress of the Reorganization of the Finances of Korea, March, 1907.”
[60] _Administrative Reforms in Korea_, p. 18.
[61] A _cho_ is nearly 2½ acres.
[62] See _Administrative Reforms in Korea_, p. 19.
[63] _State of the Progress of the Reorganization of the Finances of Korea, March, 1907_, p. 20.
[64] _Administrative Reforms in Korea_, p. 15.
[65] It should be noted in this connection that this appointment is one of the very few which, like that of the Resident-General, proceed directly from the Emperor of Japan himself.
[66] _Summary of the Financial Affairs of Korea_, p. 5.
[67] In interpreting this it should be remembered that the Japanese _sen_ is equal in value to one-half a cent in American gold, or about one farthing in English currency. 100 _sen_ = 1 _yen_, and 1,000 _rin_ = 1 _yen_.
[68] “There had been,” says Mr. D. W. Stevens, “some criticism because such a law was considered necessary; and Japanese legal procedure was accused of being defective, on this account, by certain foreign critics. But in the late seventies the British Court at Yokohama released a man who had been detected counterfeiting Japanese money, on the ground that there was no British law under which to punish him, and that Japanese law against counterfeiting did not apply to British subjects in Japan. And the highest British courts have held that a contract to smuggle goods into a foreign country is a valid contract as between British subjects in Great Britain.” The entire matter is dwelt upon at such length because it illustrates so well the inability of the Koreans for “independent” management of their own internal affairs, and also the animus and propriety of much of the anti-Japanese criticism.
[69] The quotations are from the pamphlet, _Administrative Reforms in Korea_, p. 11 _f._
[70] See _Summary of the Financial Affairs of Korea_, p. 5.
[71] See the incidents—which are of a sort to be almost indefinitely multiplied—on page 285 _f._
[72] Dr. Allen, then American Consul-General, in a report upon _Educational Institutions and Methods in Korea_, 1898.
[73] See _Administrative Reforms in Korea_, p. 4 _f._
[74] _Official Minutes of the Korean Mission Conference_, 1906, p. 41.
[75] _Korean Review_, of February, 1904.
[76] It is significant to notice in this connection that previous to his several commissions from the Korean Emperor, this writer held a quite different view from that which he afterward advocated with regard to the underlying principle of all the recent relations between the two countries. In the same article he says: “The present chaotic state of the national finances and of popular discontent, show something of what Russian influence has accomplished in Korea; and the people are coming to realize the fact. They are passionately attached to the theory of national ‘independence.’ We say _theory_ advisedly. This word ‘independence’ is a sort of fetich to which they bow, but they think that independence means liberation from outside control alone, forgetting that genuine independence means likewise a liberation from evil influences within, and that liberty, so far from being _carte blanche_ to do as one pleases, is in truth the apotheosis of law.”
[77] Among the many falsehoods told by the Koreans and their “Foreign Friends,” in their endeavors to excite pity for themselves, and, possibly, interference with the Japanese Administration in Korea, none is more ridiculous than that the latter were reviving the use of torture. It should be borne in mind that, previous to the Convention of July, 1907, which followed upon the promulgation of this and other more important false charges by the commissioners to The Hague Conference, the Japanese Residency-General’s power did not extend to the interference with the execution of the Korean law upon Korean criminals. Preliminary examination by beating with a stick was then legal; according to credible current report it was practiced upon the vice-Minister of Education, when, during my visit to Korea, he was accused of having contributed money toward effecting the assassination of the Ministry (see p. 51). All this is quite different from the retort which might be made to critics from the United States to remember the practice of “water-cure” in the Philippines, etc.
[78] Quoted, as are the following paragraphs bearing quotation marks, from the pamphlet prepared under the supervision of the Resident-General, and published in Seoul, January, 1907, on _Administrative Reforms in Korea_. [These quotations are made exactly, and without attempt to change the language in accordance with our use of legal terms.]
[79] The following incident illustrates the habitual behavior of the Korean _Daily News_, edited by Mr. Bethell, in both an English and a native edition. Dr. Jones, one of the most faithful and useful of the Missionary body in Korea, had previously incurred the bitter enmity of this paper by publicly announcing (see p. 61 _f._) the intention to assist the Resident-General in his plans, so far as his own work as a missionary permitted, for the up-raising of Korea. At the time when the Korean troops, in a wholly unprovoked way, fired upon the crowd in the streets of Seoul, Dr. Jones published in the _Seoul Press_ an account of what he himself saw. The account was not accompanied by any harsh criticism of the conduct of the troops. But “shortly afterwards a Korean attached to the vernacular paper visited him and, attacking him fiercely, denounced him as an enemy of Korea. This was followed by a savage attack in the Korean edition of the _News_, giving an entirely false account of what Dr. Jones had done and said. It was in fact an invitation to murder.” Dr. Jones at once appealed to the American Consul-General and he to the British. The editor was forced to retract and apologize, but this by no means compensated for the damage his article had done.
[80] This fact has been clearly proven by papers found on the body of Yi-Sei-chik, when he was afterward arrested and detained at headquarters, as well as by his personal statements.
[81] This serious charge was made by the writer and published to a friendly nation, on the basis of no personal knowledge, not to say careful investigation, and after casual conversation with a small number of witnesses who belong to the class peculiarly liable to be deceived both as to facts and as to causes of such alleged incidents.
[82] Deplorable, on account of its effect, direct and indirect, upon the Koreans, upon Marquis Ito’s efforts at reform, and upon the missionary cause in Japan as well as Korea.
[83] It has been asserted that the value of the land staked off by the Japanese military authorities near Seoul was 6,000,000 _yen_. As the result of a “painstaking and impartial investigation” it was found that, at the highest market price, this land would not have brought more than 750,000 to 1,000,000 _yen_. The Korean way in such matters is well illustrated by the experience of the Young Men’s Christian Association in Seoul, who, when one small piece of land was needed to complete their site, were obliged to invoke an official order preventing the sale to any other party; and even then paid a price probably two or three times its true market value. Compare also what is said, p. 98 _f._, about the Pyeng-yang affair.
[84] What is the state of the case in certain portions of the West is truthfully told in the following paragraph quoted from a popular journal: “In the matter of cheating Indians and acquiring public lands in ways which bear all the ethical aspects of theft, there is no public or private morality either in Oklahoma or any other of those Western States where Indians and public lands continue to exist.”
[85] On one occasion the British and Chinese Ministers jointly urged the payment of indemnity in the case of two Chinamen, one a British _protégé_, who had been injured in a fight with tax-collecting officials at a place to which Chinese junks were in the habit of resorting. The British _protégé_ had died of his wounds, both he and his companion having been confined after the fight in the magistrate’s yamen. The Korean local officials contended that only one person had been killed—namely, the wounded Chinaman. When confronted with the fact that, according to their own report, there was a dead Chinaman in the yamen the morning after, they replied that this man was not in the fracas at all; he had merely crawled into the yamen during the night, and had died of some unknown disease. The picture of this shrewd Celestial going to the yamen to die, apparently for the purpose of fraudulently foisting an incriminating _corpus delicti_ upon the innocent Korean official, did not appeal to the British Minister, and he got his indemnity.
[86] See “The Japanese in Korea,” Extracts from _The Korean Review_, p. 46 _f._
[87] _The Far East_ (London, T. Fisher Unwin, 1901), p. 337 _f._
[88] _Korea_ (Chas. Scribner’s Sons, 1904), pp. 128 _f._; 274 _f._ Perhaps the underlying reason for much of Mr. Hamilton’s rather vituperative criticism of affairs in Korea may be found in Chapter XII, where Japanese, American, and British merchants, and Lord Salisbury are all severely taken to task because too much of Korea’s trade is falling into other than English hands.
[89] According to the testimony of travellers in the interior of Korea, it is extremely difficult to get any food, accommodation, or service, even when desirous of paying the highest prices, on account of the experience with their own travelling officials, who never expect to pay for anything exacted from the country people.
[90] It furnished Mr. Hulbert and Mr. Bethell, however, with a striking instance of the way in which the Japanese are robbing the Koreans.
[91] An occurrence, which might easily have become a much celebrated instance of a Japanese attempt at robbery and oppression of the Koreans, came to the writer’s notice in a private but entirely trustworthy way. One of the ex-Emperor’s real foreign friends was sent for some time ago and found His Majesty in a state of intense alarm and excitement over a plot of the Residency-General which had just been made known to him. A certain foreigner had authorized the story that the Japanese authorities were trying to purchase three houses owned by a Chinese and situated just opposite the Palace, with a view to tear them down and erect barracks for the Japanese soldiers on the spot. The price offered by the Japanese was 60,000 _yen_; but if His Majesty would furnish 65,000 _yen_, this _friendly_ foreigner would buy the property for him, and so defeat the nefarious project of the Japanese. The Emperor wished at once to borrow the money. It was suggested, however, that His Majesty should allow inquiry to be made before parting with so much of his privy purse. Whereupon, the following conversation was held between the Chinese owner and the person to whom the Emperor looked to procure for him the needed sum:
“I understand the three houses you own are offered for sale.”
“Well, I do not particularly wish to sell them; but that Frenchman, Mr. ⸺, has been here and wanted to get them. He said he wished to put up a large store in their place.”
“How much do you ask for the houses?”
“They are worth 13,000 _yen_; but if any one will take all three of them, he may have them for 12,000 _yen_ in cash.”
“Is that so? I understood the Japanese wanted them to build barracks for their soldiers on the land.”
“I have not heard anything about the Japanese wanting them; it was that Frenchman who said he wanted them, to build a store there.”
The benevolent spirit of this enterprising foreign friend is revealed more intimately when we learn that he threatened to shoot on the spot, if he could only find out who he was, the man that had thwarted his plan for this bit of real-estate speculation. The same intention was avowed by the American miner against the foreign official of the Korean Government whom he regarded as standing in the way of the success of the “Poong Poo” Company (see p. 361 _f._).
[92] _Korea and Her Neighbors_, by Isabella Bird Bishop, p. 64.
[93] Quoted from an anonymous letter, signed “Foreigner,” and published in the _Seoul Press_, date of August 6, 1907. The spirit of this passage is characteristic of the entire letter, which was nearly a column long, and which was, alas! written by a missionary.
[94] Editorial in the _Seoul Press_, August 8, 1907.
[95] In this connection it should be remembered that the Young Men’s Christian Association in Seoul is heavily subsidized by the Residency-General in recognition of its services for the good of the Koreans; that Marquis Ito sent a message of welcome, accompanied by a gift of 10,000 _yen_, to the “World’s Christian Student Federation” at its meeting in April, 1907, in Tokyo; and that His Excellency has taken all possible pains to assure the Christian missionaries in Korea of his desire for their active co-operation, by use of the moral and spiritual forces which they wield, with his plan to use the allied economic and educational forces, for the betterment of the Korean nation.
[96] Letter to the _Japan Times_, published, Tokyo, May 9, 1907.
[97] See _Problems of the Far East_, by the Hon. George N. Curzon, M.P. (1894), pp. 192-197.
[98] Compare the narratives of Part I, pp. 37-64; 90-111.
[99] “Abnormal,” _i. e._, from the point of view of what would be expected from minds of a higher degree of culture and of self-control.
[100] With regard to the _personnel_ of the Korean members of this commission, the head was Yi Sung-sol, who had formerly been a Cabinet Councillor. With him were associated Yi Chun-yong, a Judge of the Supreme Court, and Yi Wi-chong, who was at one time secretary to the Foreign Legation at Russia. The two former seem to have taken the Siberian route to St. Petersburg, where they arrived about April 20th, and were met there by Yi Wi-chong. The Russian Government, being at that time negotiating a treaty with Japan which was to recognize in most explicit terms the Japanese Protectorate over Korea, and give to it a “free hand” in the management of Korean affairs, naturally enough, gave no encouragement to the Koreans or to their “foreign friend.”
In view of the large sum of money which, according to rumor at the time, the Emperor contributed to this purpose, it seems scarcely credible that the Korean delegates should feel compelled at The Hague “to stay at a low-class hotel where the meals cost about 50 _sen_” (or 25 cents in gold), as the cable despatch reports. No less a sum than 240,000 _yen_ was subsequently traced to expenditure upon this futile scheme; and 100,000 _yen_ additional was suspected on good grounds. In addition to this, as the event proved, it cost the Emperor his crown.
[101] It should be understood that the proposal of Count Inouye did not contemplate taking the Korean Emperor prisoner and carrying him off by force to Japan. It expressed simply the belief on the Count’s part that the shortest way of making Korea accept Japan’s guidance was to cause the Emperor to become acquainted with Japan by personal observation.
[102] The mixture of ignorance and craft of which the ex-Emperor is capable was illustrated in a humorous way by his inquiry of Marquis Ito whether the Japanese Government would not undertake the arrest and punishment of his own emissaries at The Hague! The reply was, of course, that Japan could no more do such a thing in Holland than Korea in Japan.
[103] This double policy of soliciting advice and help from Marquis Ito, as his most true and powerful friend, while acting contrary to the advice when given and rendering the help difficult or impossible, has characterized the Emperor throughout in his relations with the Marquis.
[104] It was subsequently reported that the number of Koreans injured during the disturbances of this Friday was 210; since the majority of these had bullet wounds and the Japanese police were not armed with rifles, the conclusion is inevitable that most of these casualties were occasioned by the firing upon the crowd of the mutinous Korean soldiers.
[105] These quotations are from the article, the publication of which was followed by the incident already narrated (p. 355, _note_). This example is typical of the temper and methods of the anti-Japanese leaders and their foreign friends.
[106] This is perhaps the place to deny, authoritatively and finally, that Marquis Ito procured, counselled, or even gave consent to, the act of abdication. Indeed, the members of the Residency-General, and the Japanese in Seoul generally, who approved of the more strenuous measures to be taken against Korea, regretted to have the abdication take place. To use the expression of one of them: “It dulled the edge of the Japanese sword.”
[107] It should be understood that this office is the most important and influential of all the Korean offices, so far as private transactions with the Emperor are concerned. Now Pak Yong-hio, after a life of idleness and debauchery in Japan, whither he had fled some years before, and where he had been supported by the kindness of Japanese and Korean friends, had recently been pardoned and allowed to return to Korea. In petitioning for permission to return, Pak dwelt in pathetic terms on his “home-sickness,” and expressly promised in the future to refrain from political intrigue. But he had scarcely set foot on the soil of Korea before he began a most dishonest and disgraceful course of political intrigue. A little more than twenty-four hours after his pseudo-appointment as Minister of the Imperial Household, the Cabinet Ministers ordered his arrest, and he was subsequently condemned to be punished with eighty lashes and banished for life to the Island of Quelpart. Such are the vicissitudes of Korean political careers when most free from foreign influence!
[108] For the text of this new Convention, which is remarkable at once for its brevity and its comprehensive indefiniteness, the reader is referred to Appendix C. In view of the claims that the Convention of 1905 could not have been consented to by the Emperor because it does not bear his signature, or that it did not have the consent of the Ministers, because they did not all sign it, attention is called to the fact that the new Convention is signed only by Marquis Ito and the Korean Prime Minister.
[109] One of the leaders of the riot of July 19th confessed that he was betrayed into his action by the false report of the _Taihan Mai-il Shimpo_ (or Korean edition of the Korean _Daily News_—Mr. Bethell’s paper), that the Emperor would be forced to go to Japan to apologize for The Hague incident. On reading the Japanese-Korean Convention, however, he was surprised at the moderation of Japan, and considered himself a fool for being deceived by the paper. This is only one of innumerable instances illustrating the truth that the English editor of this paper, and his American coadjutor have, of late, probably done more mischief to the Korean nation than any other persons except the Emperor and his small coterie of corrupt Court officials.
[110] The word thus translated, however, means “paid” troops rather than volunteers.
[111] How dangerous is prophecy touching the future of the Far East is well illustrated by the following passage quoted from Mr. Whigham’s generally calm and fair book on _Manchuria and Korea_, p. 49. Speaking of the mistake which Japan made in not preventing Russia from building the Manchurian Railway, Mr. Whigham says: “On the other hand, one is more and more convinced that what used to be talked about a short time ago as the inevitable war between Russia and Japan is destined to end in smoke, since the Japanese have already lost their great opportunity.” This was written as of July, 1901. Less than three years later “the inevitable war” began in the “smoke” of battle, and ended with Japan in possession of this same Manchurian Railway.
INDEX
Agriculture, state of, 92 _f._, 122 _f._, 127 _f._, 301 _f._, 303,
304 _f._;
founding Station and School of, 122 _f._, 126, 302
Alexeieff, M. Kir, doings of, in Korea, 224 _f._
Allen, H. N. (Acting Minister), on education in Korea, 327
An Chung-ho, 107
Bell, the Great, at Seoul, 26, 31 _f._, 179 _f._
Bethell, Mr., Editor _Korean Daily News_, 158
Bingham, Minister, 197 _f._
Bishop, Mrs., quoted, 390
Brinkley, quoted, 184, 192, 193
Brown, Mr. J. McLeavy, Director of Customs, 224 _f._, 360
Buddha, “The Great White,” 137 _f._
Buddhism, condition of, in Korea, 133 _f._, 137
_Bunki_, nature of, 342 _f._
Chemulpo, visit to, 113 _f._;
population of, 114;
appearance of, 114 _f._;
harbor of, 115
China, influence of, on Korea, 181 _f._, 190, 194, 202 _f._, 253, 296;
its claims of suzerainty, 189 _f._, 191 _f._, 194, 196 _f._, 199,
203, 211 _f._, 216 _f._;
soldiers of, in Korea, 203 _f._, 205 _f._, 214;
war with, 214 _f._;
present condition of, 444 _f._
Cockburn, Mr., British Consul-General, 131 _f._, 134 _f._
Confucianism, of Korea, characterized, 181 _f._, 296
Conventions (_see_ also Treaties), with China, 210 _f._;
Yamagata-Lobanoff, 224 _f._;
of Nov., 1904, with Korea, 252-279, 414;
of July, 1907, 419, 431 _f._, 433;
disorder following, 434 _f._
Councillor, in Privy Council, new office created, 82
Court, the Korean, corruptions of, 151 _f._, 297, 452;
cowardice of, 182 _f._;
“Purification” of, 297, 452 _f._
Crown Prince (now Emperor), 298 _note_
Curzon, Hon. George N., quoted, 402
_Daily News_, the Korean, 42, 52, 62 _f._;
announces commission to The Hague, 83 _f._;
attacks Dr. Jones, 355
Education, condition of, in Korea, 325-339;
earlier efforts at reform of, 327 _f._;
modern organization of, 330 _f._, 335 _f._;
missionary work in, 332 _f._;
attitude of Koreans toward, 334;
interest of Japan in, 336
Ellis, Mr. Wm. T., 367
Emperor, of Korea (now ex-Emperor), audience with, 44 _f._, 147 _f._;
personal appearance of, 44 _f._;
message to, 148 _f._;
character of, 151 _f._, 154 _f._, 158, 175 _f._, 235 _f._, 282
_f._, 286 _f._;
renounces suzerainty of China, 216 _f._;
flees to Russian Legation, 220;
subsequent behavior, 233 _f._;
treachery of, 242, 244, 246, 298, 361, 415, 428 _f._;
receives letter from Emperor of Japan, 254;
his part in Convention of 1904, 256 _f._, 259 _f._, 268 _f._, 274
_f._, 415 _f._;
abdication of, 423, 428
Epworth League, fate of, in Korea, 38
Eui Wha, Prince, 17, 75 _f._
Foulk, Ensign George C., report of, to United States, 200 _f._, 203,
204 _f._;
quoted, 376
Fusan, town of, 15 _f._, 140 _f._, 142;
public park in, 15, 142;
reception at, 16 _f._, 140 _f._, 143;
lectures at, 142;
schools of, 142;
revolt of settlers in, 185
Gale, Dr., quoted, 378
_General Sherman_, the visit of the, to Korea, 191
Hague, Peace Conference of, Korean Commissioners to, 83 _f._, 298,
414, 416;
Japanese press concerning, 418 _f._;
action of Tokyo Government, 419
_Hai-tai_, the, 28
Hall, of “Audience,” 29;
of “Congratulations,” 30
Hamilton, Angus, quoted, 377
Han, Korean Prime Minister in 1904, 263 _f._, 266 _note_, 267
Hanyang, town of, predecessor to Seoul, 22, 32
Harris, Bishop M. C., quoted, 397
Hay, Secretary, efforts of, 236 _f._
Hayashi, Minister in Korea, 260, 263, 269;
special Ambassador to Korea, 419 _f._, 421 _f._
Hershey, quoted, 219 _f._, 223 _f._
Hideyoshi, the invasion of, 15 _f._, 25, 90 _f._, 183 _f._, 187 _f._;
war with Prince Mori, 145
Hiro-Mura, trip to, 6 _f._
Hulbert, Mr. Homer B., leaves Seoul, 83 _f._;
on Korean history, 182;
quoted, 183, 236, 289, 290, 291, 293, 295, 336;
charges of, examined, 375
Ichihara, Mr., President of “Economies Club,” 55 _f._
Il Chin-hoi (Society), memorial of, to Ministers, 76 _f._;
to Residency-General, 430 _f._
Independence Arch, 43, 132
Independence Hall, 43;
lecture at, 52
Industrial Training School, founded at Seoul, 128 _f._
Inouye, Count, negotiates treaty with Korea, 107 _f._;
later visit of, as ambassador, 205 _f._;
administration in Korea, 218 _f._;
views on Commission to The Hague, 417 _f._
Ito, Prince Hirobumi, invitation of, 3 _f._, 8 _f._, 14, 37 _f._, 40
_f._, 56;
attitude of, toward Korea, 8 _f._, 55 _f._, 64, 139, 157, 164 _f._,
169 _f._, 226, 395 _f._;
work of, in Korea, 86 _f._, 168 _f._, 173 _f._, 253 _f._, 287 _f._,
298, 301 _f._, 330 _f._, 341 _f._, 355 _f._, 412;
negotiates treaty with China, 194 _f._, 210 _f._;
speech of (1898), 226 _f._;
visits Peking, 231;
and St. Petersburg, 232;
negotiates Conventions with Korea, 252 _f._, 256, 260 _f._;
in Convention of 1907, 421, 424, 432 _f._;
enlarged plans of, 441;
visits Tokyo, Aug., 1907, 442
Iyeyasu, treatment of Korea by, 189 _f._
Japanese, characteristics of, 1 _f._, 55, 121 _f._, 183, 431 _f._,
454, 457;
invasion by, 15 _f._, 25, 183 _f._;
settlements of, in Korea, 15 _f._, 19, 114, 143 _f._, 450 _f._;
as an audience, 55, 97;
relations of, to Koreans, 55 _f._, 59 _f._, 91, 109 _f._, 119 _f._,
150 _f._, 171 _f._, 202 _f._, 368 _f._, 393 _f._, 458;
ladies in Seoul, 57 _f._
_Japan Times_, quoted, 418 _f._
Jones, Dr. G. Heber, quoted, 22, 23, 27, 89, 168 _f._, 179, 425;
assistance by, in work, 48, 49, 52 _f._, 59, 113 _f._;
interview of, with Marquis Ito, 63 _f._;
attack upon, 355 _note_
Justice, the Public, previous condition of, 340 _f._, 343, 345, 347
_f._, 369;
use of torture, 340 _f._, 375 _f._;
attempts at reform of, 341 _f._, 343 _f._, 349 _f._;
police system, 345 _f._;
courts of, 347 _f._
Kabayama, Admiral, visits Korea, 205 _f._
Kang, chief Eunuch, 154
Kenochi, Mr., Resident at Chemulpo, 117
Kikuchi, Mr., Resident at Pyeng-yang, 100
Kimmei, Korean envoy to, 186
Kim Ok-kiun, 31;
murder of, 213
Kim Tuk-nyung, Korean general, 183
Korea, country of, 19 _f._, 92 _f._, 113 _f._, 301;
hunting tigers in, 120 _f._;
historical relations of, to Japan, 179-251;
reasons for its degradation, 180 _f._;
treaty of 1876 with, 182;
trade relations with Japan, 185 _f._, 356;
control of, by Japan, 242 _f._, 452 _f._;
resources of, 300 _f._, 303 _f._, 310 _f._, 322 _f._;
reforestation of, 306 _f._, 308 _f._;
mines of, 309 _f._, 361 _f._;
customs of, 313 _f._, 324 _f._;
finances of, 315 _f._, 318 _f._, 320 _f._, 356 _f._;
debt of, 324;
foreign trade of, 356 _f._
Koreans, the condition of, 8 _f._, 60, 158 _f._, 160 _f._, 180 _f._;
characteristics of, 86 _f._, 105 _f._, 120, 129, 162 _f._, 180
_f._, 289 _f._, 295 _f._, 428 _f._;
independence of, 8 _f._, 169, 174 _f._, 216 _f._, 296 _f._, 336
_note_;
intrigues of, 8, 10 _f._, 66, 68 _f._, 85 _f._, 105, 171 _f._, 201
_f._, 218 _f._, 371 _f._;
appearance of, 18, 47 _f._, 292, 294;
superstitions of, 23 _f._, 131, 293 _f._, 391;
burial places of, 23 _f._, 132 _f._;
as an audience, 47 _f._, 51 _f._;
women, 57 _f._, 86 _f._, 294;
murder Japanese, 202, 206 _f._, 399, 425;
as workmen, 292 _f._;
emigration of, 364 _f._;
religious condition of, 390 _f._, 392 _f._
_Korean Review_, quoted, 315, 327, 328 _f._
Kublai Khan, Embassy of, 187
Kuroda, General, makes treaty with Korea, 182, 197 _f._
Kuruda, Mr., villa of, 141 _f._
Kwon, Minister of War, attempted assassination of, 66 _f._, 70 _f._;
address of, at Suwon, 127
Lady Om, address at school of, 54 _f._, 155
Lawrence, Prof., on Convention of Feb., 1904, 247 _f._
Laws, absence of code of, 341 _f._;
affecting real estate, 342 _f._;
and mines, 362 _f._
Li Hung Chang, 13;
negotiates treaty with Japan, 209
Manchurian Question, the, 229-233, 236
Megata, Mr., appointed “Financial Adviser,” 246 _f._, 315;
work of, 246 _f._, 301, 308, 315 _f._, 318 _f._, 320 _f._, 355
Min, the Family, 200, 201 _f._, 203 _f._
Min Hyung-sik, Vice-Minister of Education, 51, 72, 74
Min Yung-whong, commits suicide, 278 _f._
Ministry, the Korean, change in _personnel_, 76 _f._;
and character of office, 80 _f._, 246, 252;
position of, in Russian Legation, 222 _f._;
behavior of, in 1907, 420, 421
Missions, success of, in Korea, 61, 93 _f._, 404 _f._, 408 _f._, 441;
founding of, 116, 401, 403, 404 _f._;
schools of, 332 _f._;
differing views as to, 388 _f._, 400;
need of civil support, 394 _f._, 412;
work of woman in, 400 _f._;
persecution of, by Koreans, 401, 402;
the Roman Catholic, 403 _f._;
the Protestant, 404 _f._;
“Great Revival” among the, 408 _f._, 410 _f._
Missionaries, attitude of, 58 _f._, 60, 166 _f._, 396 _f._, 398;
complaints of, 62 _f._, 368;
educational work of, 332 _f._;
difficulties of, 392 _f._, 401 _f._;
martyrs among, 401 _f._
Mollendorff, M. von, action of, in Korea, 207 _f._
Mongols, invasions of, 184 _f._
Moore, _Digest of International Law_, quoted, 211 _f._
Nagasaki, visit to, 12 _f._
Nam-san, view from, 23, 40;
wild-cats on, 39 _f._
Noble, Dr., 93, 102, 106, 110
Norman, Henry, quoted, 377
Pagoda, the Marble, 32 _f._;
the “Pagoda Incident,” 384
Pak, Acting Prime Minister, attempted assassination of, 66;
resigns, 77;
action as Minister of Foreign Affairs, 264, 268 _f._
Pak Yong-hio, conduct of, 428 _f._
Pak Yong-hwa, assassination of, 68
Palaces, the “Special South,” 27;
the “Mulberry,” 27 _f._, 287;
the “Palace of Beautiful Blessing,” 28 _f._;
East Palace, 30 _f._;
the present residence, described, 44 _f._, 153 _f._
Pavloff, M., Minister to Korea, 227 _f._, 237 _f._
“Peony Point,” visit to, 100 _f._
_Po-an_, Secret Society, suppressed, 244
Prince, the “little” (Son of Lady Om), appearance of, 44 _f._;
made Crown Prince, 441
Protectorate, the Japanese, effect of, on business, 118 _f._, 352
_f._;
Protocols establishing, 245 _f._, 248, 253, 433;
Prof. Lawrence on, 247 _f._;
as arranged in Nov., 1904, 253 _f._, 264 _f._, 272 _f._;
false reports concerning, 253 _note_ _f._, 378 _f._;
as affecting foreign relations, 352 _f._, 354 _f._;
extended to home affairs, 433 _f._;
prospects of, 446 _f._
Protocols, with Russia (1896), 224;
Nishi-Rosen (1898), 225;
with Korea (Feb., 1904), 245 _f._, 255, 273;
and (Aug., 1904), 245 _f._, 248, 255, 273
Puk Han, as mountain fortress, 22, 133;
excursion to, 131 _f._;
walls of, 133, 135 _f._;
flora of, 134
Pyeng-yang, invitation to, 43 _f._;
history of, 90 _f._, 100 _f._;
Japanese in, 91, 97 _f._, 383 _f._;
visit to, 90 _f._, 110;
missions in, 63 _f._, 107 _f._, 110;
audiences in, 93 _f._, 96 _f._, 107;
improvements in, 98 _f._, 101;
theological students of, 102 _f._, 104, 107 _f._;
Governor of, 103 _f._;
stud-farm at, 383 _f._
Queen, the late, her assassination, 30, 219 _f._;
character of, 283 _f._
Railways, Fusan-Seoul, 16 _f._, 139 _f._;
Seoul-Pyeng-yang, 92;
Seoul-Electric, 230 _f._;
the Sanyo, 246;
construction of, in Korea, 373 _f._, 379 _f._
Resident-General (_see_ also Ito), interests of, 8 _f._, 122 _f._,
129 _f._, 169 _f._, 175 _f._;
social influence of, 86 _f._;
creation of office of, 270 _f._;
scope of present power of, 452 _f._
Reynolds, Rev. Mr., skill as linguist, 48 _f._
Rockhill, Minister, on China’s suzerainty over Korea, 198 _f._;
on the Manchurian Question, 236
Root, Secretary, recognizes Japanese Protectorate, 249
Russia, Treaty of, with Japan, 9 _f._;
domination of, in Korea, 221 _f._, 227 _f._, 230 _f._, 236 _f._;
negotiations with, 239 _f._
Saga Party, the, 193 _f._
Saionji, Marquis, Ambassador to Korea, 216
Schools, in Korea, 17 _f._, 142, 325, 330, 332, 335
Scranton, Dr. W. B., 63, 404
Seoul, arrived at, 19 _f._;
aspects of, 20 _f._, 23, 34 _f._, 130;
meaning of word, 22;
walls of, 24 _f._;
gates of, 25 _f._;
palaces of, 27 _f._;
lectures at, 43 _f._, 54 _f._;
foreigners in, 85 _f._;
influence as capital city, 88 _f._;
departure from, 139 _f._
_Seoul Press_, the, quoted, 66 _f._, 70 _f._, 99 _f._, 122 _f._, 160
_f._, 301 _f._, 415
Shimonoseki, Treaty of, 13
Sill, American Minister, report of, 214 _f._
_Son-o-gong_, 26
Sontag, Miss, 20
Speyer, M. de, policy of, 225
Stevens, Hon. D. W., 140, 205 _f._;
on Korean complaints, 171 _f._;
his account of Count Inouye’s Embassy, 205-209;
on outbreak of war, 243;
appointed “Adviser” on Foreign Affairs, 246;
quoted, 269, 315, 342, 353, 370, 376
Suwon, Agricultural Station and School at, 122 _f._, 126 _f._;
excursion to, 126 _f._
Tablet, the Tortoise, 33
Tai Won Kun, the quarrels of, with Queen, 26, 201 _f._, 218, 219
_f._, 284;
builds palace, 28, 306;
character of, 282 _f._, 401, 402;
persecutes Christians, 400, 401 _f._
Takezoye, Minister at Korea, 405 _f._
Tokugawa, Prince, his visit to Korea, 75 _f._, 88
Tokugawas, the, their treatment of Korea, 189 _f._
Tong Hak, rebellion of, 213 _f._, 216 _f._
Townsend, Mr. W. D., 116, 118 _f._
Treaties (_see_ also Conventions), with Japan, in 1876, 182, 197 _f._;
the Shufeldt, 192;
Japan and China, 210 _f._
Tsushima, relations of, to Korea, 15, 185
United States, relations of, to Korea, 191 _f._, 197 _f._, 199, 211
_f._, 216, 236, 249;
_Foreign Relations_ (Reports), quoted, 216, 249;
recognizes Japanese Protectorate, 249 _f._
Waeber, M., Russian Minister in Korea, 223
Wakayama, visit to, 8 _f._
Walls, of Seoul, 24 _f._;
of Puk Han, 133, 135
Whigham, quoted, 245, 296, 445 _note_
Wilkinson, _The Government of Korea_, quoted, 212 _f._
Yagi, Capt., 1 _f._
_Yang-ban_, the Korean, 39, 74, 156;
baleful influence of, 112 _f._, 156 _f._, 287 _f._;
character of certain, described, 288 _f._, 291
Yi, Korean admiral, 183, 189
Yi Hy-eung (_see_ Emperor, now ex-Emperor)
Yi Wan-yong, appointed Prime Minister, 77 _f._;
action of, in Nov., 1904, 264 _f._;
signs Convention of 1907, 432
Yi Yong-ik, Emperor’s favorite, 235, 243, 286
Yi Yong-tai, 70, 73, 74
_Yomiuri_, Japanese paper, extract from, 167 _f._
Young Men’s Christian Association, invitation from, 38 _f._, 42;
assistance of, 42 _f._, 53, 407;
lectures at, 43 _f._, 47 _f._, 54 _f._;
Korean helpers of, 50 _f._, 83 _f._;
subsidy to, 396;
success of, 407
Yuan Shi Kai, doings in Korea, 31, 210 _f._, 212
Yun Chi-ho, Mr., 39
Zumoto, Mr., 13, 92, 113
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In Korea with Marquis ItoChapter XXV: Appendix: D
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