Chapter II: Part I: To Be Continued (2)

"Touchinge the seconde parte, wherin the severall and perticuller
titles of five royall houses or lyneages are discussed,--to
witte, of the house of Scotland, Suffolke, Clarence, Britaigne,
and Portugall; and they by the pretencions of all such perticuler
persons as in our dayes doe or may pretende to the nexte successyon
of Englande, by reason of the sayde houses; as namely the Kinge
of Scottes, the lady Arbella in the house of Scotland, the Earle
of Hertford's children, and the Earle of Darby in the house of
Suffolke, and the Earle of Huntingdon and the Pooles in the house
of Clarence, the lady Isabella, the Infanta of Spaine in the house
of Bretaigne, and the Kinge of Spaine with the Dd of Parma and
Braganza in the house of Portugall; of all these pointes, after
dilligente readinge over and wayinge the booke, C. A., his opinyon
was as followeth.--First, that ther was soe much sayde in this
booke for and agaynst everye one of these five houses and the
different pretenders that are in eache one therof, as in a very
wise and learned man's judgment and conscyence was sufficyente to
brede greate doubte which house hath the best tytle by neerenes
and lawfulnes of bloud onely, all and every parte havinge probable
reasons for itselfe and againste his adversarye, wherof he did
inferre, that if the adversitye of religion where not in all these
competitors such and soe greate as it is, yet might a good man for
other lesser respectes and considerations of the whole publicke,
make choise of any one of these house, or at the leastewise of the
principalleste, with sufficyente reason to secure his conscyence
for not doinge againste the right of successyon, the sayde righte
beinge soe doubtfull and ambiguous as this auther doth prove it
to be. Secondly, his judgmente was, that in respecte of restoringe
or establishinge of the Catholique religion in our countrye, with
other pointes therunto belonginge, much lesse doubte or scruple
may there be, to choose, admitte, or refuse any one of these
competitors which may be presumed _woulde best performe the sayde
establishmente of religion_, and with lesse danger, trouble, warre,
bloudshed, or dangers of our Countrye and common wealthe, wherunto
princypally and onely, he would alwayes say, that good and wise
oughte to have theire eye more then to other lesser respectes of
fleshe and bloude. And whether the partie was borne at home or
abroade, weare of kindred or the like, for that the former points
of religion, equitye, wisdome, couradge, and vertue in a Christian
prince, maketh his people and common wealthe happye, and not
whether he was borne amongst them or noe, and consequently are more
to be respected in admissyon or conclusyon of any competytors. And
as for the severall tytles of these five houses, C. A. was wonte
to saye that he would have wished with all his harte the like I
have heard Mr. J. P. say alsoe, that seinge K. H. 7th was once
placed in the Crowne, and had shewed himselffe a good Catholicke
kinge, his yssue might have enjoyed the same for ever without any
change or further examination of theire righte; but now forasmuch
as through the haynous synnes as may be supposed of K. H. the 8,
his ofspringe are fallen from the sayde Catholique religion, yt
semeth God's most just judgmentes that ther tytles are called in
questyon; and forasmuch as the tytle of Kinge H. 7th, of whome
descended the twoe houses of Scotland and Suffolke, cometh but
from John, Duke of Somersette, bastard sonne to John of Gaunte,
Duke of Lancaster, by his thirde wife; and then the tytle of the
house of Portugall cometh from Ladye Phillippe, eldest and lawfull
daughter of the sayde John of Gaunte. And that moreover C. A. had
perticuler intelligence which the author of the booke seemeth
not to have knowne when he wrotte yt, that yt apeareth to this
daye by the recordes of England that when the aforesayde John,
Duke of Somersett, (of whome Kinge Henry the Seventh and his line
descendeth) was legittymate by parliamente, expresse exceptyon
was made that noe pretention therby should be given to him or his
posterytie for the Crowne of England; for these reasons and many
others which the author aleadgeth in his booke, it semeth to C. A.
that if the cause of Portugall should be put before equall judges,
it woulde be very doubtfull which party woulde gette the better.
And for the house of Clarence C. A. never made any accompte of
the tytle in comparison of the yssue of Kinge Henry the Seventh,
seinge that they of Clarence onely doe pretende by the daughter of
George, Duke of Clarence, of the house of Yorke, yonger brother to
King Edward the Fourth, and the house of Scotlande and other yssue
of King Henry the Seventh, descended of Elyzabeth, eldest daughter
of the same Kinge Edward the Fourth, whoe was eldeste brother
to Duke George; soe as in the very house of Yorke the lynes of
Scotland and Suffolke doe goe evydently before that of Clarence;
and thus for the tytles of those foure houses. Touchinge the fifte
house of Britagnye and Fraunce, whose heire is the lady Infanta of
Spaine, C. A., his opinyon was that much was sayde and pithely in
the booke, and that the quallitie and circumstance of the personne
pretendente doe greatly comend the pretence, for that all thinges
considered, he did see noe other person in the worlde soe fitte to
ende all controversies, to breake all difficultyes, and to avoyde
all dangers on every syde, as if this lady should be agreed on of
all handes to have her title established. This C. A. would prove
by manie arguments, utillityes, and commodyties which he sayde
woulde ensue by this meanes more then by any other, as alsoe by
the difficultyes and damages of all other wayes, whatsoever should
be devised. For firste, he was wonte to saye, that if the house of
Portugall should be preferred, many difficultyes would be aboute
the admittinge of the Kinge of Spaine, both for that the English,
of what stocke soever, would not willingly yelde to have ther
Crowne subjected to any other, nor would other Christyan princes
rounde aboute like of that increase of soe greate a monarchye,
and consequently there woulde followe much warre and bloudshed;
for the Dukes of Parma and Braganza, which alsoe are of this
house of Portugall, though they be worthie Princes, yet greate
difficultyes doe seeme woulde followe, both for that they wante
forces sufficyently to gette and defende soe greate a Crowne;
as alsoe for that theire tytles to the successyon of Englande
may seeme in parte to be decyded against them alreadye in the
controversye that is paste of the Crowne of Portugall, though some
men will saye that there is a difference in the state of these
twoe successyons. In the house of Suffolke, that conteyneth the
Earles of Hertforde and Darbye there are partely alsoe the same,
and partly farre greater difficultyes; the same for that the powers
are not like to be sufficyente for soe difficulte an enterprise,
and farre greater, for that the tytles doe seeme evidently behinde
that of Scotlande, which cometh of the eldeste daughter of King
Henry the Seventh, and ther is onely of the yonger syde the
impedimente of the religion, wherof I shall speake presentlye.
There remayneth then onely the house of Scotland, and namely the
Kinge's tytle, for of Arbellae's pretention C. A. never made any
accompte at all, she beinge as is knowne of a seconde marryadge,
and that intangled with many difficultyes and doubtes as the booke
declareth; about which tytle of the Kinge of Scottes, C. A. was
wonte to saye that albeyt for the causes above mentyoned of the
quiet posessyon of Henry the Seventh, he was longe desirous that
noe mutation should be made in this yssue, espetyally as longe as
the Queene of Scottes lived, which was a knowne Catholique, and soe
longe after her death as there was any hope of the reduction and
conformitye of her sonne (nowe Kinge) to the Catholique faithe;
upon which hope both C. A. and Mr. Fr. P. and other the freindes
labored earnestly for his prefermente divers yeares together, yet
afterwardes seinge the perseverance of the Kinge in his professyon
of herysie, and consyderinge that havinge bin broughte up and
nourished in the same from his tender yeares, though otherwise as
it is thoughte of noe evill nature, it would be hard to expecte any
sure or firme reduction in a prince of his yeares and libertye,
and that of this one pointe notwithstandinge depended the whole
good or distruction of our whole country and realme, C. A. beganne
seriously to thinke better of the matter, and findinge by searche
that the small obligation that he or other of the English nation
have to this Kinge in respecte of his neernes of bloud above the
reste as abondantly is shewed in this booke; and that on the
other syde, conscyence did forbyd him to faver a pretendor of his
religyon, what tytle or nerenes in bloud soever he had. For these
causes and considerations C. A. changed his whole opinion in that
behalfe; espetyally after divers learned and grave men of the
Kinge's owne natyon which for many yeares had labored to doe him
good every way, gave testymonye upon theire conscyences, they had
noe hope or probabillitye lefte of his conversyon. And matters
standinge thus, and beinge once brought within differency into this
ballance of due consideration, ther offred themselves alsoe above
and beyonde this, divers other pointes alsoe not unworthye to be
wayed,--as for example, the hard and bricke combination or joyninge
together of English and Scottes natures, customes, enclinations,
and wills, under one Kinge, the dislike and repugnance that all
other princes rounde aboute us would have that these kingdomes
should be joyned in one, from which twoe fountaynes onely (if noe
other difficultye were there) woulde never wante in matter both
of endlesse strife from the firste of the twoe, neither helpe
to encourage, continue, and maintayne the same from the second
fountayne, which twoe ga.. inconveniences beinge joyned with the
former, which is the greateste and chefeste of all others, that
may be to witte, the King beinge soe hartely affected to heresye
and drowned in the same, and soe allyed and entrapped every waye
with heritiques that if he should for a shewe or for any temporall
respecte, upon the perswasyons of some pollitique or Athiste,
make countenance to be a Catholicke, ther could never be any true
assurance had therof, nor hope of any sincere reformation by his
meanes. All these considerations layde together in the brest of C.
A., (that desired nothinge but the true honor and service of God,
assurance of religion, and good of his Countrye), made him very
pensive before his deathe, and to write many longe letteres of his
owne hand to Mr. F. P. whoe then lay sicke, and finally after much
musinge, and espetyally after he had much vewed and waighed well
the reasons and discourses of this booke, he wholy thoughte to have
changed his minde and to thinke of another surer course for the
remedy of Englande. And it seemed that this cogitation was that if
all other pretenders mighte be broughte to yelde to the tytle of
the lady and Infanta of Spaine, noe waye nor meanes in the worlde
coulde bee thoughte of, more sweete, agreable, and convenyente
for all partyes and for all effects, for these reasons following.
First, that she beinge the daughter and sister of whome she is, and
of soe rare worthynes in her owne person as all the worlde talketh
of, she could not be but indifferente and amyable unto all, neither
coulde she wante sufficyente forces for her establishment and
defence afterwardes, and beinge maryed with some noble Catholique
prince such as the Kinge her father should like before of, and
England not mislike, albeit in theire owne personnes they woulde be
strangers unto us for a tyme, yet would that quickly passe awaye,
and then children would be Inglishe borne, and themselves entringe
not by force, but by love and composition, would hould peace with
all, and be in feare and jelosie of none, which in other pretendors
cannot be soe effected; they would attende alsoe principally to
the assurance of Catholique religion as the grounde of theire
estate, wheras others must needes doe the contrarye for houldinge
ther freindes and partyes contented, and finally by this meanes
all subjectyon to forrayne countryes or natyons should be avoyded,
and England should gayne the power, ritches, and freindship of
Spaine to asiste it in all needes, without perill of subjectyon to
the same. And if any would objecte that the lady Infanta or her
ofspringe may come to live to inherite the kingdome of Spaine if
the prince should have noe yssue, and consequently bringe England
under that crowne, as alsoe the princypall, C. A. would saye that
provisoe might be made alsoe thus,--to witte, that in such case
the seconde childe or nexte of bloud might remayne with the Crowne
of England, and soe avoyde that conjunctyon or subordination;
moreover he sayde that noe composition could be soe profitable or
sure as this, for our domesticall competitors, who otherwise of all
liklyhood must needs extirpate and destroy the one the other, and
all would joyne together to vex and weary the Scotts if they should
come in, to which ende and effecte they should never want partyes,
neither at home nor from abroade, as by reason is evidente, and
soe our country therby would become a continuall feilde of warre
and bloudshedde. And wheras of all other pretenders the Kinge of
Spaine is knowne to be most powerable, and hath noe small title
by the house of Lancaster as by this booke apeareth, noe way can
be thought of, soe fytte and forceable to apease and ende that
tytle, as if nowe by way of composytion he should be perswaded (as
perhaps he might) to passe the same over to his daughter the lady
Infanta, as by all likelyhood he might be induced to doe with good
likinge alsoe of the Prince his sonne, for the affectyon that both
of these must nedes beare to this lady, and for endinge of strife
amonge our nation, and benefitinge our countrye, yf his Majestie by
conveniente meanes were delte with herin, as C. A. greatly wisheth
he mighte.

"These were the prudente and godly cogitations of C. A. in
his latter dayes, wherof much he conferred with divers of his
confidente freindes, and namely with Mr. F. P. by letteres as
before I have sayde, and was privie to the same, and doubt not but
many of those letteres and discourses are forthcominge when tyme
shall serve, and for that he understoode that some of our nation
that live out of Ingland did take other courses and made a devision
from the reste, either upon passyon or other perticuler respectes
or humaine infirmityes, not entringe soe deply and sincearly
into the true consideration what is beste for God's service, and
assurance of Catholique religion, and for the perfecte reductyon
of our countrye to peace, justice, and pietye, he was much greved
therwith, and toke it for a dangerous and evidente deceipte of the
divell to bring all therby to devisyon and dissolation, as alreadye
we prove by the divisyon that was broughte in Queen Marie's tyme
to certayne pernityous heades amonge the principall concerninge
the successyon which some good people desired and labored to have
established then. But yet his hope was that upon the sighte of this
booke, such of our nation as are wise and truly Catholique, seinge
by the libertye and disunion all wilbe destroyed, would joyne
together and with him and his freindes, if he had layde in some
good meanes for savinge themselves and ther countrye, which was his
owne; but a finall ende with often and most earnest protestations
to such as dealte with him in these affayres that he was led by
noe jotte at all of affectyon or disaffectyon towardes any prince
or pretender livinge, about this matter of the Crowne, but that
absolutely and onely he desired that pretender to be preferred
without all respectes of country, kindred, bloud, freindshippe, or
other such circumstances, whoe mighte be presumed to be most fitte
forr us, and by whome most assurance, hope, and probabillitye may
be had of the former desired effectes of religion, justice, peace,
good govermente, avoydinge of warre and bloudshed, sufficyente
forces to defende us, union, love towards the people of our nation,
meanes to help them, contentmente of princes rounde about us, and
the like.

"And this is all in effecte that I can write to you, ... mente and
censure aboute the booke of successyon, and ... pious and prudente
desires concerninge all that affayre. Our sinne permitted not to
have such a man continue amongste us, for puttinge soe importante
designments in execution. And soe I cannot tell whether ever
any of them were broken by him to the Pope, Kinge of Spaine, or
other Prince to whome they mighte apertayne. And with this I make
an ende, biddinge you most hartely farewell, and besechinge our
Saviour to preserve you, and directe all this greate affayre of
our next successyon to his greatest glorye, and most good of our
afflicted countrye.

"Yours to commaunde,
"R. P."[5]

25.

A New Discourse of a stale subject, called the Metamorphosis of Ajax. Written by _Misacmos_ to his friend and cosin, _Philostilpnos_. Printed 1596.

This curious book was written by Sir John Harington, and for
so doing he was forbidden the court by Queen Elizabeth, and a
license was refused for printing the work. Watt, Lowndes, and all
Bibliographers bear testimony to its great rarity. Dr. Johnson
in his Lives of the Poets, devotes a page to a consideration
and description of this curious work. He says, These tracts are
perhaps the first specimens of the Rabelaisian satire our language
has to boast. They are replete with that kind of humour which
distinguishes the writings of the French Lucian, and partake of
their grossness. The extreme rarity of these once popular trifles
renders it doubtful whether Swift or Sterne were acquainted with
them; yet there are passages in the works of both these eccentric
writers so strongly resembling some of Harington's as almost to
induce a suspicion that they had seen them; this resemblance
however, may have arisen from the circumstance of their being, like
our author, imitations of Rabelais and the other French writers of
facetiæ.

Of the Metamorphosis of Ajax, the avowed purport is the description
of a species of watercloset which Sir John Harington had invented
and erected at Kelston, his seat near Bath; but he has contrived
to make it the vehicle of much diverting matter, evincing his
extensive reading; he has also interspersed numerous satiric
touches and allusions to contemporary persons and events, many of
which are now necessarily obscure, and which were no doubt one of
the causes of its great popularity at the time of publication.

Elizabeth, however she might be diverted with the humour of this
whimsical performance, is said to have conceived much disquiet on
being told the author had aimed a shaft at Leicester. Its satiric
tendency procured the writer many enemies; and it is supposed that
he owed his good fortune in escaping a Star Chamber suit to the
favour of the Queen, who yet affected to be much displeased, and
forbade him the Court in consequence.

It was reprinted at the Chiswick press in 1814, from which edition
some of the previous remarks are derived.

26.

Virgidemiarum, Sixe Bookes. First three Bookes, of Toothlesse Satyrs. 1.--Poeticall. 2.--Academicall. 3.--Morall. London, printed by Thomas Creede for Robert Dexter, 1597. (By Bishop Hall.)

Virgidemiarum. The three last bookes, of byting Satyres. Imprinted at London by Richard Braddocke for Robert Dexter, at the signe of the Brasen Serpent in Paule's Church Yard, 1598.

These are among the earliest Satires written in the English
language, and were much admired, but the publication was ordered
to be stayed at the press by the Archbishop of Canterbury and the
Bishop of London, and such copies as could be found were to "bee
presentlye broughte to the Bishop of London to be burnte." They
were reprinted in 1824, with the illustrations of Rev. Thomas
Warton and additional notes by Samuel Weller Singer.

27.

A pithie exhortation to her Majestie for establishing her successor to the Crowne. Whereunto is added a discourse containing the author's opinion of the true and lawfull successor to her Majestie. Both compiled by Peter Wentworth.

Dolman's (i.e., Father Parsons) objections to the succession of
James I were ably refuted in this volume, and the claims of the
Scottish King set forth with sound argument; yet for daring to
advise his sovereign the author was committed to the Tower, where
he shortly after died, and his book was ordered to be burnt by the
hangman.

28.

All Ovid's Elegies: 3 Bookes. By C(hristopher) M(arlow). Epigrams by J(ohn) D(avis). At Middlebourgh. (1598.)

This volume was condemned and burnt at Stationer's Hall by an order
of the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London, dated
June 1st, 1599.

29.

The Metamorphosis of Pigmalion's Image. And certaine Satyres. At London. Printed for Edmond Matts, and are to be sold at the signe of the Hand and Plough in Fleet street. 1598.

This book was written by John Marston. It is dedicated "To the
World's mightie Monarch Good Opinion;" and the principal purpose
of the author was to ridicule and to show the immorality and
evil tendency of a class of poems then fashionable, and to which
Shakespeare's "Venus and Adonis" belongs.

The main production consists of thirty nine six-line stanzas. The
"certain Satires," four in number, and all written in couplets,
follow, but the versification is sometimes harsh, and the rhyme
frequently careless and defective.

Preceding the Satires is a Poem headed _Reactio_, wholly occupied
by a vindication of the writers whom Hall had previously attacked
in his "Virgidemiarum;" addressing that author, Marston exclaims:

"Vaine envious detractor from the good,
"What cynicke spirit stirreth in thy blood?
"Cannot a poore mistaken title scape,
"But thou must that unto thy Tumbrell scrape?"

and he subsequently adds four of the smoothest lines in his volume:

"So have I seene the March wind strive to fade
"The fairest hewe that art or nature made:
"So envy still doth barke at cleareste shine,
"And strives to staine heroyick acts devine."

The dedication to Good Opinion is subscribed W. K., the initials
of William Kinsayder, the name under which Marston published his
earlier productions.[6]

From the licentious character of this book the prelates Whitgift
and Bancroft ordered its suppression and destruction soon after its
appearance.

30.

The first part of the Life and Raigne of King Henry the IIII. Extending to the end of the first yeare of his raigne. Written by J. H. Imprinted at London by John Wolfe, and are to be solde at his shop in Pope's Head Alley, neere to the Exchange. 1599.

This book was written by Sir John Haywarde, L.L.D. It was dedicated
in very encomiastic terms to the Earl of Essex, but it so highly
irritated Queen Elizabeth, that proceedings were taken against the
author as appears from the following documents.

Among the Domestic State Papers of the year 1600 are
interrogatories by Lord Chief Justice Popham, to be administered to
Dr. Hayward in these terms;

"To examyn hym who made the preface to the Reader.

"Wherein he conceaveth or ment that booke might be not onely
patterns for pryvat dyreccion and for matters of state, to instruct
young men more shortly and old men more fully?

"Where he hadd any warrant to sett down that Kyng H. the 2. never
taxed the subject, or left 900000 li. in his coffers?

"In what poynt were the othes unlawful taken by R. the 2. of his
subjects?

"When were any skattering forces sent in hys tyme into Ireland, and
under whom, and what warrant hadd he to wryte so?

"What moved hym to sett down that any were in dysgrace for their
servys there?

"What moved hym to sett down that the nobylyte were then hadd in
contempt, or that they were but base that were culted about that
Kyng?

"What moved hym to sett down that the subjects were bound for their
servys to the state, and not to the person of the Kyng?

"What moved hym to maynteyn with arguments never mencyoned in the
history, that yt myght be laweful for the subjects to depose the
Kyng for any cause?

"What moved hym to add unto yt so many presidentes off that kynd in
alowans thereof?

"What moved hym to alowe that ys well for comen weal that the Kyng
is dead?

"What was the true caws of settyng forth this symple story in this
tyme, and thus fortefyed with arguments to the worst sens, omytt
every princypal poynt that made agaynst the Traytors or Rebelles?

"Myght he thynke that thys hystory, sett forth in sort as yt ys,
wold not be very dangerous to come amongst the comon sort of people?

"Whom he made prevy to hys purpos of wrytyng thys hystory, and what
alowans gave they of it, where and when?

"Who were the anymatters of you to sett forth thys story, and to
what end?

"When did you fyrst resolve to sett forth this hystory, and where
and at what tyme did you begynne yt?

"By what meanes came you to the records of these thyngs which you
have sett down to have been done in that tyme?"[7]

Then follows an Epistle to the reader, vindicating the book from
intending any attack on the present times; thus,

"Gentle Reader, thy frendly acceptance of these loose labors, the
accompt of my idle howres, from exercises of greater profit and
use, hath moved me, before I proceede any further, to overlooke
and overlicke them once againe, as the beare is said to doe her
unformed whelpes, and thereby both in portion and proportion to
amend the same. I _have purposely passed_ over many imputations,
and some secrete sences, which the deepe searchers of our time have
rather framed then found: partly upon the science of myne owne
conscience, and partly seeing no reason wherefore they should be
more applied to this booke _then to the_ originall authors out of
which it hath bene gathered, onely one offence I thought meete to
meete with, and that is, concerning the rehearsall _of certaine
oppressions both unusuall and intollerable_, and to no profitable
purpose and end; which I heare to be hardly thought of and taken,
not in regard of any moderate judgment, which may easily perceive
how full it lyeth in the plaine path of the history, but _for
feare_ of some quarrellous conceites, which may interpret it to be
meant of an other tyme (although nothing like) then that whereof
it was reported; which in one degree of melancholy further, would
imagine the very belles to sound whatsoever hammereth within
their heads. For my part _I am of opinion_, that no imposition
at any time have bene either hurtfull to a prince or hatefull to
the people, except two qualities do concurre: first, that it be
excessive,--secondly, that it be wildly and wastfully expended:
for if the one fayle, it never seemeth greevous; if the other, not
odious. But if it be both moderate and also necessary; or great,
joyned with greatnesse and importancy of neede: it standeth neither
with reason nor with religion, for any subject to repine against
it. _For the prince is a person of_ authority and trust, _to
imploy_ the goods of the people, for their common good, _either_ in
maintayning order among themselves, or in repelling the enterprises
of their enemies: neyther can they possibly be preserved by the
prince, if they withdraw theire owne endeavour and supply. And this
the ancient wise men have endeavoured by a fable to make familiare;
that all the parts of the body were once offended against the
stomacke, for that they saw themselves vexed with perpetuall
travayle and toyle, and the stomacke onely, not onely to be idle,
but to consume all that they could provide. Hereupon they conspired
together, that the hand should no more worke, nor the feete walke,
nor the eye looke about, nor the mouth receyve, prepare, and send
downe foode: so the stomacke not receyving nourishment, could
not impart the same againe to every part of the body: whereby,
first they languished and (being neere at the point to perish)
at the last perceyved, that both their labour to get, and their
liberality to geve, in appearance was for the stomacke, but in
deede for themselves. This tale hath bene verified by many truthes,
whereof I will rehearse one, and so not exceede the measure of an
Epistle. When the Turke came against the city of Constantinople,
the Emperour was not able to wage so many souldiers as might stand
single upon the walles. Whereupon he often assembled the wealthy
citizens, and sometymes went in person to their houses, leaving
nothing undone or unsayd which might be of force to stirre in them
either piety or pitty, both for the preservation of their country
and frends, and for theire owne particuler safeties: but the
miserable monymongers, being as loath to take benefit of their gold
as if it had not bene their owne, buried it under the ground, and
denyed that they were able to make contribution. So either for want
or weakenes of resistance, the Turkes soone became masters of the
city: who in their first fury set all the streetes on streame with
bloud, and afterwards, covetousnes succeeding cruelty, they left no
closet nor corner unransacked and unrifled, wherein missing their
expected pray, they ripped the bellies and searched the bowels of
their wretched captives: lastly they turned up the foundations of
many thousand buildings, and there found such infinite masses of
mony, as did strike them rather into a maze then into a merveylle,
how so rich a city could possibly be taken. I would not wish the
like mischance to our like dull and heavy conceyted repyners,
which neyther see nor seeke any other thing but only the stuffing
of their owne bags, because it cannot happen unto them without a
greater and further mischiefe: but I could wish that they might be
fitted as once were the Siracusans, upon whom when Dyonisius had
imposed a contribution, they murmured and complayned, and denyed
that they were able to beare that burthen; whereupon he encreased
the imposition and they likewise their complaints, but Dyonisius
ceased not to levy it upon them, untill he perceyved them eyther
content by being reduced to their duety, or quiete by being drawne
drye."[8]

The folowing is the confession of Dr. Hayward, made July the 11th,
1600.

11th July, 1600,
at the Courte.

The confession of Doctor Heyward
before the Lord Keper, the Lord
Admirall, Mr. Secretary, and Mr.
Chauncelor of the Eschequer.

"1. He confessed that the stories mencioned in the Archbishop's
oration, tendinge to prove that deposers of kings and princes have
had good successe, were not taken out of any other cronicle, but
inserted by himselfe, but said that after in the history the Bishop
of Carlile confuteth the same, but for the confutation the Bishop
was committed to the Marshalsea, and the whole parlement concluded
against the Bishop's opinion; and in troth in 1. H. 4. the Bishop
of Carlile was attainted of treason.

"2. He confessed he had red of a Benevolence in the tyme of Richard
3. and not before, and yet that he inserted the same in the raigne
of Richard 2.

"3. He said that as he toke it, the substaunce of the consultation
for reducing the Irishe rebell, he had out of William of Malmesbury.

"4. He affirmed that presently after the booke was printed, Woolfe
the printer thereof caried the same to the Erle of Essex, and about
a moneth after the epistle was taken out.

"Edw. Coke."[9]

On July 13th, 1600, Wolfe the stationer was examined before
Attorney General Coke respecting the printing of the book in
question. The examination is as follows:--

"The examynacion of John Wolfe, Stacionour, taken before me, Edward
Coke, Esquire, Her Majestie's Attorney Generall, this 13 of July,
1600.

"He sayth that Docter Hayward beinge a meere strainger to this
examynant, cam to hym and requested hym to printe the booke intytuled
"Henry the Fourth," which he did in Februarye, 1599. The booke
havinge no epistell dedicatorye nor to the reader, when he brought
yt firste unto hym, which this examynat desiringe to have, he this
examynate requested hym to dedicatt the booke to some man of honour
and reputacion; and uppon some conference hadd between them, this
examynat praid hym yt might be dedicated to the Earle of Essex, for
that he was a marciall man and was for to goe into Ireland, and the
booke treated of Irishe causes. And this examynat sayth that within
a day or twoe after, Docter Hayward delivered to this examynate the
Epistelles to the Earle and to the reader; and the booke beinge
fynished, Docter Hayward then beinge sicke, this examynate carryed
the booke to the Earle of Essex, then preparinge to goe into Ireland:
which the Earle receved, and givinge noe aunsweire, carryed the booke
with hym into his chamber, which he taketh to be at Whytehall; and
abought a fortnight or three weekes after, the wardens of the company
receved order from my Lord of Caunterbury that the Epistell dedicated
to the Earle should be cutt out.

"And further sayth that fyve or sixe hundred of them weire sould
before any suche comaundment was gyven; for he sayth that never any
booke was better sould or more desired that ever he printed then this
book was; and sayth that out of the residew, (beinge five or six
hundred) this examynat cut out the said Epistell and sould them also
within verry short tyme after. And abought Easter tearme followinge,
the people callinge exsedinglie for yt, this examynate obtayned a new
edition of the said Docter Hayward wherein many thinges weire altered
from the former, and yet the vollume incresed.

"And sayth further that Docter Hayward understandinge that many
hade spoken agaynst this former edition hadd made an epistell
apologeticall to sett to the second edition, as this examynate
thinketh; and 15 hundred of these bookes beinge allmost fynished
in the Whisson hollidayes, 1599, weire taken by the wardens of
the Stacionours and delivered to the Lord Busshopp of London. And
this examynate sayth that he dothe not remember the particuler
allteracions which weire in the latter edition from the former, nor
hathe not any of the said bookes, nor never finished nor sould any of
the said bookes, nor cannot come by any of them. And this examynate
sayth that the said appologie, as he thincketh, did tend to no other
end then to satisfie the people of the author's meaninge in wrytinge
the booke, and that the author said he ment not as some interprit
yt. And this examynate sayth that the said Mr. Docter Hayward when
he was tould by this examynate that some did fynde faulte with the
former edition, he desired this examynate to intreat them that he
might speak with them to knowe what they did mislike, to the intent
that he might express his meaninge therein. And this examynate sayth
that the people havinge dyvers tymes sythence called uppon hym for to
procure the continewation of the same history by the same author, he
hathe likewise intreated the same author to goe forward in wrytinge
the said history, which he thincketh he hath don some parte of.

"This examynate sayth further that after the deliverye of the book
to the Earle as aforesaid, he went three or four tymes within one
fortnight after, by the Docter's consent, to the Earle, being at
courte at Richmont, to lerne what the Earle would say to yt, but
allwayes this examynat was putt of by some of the Earle's men with
aunsweire the Earle was much busied aboute his voyage to Ireland.
And so this examynate never spake with the Earle after the first
deliverye of the bookes, and further sayth that all of the laste
eddition weire burnt in my Lord of London's house; and sayth that
the coppie nowe delivered uppon his examynacion is a trew coppie of
the epistell appolegetticall, the orygenall whereof this examynat
delivered to my Lord of London under Docter Haywarde's owne hand. And
sayth that the orygenall of the first edition beinge interlyned and
altered accordinge to the second edition, for so much as was don this
examynate delivered to Mr. Barker, Register of the Highe Commyssion.
And sayth that sithence the last edition was supprest, a great number
have beene with this examynate to have bought the same. And sayth
that he hadd no recompence or composition at alle for the printinge
of the said first and last edition, but of his owne free will he gave
some halfe dosen of the said bookes, whereof one was to the Earle and
the other to the author. And this examynate sayth further that he was
commytted fourteen dayes for the printinge of the last edition, and
lost all the books of that edition.

"Examinatur per

"Edw. Coke. John Wolf."[10]

On July 20th, 1600, Samuel Harsnett, examiner of the press,
afterwards Bishop of Chichester, sent the following letter and
petition to the Attorney General to excuse himself for having
approved Hayward's book, thus:--

"Right worshipfull, I have not yet received eny bookes from my Lord
of London, and so am not able to performe my taske in comparing
them according to my promise. This for griefe of hart and confusion
of face I am skarce able to write, that I shold be behinde hand to
your most graciouse divine kindnesse towards me. I have sent myne
aunswer enclosed, the onlie part of my dutye that I cold performe,
moste humblie beseeching your goodnes to accept it in good part,
and to be a father unto me as you have begunne. The God of Heven
sees and knowes I am innocent; at casus leso numine crimen habet, my
poore estate, my credit, my selfe, and more then my selfe doe hang
uppon your graisouse countenance, for I muste crave pardon to tell
an unmannerlie secrett: I have a poore weake gentlewoman my wife
in childbed, who since your messanger his being at myne house did
neither eat, nor drinke, nor sleape for fear, and yet I have twentie
tymes reade over your most graciouse lettars unto her. The Lord of
Heven requite you, for I and my poore frends shall never be able,
and so with teares I humblie take my leave. From my poore house at
Chigwell, this XXti of July, 1600.

"Your worship his bought
"and bounden servaunt,

"Sa. Harsnett."

"In moste humble wise complaininge sheweth unto your Worship your
dailie Orator, Samuel Harsnett, that whereas the Author of a Pamphlet
published in print in anno 1599, intituled the 'Raigne of King Henry
the Fourth,' hath endevored to excuse his publishinge the sayd
pamphlett, as being allowed and approved by your sayd Orator, it may
please your worship in your grave wisdome to consider that this his
allegation can be no colour of excuse unto him, in regard of these
reasons ensuynge.

"Firste, for that it hath been custome and use for eny man that
entended in good meaning to put a booke in print, the Author himselfe
to present the booke unto the Examiner, and to acquaynt him with his
scope and purpose in the same: the Author of this pamphlet concealed
himselfe, and nether spake nor conferred with your Orator concerning
this pamphlett, (notwithstanding we were both students togither in
Pembroochall in Cambridge, and both of a tyme and standing in the
colledge), but the Author delivered his pamphlet unto a gentleman in
my Lord of London his house, who begged your Orator his approbation
unto the same in the name of a cautel of our English chronicles
phrased and flourished over onlie to shewe the Author his pretie witt.

"Secondlie, that whereas your Orator his approbation of eny booke
whatsoever is but a leading and inducement to my Lord of London, my
master, to passe his Lordship his further approbation to the same,
without which his Lordship his further approbation your Orator his
allowance is no sufficient warrant for the Author to prynt his booke:
the Author of this pamphlett published his pamphlett without my Lord
and master his approbation at all, contrarie to warrant in that
behalfe.

"Thirdlie, the Author hath wronged your said Orator muche, and hath
abused your Worship with false enformation, in alledging for himselfe
that your Orator allowed his pamphlett as it was and is published
in print; for that the Author knoweth in his conscience this is
true, that when his pamphlett had mine approbation it was heddlesse,
without epistle, preface, or dedication at all, which moved me to
thinke it was a meer rhetorical exornation of a part of our Englishe
historie to shewe the foyle of the Author his witt: and after myne
approbation gotten thereunto, the Author foysted in an Epistle
dedicatorie to the Earle of Essex, which I neither allowed nor sawe,
and which if I had seen, I protest I shold never have allowed the
rest of the pamphlett.

"Fourthlie, it may please your grave wisdome graciouslie to consider
your Orator his mean condition and capacitie; that your sayd Orator
is a poore Divine, unacquainted with bookes and arguments of state,
and with consequenceis of that nature; that your Orator for ten or
twelve yeares past neither spake with nor saluted the Author of this
pamphlett, and so is cleer from privitye with his entendementes and
overtures in the same; that your Orator sett to his hand sodeinlie as
mooved by his freind, never reading (uppon his salvation) more then
one page of the hedlesse pamphlet; for which his unadvised negligence
he humblie beggeth your moste graciouse milder censure, that it may
be no imputation of bad meaninge unto him, who doth dailie in his
poore calinge, moste hartelie and zealouslie pray for the happinesse
of Her sacred Majestie and the state, and for the longe continuance
of Her Highnes most graciouse, blessed, divine government over us,
and doth from the bottom of his hart wishe shame and dreadfull
confusion upon all calumniators and underminers of the same.

"Your worship's moste humblie
"bounden Orator,

"Sa. Harsnett."[11]

On January 22nd, 1600/1, Hayward was, while in confinement in the
Tower, further examined before Sir John Peyton and the Attorney
General, thus:--

"The examination of John Heyward,
Doctor at lawe, taken at the tower,
this 22 of Jan., 1600.

"He confesseth that the preface to the reader was of his oune
indightinge, and saith that he intitled the same under the letteres
of A. P., as divers other wrighters had done in such like cases.

"He saith that he spake in his preface generally of histories; and
being demaunded whether he intended not to applie the preface of his
boke to his present historie, saith as before, he wrote his preface
generally of all histories and intended no particular by itselfe.

"He saith that he read in Foxe's booke of Actes and monuments that
King H. 2 never demaunded subsidie of his subjects, which he sett
forth towards the end of the raigne of that Kinge, and there he found
also that H. 2 after his death left in treasure nine hundred thousand
poundes besides his jewels and plate, and being demaunded wherfore he
inserted the same into the historie of H. 4, saith he taketh that to
be lawfull for any historiographer to insert any historie of former
tyme ynto that historie he wright, albeit no other historian of that
matter have mencioned the same, and that libertie is allowed by
Dionisius Hallicarnasseus.

"He sayth that the othe under hands and seales required and taken by
R. 2, was to knowe what every particuler man was worthe, to thentent
that they might be taxed thereafter; and no other othe was intended
by this examinante.

"He sayth he found in Walsingham (as he remembreth) that the forces
that were sent into Ireland by R. 2 were scattering and droppinge,
&c., though not in those termes, yet to the like sence; and that
those that did good service there were not rewarded with countenance,
&c.,: and sure he is that he had it there eyther in wordes or by
actions; and also that he gathered out of the actions of that Kinge
recorded by Walsingham, that matters of peace were managed by menne
of weakest sufficiency, by whose councell eyther ignorant or corrupt,
&c.

"He sayth the complaynt of Hereford to Mowbrey, reported in other
cronicles, do imply in sence that the kinge's councell accounted
auncient nobilitie a vaine jest,--wealth and vertue the ready meanes
to bring to destruction: which complaint is extant in Hall and
Polidore Virgill and many other wrighters. He sayth that he read in
Bodine and other authors that the subject was rather bounde to the
state then to the person of the kinge, which he inserted as a matter
spoken by the Earle of Derby and Duke Hereford to serve his owne
tourne, which is a libertie used by all good wrighters of historie,
and to invent reasons and speaches according to the matter; and
saith that Bodin's distinction is that where the government is
democraticall or aristocraticall, there the subject is bound to the
state rather then to the person that beare the title of a prince,
but where it is monarchicall, as in England, there the allegiance
is to the person of the prince; and being demaunded wherfore he
invented that the erle should speake so for that this government was
monarchicall, sayth that he found but remembreth not where he spake
to that purpose. And further saith that in the Bishops of Carlile's
speache he hath sett down that distinction and confuted the error,
and that he did of himselfe according to the example of the best
historians; and being reprehended for mencioning of that matter at
all, speciallie because the Erle that held the error prevailed, and
the Bishop that confuted it was punished, sayth that he did it after
the example of the best historians, that applie spechis according
to the matter. He sayth he sett forth the oration of the B. of
Caunterburie according to the matter he found in other authorities,
but remember them not, and cannot affirme that he found those eight
stories in any oration the archbishop made in any other cronicle, but
saith as before that it is lawfull for an historian so to doe, and
besides he confuteth the same, page 107 in the Bishop of Carlisle's
speach, the last line of that page.

"He confesseth that he bringeth in as his own speach that it was not
amisse in regard of the comonwelth that he (meaning King R. 2) was
deade, yet they who caused his death, &c., which he sayed of himselfe
for preventing of civil warres in respect of 2 concurrents or
competitors. Being demanded what was the reason why he sett forth the
orations of the B. of Caunterbury and the erle of Derby, seing that
they tend to greate ill and to thinges most unlawfull, sayth that
there can be nothing done, be it never so ill or unlawfull, but must
have a shadowe, and every councell must be according to the action.
He sayth that he selected out this single historie for that Hall
beginneth there, and Ascham his scoolemaster commende that historie
if it were well penned, before any other; and being demanded wherfore
then he followed not Hall in his historie, sayth that he followed him
but suplied it out of other histories, and had an intention as he
saith to have continued the historie.

"And for the words spoken by King R. 2, that princes must not rule
without limitation, &c., he affirmeth that to be a true opinion so
it be rightlie understood, and that he intended that the same was
not to be taken generally, but that princes were to be limitted by
the lawe divine and the lawe of nature onlie; and being demaunded
where he had the same, saith that it is about 3 yeres since the booke
was written, and cannot remembere out of what author he toke it, but
saith he fynd it in Bod. ... and in the body of the civill lawes, &c.

"And being asked where he had this sentence, that othes are comonlie
spurned aside when they ly in the way to honur or reveng, saith that
the speach is of his own, as thinges done de facto et non de jure.
Being demaunded wherfore he added that King Richard II borowed money
by privy seales, sayth that he thinketh he had it out of Walsingham.

"For benevolences he found the matter but doth not defende the woord.

"Being asked where he found the description of the erle to be not
negligent to uncover the heode, to bowe the body, to stretch forth
the necke and arme, &c., he saith that he found in Hall and others
that he was of popular behavior, but for the particulars he tooke the
libertie of the best wrighters of histories of that kynd.

"Also the descriptions of the erle in divers places of his historie
he gathered out of his actions, and found the matter, not the
verie forme of woordes, in any other, as farre as he can call to
remembrance.[12]

"Being demanded, seing he wrote of matters of state and historie,
what menne of state or others he acquainted with his historie before
he published it, aunswereth that he wrote of an historie about 300
yeres past, and therfore he acquainted no person therwith before he
brought it to the printer.

"He sayth he began to wright this historie about a yere before it was
published, as he remembreth, but had the intent above a dussen yeres
before, but acquainted no man therewith. He sayth that he had the
articles and causes of deposition, the instrument of resignation, the
deposition, and other wordes out Hall and Walsingham; and sayth that
he had nothing of the printer for printing of the booke.[13]

"John Hayward.[14]

"John Peyton. Edw. Coke."

31.

The Letting Humor's Blood in the Head-vaine; with a new Morissco daunced by Seven Satyres upon the bottome of Diogenes' Tubbe. (1600.)

The Knave of Clubbs. 'Tis merry when Knaves meete. (1600.)

The author of these tracts was Samuel Rowlands, a prolific writer
of the end of the sixteenth and early part of the succeeding
century. He appears to have commenced his literary career in the
year 1598 by the publication of a collection of sacred poems
entitled "The Betraying of Christ, Judas in Despaire, the Seven
Words of our Saviour on the Crosse, &c.," but soon found that
humorous pieces were more saleable, and these being perhaps more
suited to the bent of his mind, he changed his style accordingly.

The Knave of Clubbs upon its appearance in the year 1600 gave
such offence, on account of the severity of its satire and the
obviousness of its allusions, that an order was made that it should
be burnt, first publicly, and afterwards in the Hall Kitchen of
the Stationers' Company. The order is dated October 26, 1600, and
is worded as follows: "Yt is ordered that the next court-day two
bookes lately printed, th'one called _The Letting of Humor's Blood
in the Head Vayne_, th'other _A Mery Metinge, or 'tis mery when
Knaves mete_, shal be publiquely burnt, for that they conteyne
matters unfytt to be published; then to be burnd in the Hall
Kytchen, with other Popish bookes and thinges that were lately
taken."

The first tract mentioned in the order as containing matters
unfit to be published was one of the most popular of Rowlands'
productions. It was originally printed under the title given
above, but upon its condemnation by the Stationers' Company, the
bookseller changed its title to "Humour's Ordinarie, where a man
may be verie merrie and exceeding well used for his sixe-pence,"
and published an edition of it without date; but after the feeling
had subsided in 1611, it again appeared with its original title,
although the printer thought it prudent not to put his name on the
title page. The Knave of Clubbs was reprinted and edited for the
Percy Society in 1843 by Dr. Rimbault, and I am indebted to that
gentleman's introduction for the preceding account of this curious
book.

The Letting of Humor's Blood was reprinted in 1815 with an
introduction and notes by Sir Walter Scott, who says of Rowland,