Chapter IV: Part 4

If under ordinary circumstances, this deputation is necessary, I say it is rendered more necessary now, that the Anglo-Indian agitation has succeeded in starting a new association in England under the name of the Indo-British association. Gentlemen, I must at once tell you that the name is a misnomer. There is nothing 'Indo' in that association, except this, that there are members belonging to that association who have been benefited largely by India (hear, hear), that is the only Indo about this association. There are no Indians but there are members who have lived here amongst us--I do not desire to use any harsh language--who have been profited greatly (laughter). We are told, we should be everlastingly grateful to these people for coming over here all the way and putting lots of money into their pockets and leaving us to our fate. Well, gentlemen, these are men who represent the 'Indo' part of that association (laughter).

I tell you gentlemen, there is nothing British about them either (laughter). I cannot understand any association which has anything British in it which stands up against the legitimate aspirations of the people of a country (hear, hear). I refuse to believe that England has sunk so low to-day that her sons will form themselves into an association for the express purpose of crushing the legitimate aspirations of the people of India (hear, hear). Therefore, gentlemen, there is nothing "Indo" and nothing really "British" in this association which was started expressly, as I say, to oppose all reforms, to put down a whole people, so that their aspirations--their just aspirations, may be crushed for ever. So, gentlemen, if this deputation was necessary under normal circumstances, it has become absolutely necessary for our representatives to go to England to expose the vagaries of this association. If they have fed the British public with falsehood after falsehood, surely it is necessary for our representatives to meet them and expose the falsity of their utterances. Our representatives will be able to convince the British public that the grant of Home Rule is no longer a matter of gift (hear, hear). It is no longer a matter of beneficence but it is a matter of necessity which must be accomplished immediately (cheers).

They talk of progressive stages now. I say if you had started teaching the people the art of governing themselves 30 years ago, if you granted half a boon or even quarter of a boon at that time and went on granting more and more why, by to-day we would have had complete self-government in this country (hear, hear.) You have not done that. We have waited and waited and our patience is exhausted (hear, hear). Our faith in the man on the spot is gone (hear, hear) and nothing that you can do now, no honied words of beneficence, no eloquent speech of England's duty, no promise, no assurance will ever give us back that faith which you have crushed; (cheers)--that hope which you have killed (loud cheers).

What is our duty? Our duty is clear. We must depend on ourselves (hear, hear.) We must tell our own people to get ready for this great constitutional fight. It has been going on for the last 30 years but the time has come when its vigour must be doubled. We must put more energy into it, we must go on, fighting here in this country till we get what we demand. And in the meantime our representatives must go to England and acquaint the people there with the true state of affairs.--We want no favour. We have ceased to rely on beneficence or generosity. What we want is our legitimate rights. And who in this world has got the power of denying that which is ours, to claim, and to deprive us of that which is undoubtedly our right? (Loud cheers).

PRIMIERS APPEAL

_Under the Presidency of Mr. Chakravarty a largely attended meeting of the citizens of Calcutta was held in April 1918, when Mr. C. R. Das spoke:--_

Mr. Chairman and gentlemen,--the resolution which has been entrusted to me is in these words (Mr. Das read the resolution). It is hardly necessary to commend this resolution to your acceptance by any lengthy speech. The resolution speaks for itself. It is only because I have heard of objections in some quarters that I have to say a few words in support of the resolution. There are people amongst us who think that it is not gracious at this time, in the face of the great danger which besets us, to trouble the Government by asking for political rights and privileges. Gentlemen, it is for the very success of the measure that I am asking the Government to consider the resolution. My answer to those critics is this: Do you think that a country where the people have been fighting for political rights for so many years and where every time their petitions and prayers have been rejected with scorn, do you think that in such a country you will get a very large army in Bengal to come forward unless you can create among them an enthusiasm, unless you can make them feel that they are fighting their own battle (hear, hear). Is it reasonable to ask the people of this country to join the army when you have made it impossible for them to feel that this is their country, when you have made it impossible for them to feel that empire you speak of is their empire? Have they any share in that empire? Is it possible for the people of this country under these circumstances to respond to the call which you have made to-day? After all, what are we asking for--is it an unreasonable request to make to the Government--here are these young men, members of many families of Bengal, whom you have interned, kept under imprisonment and in custody--is it so much unreasonable to ask Government now, in the face of a great danger, which threatens you and which threatens us, also, to release them and make them feel that after all it is their country, that there is a Government which feel for them (hear, hear)--that they have a Government also which care for their rights and privileges--is it an unreasonable request at this juncture to ask the Government to consider this resolution? Call to arms has been sounded--it is our duty--it is the duty of every one of us to respond to that call; and I do say this, because I feel it my duty to tell the Government, at this juncture that in order that that response may be real--in order that that response may be fruitful that you ought to consider the position of these prisoners who are detained in jail and kept in custody without trial. I am not raising the question as to whether they are innocent or guilty,--let that question wait till the danger is over, I am asking the Government to release them, so that they may respond to this call to arms. With these people interned, do you think you can get thousands and tens of thousands in the army in this country? Release them. What army do you want, which Bengal cannot furnish? I take upon myself to give up my profession for six months (loud cheers) and go over the whole of this country asking the people to join the army in their thousands (cheers). I ask the Government to make it possible for us to raise this army. Gentlemen, when I think of our present position, while the danger is before us, and the attitude and the relation, if I may call it, between the Government, I mean the Bureaucracy, on the one hand, and the people on the other, I must confess, I look upon this as a tragedy. The Bureaucracy suspects the people.--Often and often have we told them, we have cried ourselves hoarse--and I repeat this again--I know these people--I have defended their cases--there is not one among the revolutionaries who wants to bring a foreign power in this country--be that foreign power Germany or Japan. I am prepared to prove it, if there is an enquiry--a proper enquiry by impartial men. But all those requests have fallen on deaf ears. Why? Because the Government distrusts the people. The result is they misunderstand us and misinterpret our statements and utterances. In the same way, we, the people mistrust them because they mistrust us. (hear, hear). I am free to confess that we very often misunderstand their declarations and mistrust them unjustly but the fact that we misunderstand each other is there, and I say it is a tragedy. I can assure the Government that I can prove it to demonstration, to whatever political party an individual in this country may belong, there is not one man in Bengal, who really desires that the English people should lose all connection with India and that some other foreign power should be brought here (loud cheers and hear, hear.) You do not believe that. We want to justify ourselves and want to become ourselves. We want to feel that this country really belongs to us--we want to feel that we are a nation--that we have got our specialities. We want to give expression to our ideals and we want to stand side by side with the different nations of the world and we do believe that with the English connection, it would be easier for us to do so than if we tried to make the English connection cease. That is the real attitude of the people. But the pity is, they will not believe us, with the result that whatever they say on many occasions, we do not believe. That is why I think it is a tragedy. I appeal to the Government again to come forward. The Prime Minister has sounded the call to arms. It is not only a call to arms but it is a call to duty (hear, hear). We are here prepared to discharge our duty. Do you do your duty, in the same spirit--come forward and forget your racial prejudices, forget your sense of prestige.--Stand side by side with us.--Hold us by your hands and you will find between the two of us we will raise such an army in Bengal which will beat back all foreign aggression (loud cheers.) If the thing were possible, I say to the Government again, if you really think you can raise a large army in this country, if you can show us that it is probable, though I am a Nationalist, I say, that I am prepared to postpone our struggle for political privileges till the war is over. If it were possible, do it by any means. Call for any sacrifice and the people of Bengal will not be slow to respond to that. If in the face of this great danger, I ask you to release the political prisoners, it is because I feel that if you do that, that which you want will be secured. If you think you can secure what you want without releasing the political prisoners, do so. You will not find me slow to do my part of the duty (cheers.) I am prepared to wait if I see that the Government with our help can raise a large army in Bengal to-day to face a great danger--if I see that and if I find that such a course is likely to succeed, I am prepared to wait till the war is over for the fulfilment of those broken pledges. I will be prepared to wait and dream of to-morrow, of the future, when our ambitions will be satisfied--and satisfied they must be--I will forget the history of broken pledges, of dead hopes and crushed aspirations. I will wait in silence and in patience. Do make it possible. Call for any sacrifice and here we are at your service. We will wait till the war is over.--We will look forward to a later date for the fulfilment of broken pledges and the resurrection of our dead hopes and our crushed aspirations, (loud cheers.)

SELF-GOVERNMENT

_Mr. C. R. Das spoke--On the third day's session of the Congress held in Calcutta in 1917._

Madam President, Ladies and Gentlemen. I have the honour to support the resolution which has been placed before you. Brother delegates, at the very outset I desire to refer to the song to which you have just listened; it is a song of the glory and victory of India. We stand here to-day on this platform for the glory and victory of India, (Cheers) and I urge you that amidst the many discussions which have taken place on the form of the resolution, you should not forget the essential idea which runs through it and which stands behind it. It is a resolution which has for its object the growth and the development of the great Indian nation. We are all agreed about that. The question is how to bring that about. Gentlemen, the Bengal ideal has been presented to you to-day by my friend, Babu Bipin Chandra Pal. I accept that ideal and if I thought that there was anything in this resolution which was inconsistent with that ideal, I should not have supported it. I do not think there is anything in this resolution which goes against the ideal which Bengal has unanimously declared by its resolution at the Bengal Provincial Conference. What is that ideal? That ideal is firstly, Provincial Autonomy _viz._, that the Government of India must have its sphere demarcated, its functions defined; all other functions should belong to the Provincial governments of the particular province. Gentlemen, is that an ideal which is foreign to that resolution? I ask you to look into it carefully. I find within it a careful demarcation of the sphere of the Government of India and those of the Provincial governments. Therefore, so far as that ideal is concerned I do not think that this is at all inconsistent with the resolution which I have the honour to support. Now gentlemen, what is the next point in the ideal of Bengal? And that is: that the functions of the Executive Government must be made subordinate to the Legislative Council which would represent the wishes of the people of the particular province. Now is there anything in this resolution which goes against that? It may be that Bengal has provided for that in one particular way and in this resolution you have provided for that in another way, but so far as the ideal is concerned, I say that there is absolutely no difference between that of Bengal and that which is shadowed in this resolution (Hear, hear.) You say in this resolution that the power of the purse should be in the hands of the Legislature. Now, gentlemen, just pause for one moment to think what that means. Let us take it that your scheme is accepted by the Government. What does that mean? That means that the Executive must be obedient to the Legislature. If they do not obey the commands of the Legislature, the Legislature will say we stop the supplies. It may be said that the British Parliament will never grant you that; but are we considering that at present? When they make a definite pronouncement as to what they are willing to give us, it will be time then to meet again and formulate a definite scheme as to the way in which that ideal may be given effect to. But the time has not come to discuss about it, because I am afraid in the discussion of it, the main ideal may get lost and I am most anxious to keep up that ideal before you. But whatever happens to the drafting of this resolution, the matter of drafting may be corrected,--I hope, gentlemen, that whatever happens, you will stick to this; that the time has come when the British Parliament must make up its mind to transfer the powers from the hands of the Bureaucracy to the people of this country. (Loud Cheers). We have had enough of the Bureaucracy in this country. We have suffered and groaned under the misrule of 150 years and not one day is to be lost in declaring our will and to see that our wishes are given effect to--that the powers which are in the hands of the Bureaucracy to-day are transferred to the people of the country. (Cheers). Now, gentlemen, having regard to that ideal, I must say that I do not see any inconsistency between what we want in Bengal and that which is put forward in the resolution. But my revered friend, Mr. Tilak said that this scheme is very much better than the Bengal scheme or any other scheme. I am speaking of Provincial Governments--of the scheme which relates to the ideal of the Provincial Governments and I do not see any difference there. Mr. Tilak thinks it is not wise to ask too much. I ask him to read the resolution again and he will find in it that it does not claim one item less than the Bengal scheme--not one item less. It claims the whole thing--it claims perfect responsible government for India. I do not understand the power over the purse to mean anything less than that. Without saying perfect responsible government for the provinces as well as for the central government, you may convey the same idea by saying: "I do not care what you do but give me the power over the purse. But if you give me the power over the purse I can have my own way. You, the executive, you say you will not obey my command but I will stop your supplies. Where are you then? You will have to obey my command." And if they obey your command what is the good of saying that we have not asked for Responsible Government? You have asked in an indirect manner, but as effectively as we have done in Bengal. You have asked not only for full responsible government for the provinces but also for the central government. Now it may be, that this ought to be put in another shape, the words may have to be changed, for this scheme does not pretend to be a perfect or an exact one.

I agree with my friend Mr. Jinnah who said: let the Government come out with a definite pronouncement--the government declaration is vague--let the government come out with its declaration--a definite pronouncement as to what they are willing to give. It will be time then to sit over this resolution again, to consider what words are to be used and what words to reject or what new words are to be put in. I think we have been fighting unnecessarily. We are all agreed as to the great ideal. Let us gather strength to fight for it--let us fight for it with all our might and let us not rest content till the whole thing is granted to us (Hear, hear), viz., Responsible Government in the Provinces, responsible Government in Imperial matters--till the whole of the Government is put into the hands of the people. I rely on no dictum of politicians--I rely upon my natural right (Cheers). I do not care what the constitution of England or the constitution of Switzerland or that of Australia is (Cheers). I want to build my own constitution. I want the power to build my own constitution in a way which is suited to this country and which afterwards will be referred to as the great Indian constitution (Loud cheers). That is what we want and that is what we must have. Do not engage in endless discussion in the meantime. Gather all your strength and say with one voice all over India, in every village, in every town, in provincial gatherings and in this Congress that nothing less than the transference of the Governmental powers into the hands of the people will satisfy us. It is our natural right, it is the birthright of every individual to live and to grow (Hear, hear). It is the natural right of every nation to live and to grow according to its nature. (Loud cheers). We demand that right--that right has been unjustly withheld from us--by excuses and pretences--by subterfuges--we have discovered that. We were sleeping, but by God's grace, we are awake and we claim our natural right. (Prolonged cheers).

THE GREAT TRANSFORMATION.

_A meeting held at Chittagong under the auspices of the local Home Rule League on the 12th June 1918, under the presidency of Babu Jatra Mohan Sen, when Mr. C. R. Das delivered the following speech:--_

Mr. Chairman and gentlemen,--I thank you heartily for the many kind words with which your distinguished Chairman has introduced me to you this evening and for the kindness with which you have received me. When I set out for Chittagong I made up my mind to place before the people of Chittagong my views and the views of our friends in Calcutta on many of the important topics of the day. I am afraid I shall not be able to do so as fully as I had intended after a long day's work in Court. But I shall try to place before you in short the thoughts which are agitating the minds of our friends in Calcutta. I mean those who have worked with us the whole of last year and for many years before that in support of the cause of this country.

THE QUESTION OF THE HOUR

Gentlemen, I need hardly tell you that the most important question of the hour is the question of self-government. Upon the solution of this question depends the solution of many other questions, upon which again depend the full development of our nationality and if for the whole of last year we have been putting forth our best energies and our earnest efforts in the cause of Home Rule or self-government it is because we feel--I feel and many of my friends feel--that unless and until we have the government of this country in our own hands it is impossible to carry on the work of nation building. (Hear, Hear). Gentlemen, we could afford to be idle in the past when we hoped that the Government would do everything for us. But now after 150 years of British rule, where do we find ourselves? If you consider our position, the actual realities of our position to-day after 150 years of British rule, you will at once see that we are in a hopeless condition.

HOW DO WE STAND?

What have we got which we can call our own? If the enemy knocks at our door have we got strength to fight him? Have we got the weapons of warfare? Have we got even a lathi with which we can defend our hearths and homes?--No. (Cheers) Have we got money?--No. (Cheers) Are the people, the vast majority of the people of Bengal educated?--No. One hundred and fifty years of British rule have passed by without conferring real education on the people of this country. You need not enquire into the causes. I am only trying to give you a picture of the helplessness of our position to-day. We have not got anything--we have not got money, we have not got arms, we have not got education. Well, an analysis of our position to-day will tell you more eloquently than any speaker can that the only solution of this question is self-government. The very objections which are urged against the granting of self-government are to my mind good reasons for granting home rule to this country (Cheers). It is said that we do not deserve Self-Government because the people of this country are not educated. My answer to that is why have they remained uneducated so long? In other countries education has been introduced and carried far within a period of 20 years or 25 years--in some countries in less than that. But why is it or how is it that within the last 150 years of British rule--the bureaucratic government in the country has not succeeded in educating the people of this country? Why is it so? It is not necessary for them. It is not necessary for the bureaucracy to do that, but it is necessary for the people of this country. It is necessary for the development of our race. It is necessary for the very existence of our nationality. Now, if you say that we are not fit for self-government because we are uneducated, I say that is the very reason why you ought to give us Home Rule, because if you do so we will succeed in educating the vast majority of our countrymen in 20 year's time (Cheers).

DO WE WANT AN OLIGARCHY?

Now, they say, well, it is only a few of you educated people who will exercise the franchise, How can you represent the country? You will be only an oligarchy. The Government, instead of being in the hands of the bureaucracy, will be transferred into the hands of an oligarchy--of another bureaucracy. My answer to that is that we do not want that. I ask you particularly to consider that question, gentlemen, and to realise its importance. My answer to them is that we do not want it. We want the franchise to be extended far and wide--we want our ryots and our cultivators to enjoy that franchise. We want them to exercise their franchise. It is against our self-interest but we want that it should be done because after all the difference between those who are against the granting of Home Rule to this country and ourselves is this: bureaucracy is against it because the granting of Home Rule means death to the bureaucracy. The Europeans, the Anglo-Indian merchants in Calcutta are against it because it is against their interest, because they thrive well under the protecting shelter of this bureaucracy. Our personal interest also lies in not getting the franchise extended all over the country--but rather in keeping it confined within the educated community, an insignificant portion of the Mahomedan community and an equally insignificant portion of the Hindu community, a few Brahmins, Baidyas and Kayesthas. If you grant franchise to all the people of this country where shall we be? In saying this I remember a conversation I had with an old friend of mine who shall be nameless. This gentleman said to me, well, if you get Home Rule, what does it mean? It means that the common people of this country will have a voice--it means they will have power and we, Brahmins, Baidyas and Kayesthas, where shall we go? I said to him in answer that they will go to a very hot place where they deserve to go. Gentlemen, I want you to realise this.

WHAT ARE WE FIGHTING FOR?

Gentlemen, we are not fighting for our narrow sordid self-interest--we are not fighting for the interest of to-day--we are not fighting for the betterment of myself or yourselves--of the present generation or of the educated community. If there are any selfish ideals pursued by any portion of our community, I stand dissociated from them and I say I take my stand on this and nothing more--it does not matter what happens to me--it does not matter what happens to the present generation--it does not matter what happens to the educated community of to-day, but what matters with me is the development of the nation (Cheers.) I look forward to the time when the Bengalee nation will rise and stand in all its glory. I do not care whether I am alive or dead at that moment (Loud Cheers)--whether my children will be living then or not--but the time will come when by God's grace, Bengalees as a nation will make themselves felt and will stand in all their strength and face the world. That is the ideal which appeals to me every moment of my life. I feel within myself that that is my appointed task. I shall devote all that I hold dear to the service of that cause and--if I die in that attempt--what then? "Fail we alone"?--if I die in this work, I believe I shall be born in this country again and again, live for it, hope for it, work for it with all the energy of my life and with all the love of my nature, till I see the fulfilment of my hope and the realisation of this ideal (Loud Cheers).

SHALL WE FOLLOW A LEADER OF YESTERDAY EVEN WHEN HE IS WRONG

Gentlemen, when we started this agitation--basing it on the ideal to which I have just referred--ever since then we have been living under a cross fire. The bureaucracy has been against us, as it is natural they would be against us, as it is natural they should be against us. But I am sorry to say that along with these there is a party of Bengalees in Calcutta who also have set themselves against the fulfilment of this noble ideal. When I read the criticisms which appear in the _Statesman_ or the _Englishman_ I feel glad because I know that we have succeeded in exposing the illogical position which they take. But when I read similar things in the _Bengalee_, I assure you, I feel a great pain in my heart. I cannot understand it. Is this ideal to be pursued from the consideration of purely personal question? We have been told that the leaders of yesterday are the only people who can lead us. I do not deny their claim to lead. But I am not one of those who would follow a leader simply because he was a leader yesterday. I want him to lead. Anybody who leads the real politics of the country at the present time is a man whom I honour and I am prepared to bow down and take the dust of his feet. But if a man comes to me and says: look here you will have to do this--it does not matter what the people of Bengal want--I am the leader of Bengal--this has been done by me--it has got to be supported--well, my answer to him is: "thou imposter!" No one has got that right. We stand or fall as we pursue or desist from the popular cause. I am nothing. No leader is anything. The strength belongs to the nation whose representative I am, whose representative every one of us may become. It is not my own strength. It is the peoples' strength. Take your stand on that and we will worship you as a leader, as a martyr, as anything which you can claim but fall short of that ideal once by a hair's breadth, your claim is no longer to be recognised. If I have expressed myself strongly, believe me, gentlemen, it is because I have felt deeply--I feel, I have been stabbed to the heart by this attitude--this contempt of public opinion.

WAS THERE AN UNDERTAKING?

Now, gentlemen, you all know that we are expecting a scheme of self-government from the British Parliament. What that scheme is I do not know. No one has got the right to know but we are expecting some scheme. We heard that Mr. Montagu had shown or talked about the outline of that scheme to some Indian leaders--Mr. Surendranath Banerjea of Bengal, Pundit Madan Mohan Malaviya of the U. P. and Mr. Shastri of Madras and certain other gentlemen. I do not know if it is true but I suspect it is. We are also told--it is not admitted--we are told that some of these gentlemen had given a promise to the Secretary of State that they would get the people of this country to accept that scheme. I am not saying that this is admitted but that is what I have heard.

THE CONFIDENTIAL LETTER.

Now what do we find after that? A few days after Mr. Montagu's departure, a confidential letter over the signature of Babu Satyananda Bose was circulated and anybody who reads that letter will see that the attempt is to give up what was decided in the Bengal Provincial Conference for all Bengal,--to give it up, and to take whatever is offered to us by the Secretary of State! Why was that circular issued? Was it only Mr. Satyananda Bose who circulated this or was there a party behind it? We know Mr. Satyananda Bose is a follower of Mr. Surendranath Banerjea. Was it the attempt of only Mr. Satyananda Bose or was it a subtle attempt made in the dark to throw out to the people the suggestion that they ought to be satisfied with anything which it may please Mr. Montagu to give, to prepare the ground for the acceptance of Mr. Montagu's scheme? After that we heard that a special session of the Congress would be held in Bombay.

THE CONGRESS COMMITTEE'S CIRCULAR

It is after that that the secretaries of the Provincial Congress Committee wrote this letter:

"Dear Sir,--It appears that the Secretary of State for India will very soon make his announcement about the proposed Reforms. It is in contemplation to hold a special session of the Congress and of the Provincial Conference after the announcement. We have a duty to perform. The future of our country for at least a generation will depend upon the nature of the Reforms. You will therefore keep yourselves ready to hold public meetings, to attend the Congress (wherever held) and the Conference in very large numbers and to fearlessly criticise the proposals if they fall short of our ideal. We must make a united stand and see that they meet our legitimate aspirators.

Yours faithfully,--_I. B. Sen, Bejoy Krishna Bose, Secys."_

Now, gentlemen, you have heard the whole of this letter. Do you think there is anything objectionable in this letter? What does the letter say? It says merely that Mr. Montagu is going to make his pronouncement and that we have to watch, if it falls short of our ideal and our legitimate aspirations and if so we ought to fight against it, we ought to attend in large numbers, the special session of the Congress and conference to show a united front, and to criticise the scheme fearlessly. Now, is there anything in this to which any Nationalist, any person who has the good of his country at heart can take the slightest objection?

THE 'BENGALEE'S PATHOS

I will read out to you what the _Bengalee_ says. Unfortunately we cannot dissociate the Editor of the _Bengalee_ from the paper. Otherwise I would have cast it into the waste-paper basket and would not have thought about it. This is what the _Bengalee_ writes in its editorial of June 6th;--

"We confess that we have read the above with pain and regret, though not with surprise, for in a recent article, we pretty clearly indicated the constitution and the policy of the present Bengal Provincial Congress Committee. The old leaders are the men of yesterday and they of course should have no voice in the deliberation of the _New India_ which they have helped to build up. For we are always wiser than our fathers, and to acknowledge our indebtedness to them is to belittle our own importance which must always be a prime consideration. There is only one little risk which their policy involves and they may as well be reminded of it thus early, _viz_., that they may be paid back in their own coins and with compound interest by those who come after them."

What is there in this innocent letter to call for this personal and vehement attack? Are we to be condemned because we are asking the people of this country to watch the pronouncement of the Secretary of State? We are asking the people of this country to examine it and if it falls short of popular demands to criticise it, fearlessly and to hold meetings and to attend those meetings in large numbers. "Large numbers" is italicised by the _Bengalee_. It is a crime, a new crime to hold meetings where "large numbers" attend. It used not to be so in the past but it has become a crime now! I will go on reading another passage from this article:--

THE REALLY GREAT DANGER

"Let us now pass on to the consideration of the circular. The tone is pessimistic. It is even worse: it is that of the alarmist who raises the signal note of warning, as if we were on the eve of a great danger."

Well, gentlemen, if I am to tell you the truth, I admit that I suspect we are on the eve of a great danger and that grave danger is the acceptance of a system of self-government which will not give us the reality, which will give us self-government in name but not in fact. It is the duty of every Nationalist to raise that alarm. It does no harm to watch, even suspiciously watch what it is and if it does not satisfy the people of this country, to reject it, to say that we do not want it,--Take it back.

"Our countrymen are asked to be ready to fearlessly criticise the proposals, if they fall short of our ideal."

Very wrong indeed! Now mark what follows:--

"Brave words indeed coming with special aptness from some of those who ran away as fast as their legs could carry them when the Police broke up the Barisal Conference."

That is worthy of the leader of the Bengalee nation! To circulate--this falsehood! It may be within the recollection of many of you (Jatra Mohan Babu nods his head)--it is within the recollection of our distinguished Chairman--this falsehood originated in Colootolla in the year 1906 or 1907. The falsity of this was demonstrated then, and now in the year of grace, 1918, we find the truthful Editor of the _Bengalee_ newspaper referring to that lie and putting forward that lie as an argument against the popular party.

"We are told that we must fearlessly criticise the proposals, if they fall short of our ideal. But if they do not, what then?"

Well then, we accept it (Laughter). What is there to say about it? Then it goes on to say:

"The circular assumes that Mr. Montagu's proposals are bound to be unsatisfactory and that they will mean little or nothing."

Where does the Circular assume that? The Circular merely asserts that if it is, it is our bounden duty to protest against that. Nothing more.

I need not read the rest of it. There is another passage which however I must read to you:

"Why then sound the tocsin of alarm and seek to create a prejudice for which so far as there is no warrant and against which there is a strong body of presumptive evidence. Why talk of fearless criticism and united front"?

This comes from Mr. Surendranath Banerjea! Surely we are fallen on evil times!

THE OLD "LEADER'S ADVICE TO THE PEOPLE."

Then our editor goes on to say:

"If they are satisfactory they should be welcomed; if they are partly satisfactory they should be welcomed to that extent."

(Never)

And why?

"For the British public would then feel inclined to drop them altogether."

To drop them altogether! Now, gentlemen, you have seen what that article is. The letter which was written by the Secretaries of the Provincial Congress Committee is merely put forward as an excuse. What is put forward before the people of Bengal is this; if it is satisfactory, of course, we should accept it. If not? In the article which appeared the next day, he made his position clearer. He said the difficulty is this: The Europeans are clamouring against it--the Indo-European Association in England is fighting against it--and if you, the people of Bengal say that you do not want it, why the British people will say 'then drop it altogether.' My answer to that is: let it be dropped if it is not satisfactory. Mr. Surendranath Banerjea admits it in this writing--let me quote his exact words:

"We quite admit that there have been many paper announcements in the past: and it is only too true that the pages of Anglo-Indian history are strewn broadcast with the fragments of broken pledges."

Let it be another fragment of broken pledge; but let not the people of Bengal consent to that! If their position is this: we will give you this and no further, let them give what they choose; but is it for us to say what little of self-government you choose to give us is amply sufficient for us at the present day? I venture to think that you will not accept such a proposition as that (No, no). We want self-government for a purpose. We do not want that self-government which some people brought up in European politics want--we do not want simply a weapon to fight against the bureaucracy--we have got tired of that and we say for God's sake, let us have peace in Bengal. (cheers) Let us have some sort of self-government which will enable us to look after the agricultural, industrial interests of the country, and to take up the work of education and sanitation which will enable us to work for the real good of the country without being obstructed at every step. That is why we want a change in the system of Government (cheers).

"BENGALEE'S" WRITINGS BEFORE MR. BANERJEA WENT TO DELHI.

Now, gentlemen, supposing Mr. Montagu says you can't get all that, take a little, just a little, a pinch. My position is this: I do not know what others will say. I hope the people of this country will have the courage to say: we want none of it, take it back: if we are to be slaves of the bureaucracy, if all our activities in every direction are to be controlled, and it may be, stifled at the sweet will and pleasure of the bureaucracy, we want none of it. Take it back to England (cheers). We do not want it here. We want courage to say that, I admit. But what right have you to ask for Home Rule if you cannot have the courage to say that--if you cannot have the courage to say to the Government that we don't want it: it will not serve our purpose. What is the good of giving something to the people which they do not want. Now, gentlemen, that I am right in taking this position I shall try to show to you, if you will bear with me--(go on) from one or two extracts from the "Bengalee" newspaper, before a change came over the spirit of its dreams. I will read to you just two or three extracts from the "Bengalee"--not after March when the editor went to Delhi but before that in November and December, 1917. I quote from the "Bengalee" of November 2nd 1917:--

"Mr. Montagu will not be deceived by these tactics (of the anti-Congress-League party). He will know how to appraise them at their proper value. The British Cabinet consisting of politicians of the type of Lord Curzon and Lord Milner have decided that India is to have responsible government and that a substantial advance is to be made in that direction as soon as possible. There is no going back upon this announcement. It must be accepted as a settled policy, from which there can be no departure. Mr. Montagu is coming out to discuss the details and how best this policy can be carried out. It is no use saying "we don't want responsible government; we are not fit for it."

This was Mr. Surendranath Banerjea on November 2nd 1917. He says:--

"Those who breathe a word against it in this crisis of our national evolution are traitors to their country and their God."

This was Mr. Surendranath Banerjea on November 2nd, 1917. On 3rd November, 1917, the mood still continues:

"We want responsible government in full measure in connection with the Provincial Branches of administration, leaving untouched the Departments under the control of the Government of India in regard to which the Congress scheme should apply."

Therefore what he wanted is responsible government in full measure in connection with the provincial branches. On the 11th November, the "Bengalee" writes:

"In Bengal the feeling is--and we think that Bengal reflects the feeling of all India in this matter--that a full measure of provincial autonomy should be at once given with the reform of the Imperial Legislative Council of the India office as recommended by the Congress and the Muslim League. Nothing short of this will satisfy educated India."

This was Mr. Surendranath Banerjea on November 11th. If he is a leader of yesterday, let him remain true to that leadership (Hear, hear). As for myself, standing on this platform to-day, I make a solemn promise to follow this leader if he remains true to what he was yesterday (cheers). I shall follow what Mr. Surendranath Banerjea said on November 11th, 1917 _viz._, that nothing short of this will satisfy educated India (loud cheers). Then on the 21st, November, he repeats the same ideal:

"Courage is the first and last quality of real statesmanship. It was the crowning quality of Akbar, the greatest ruler that ever adorned a throne. Let our rulers take courage in both hands and great will be their reward."

Courage is the first and last quality of real statesmanship! How have the mighty fallen!

NO SHAMS, NO DELUSIONS SAID MR. BANERJEA OF 1917.

He follows that up by saying on November 22nd:

"There must be no shams or shows or delusions. We have had too much of this commodity in the past."

No shams, no delusions. I follow the noble words of Mr. Surendranath Banerjea. I love them so much that I am prepared to follow his teachings. But if the Surendranath Banerjea of to-day does not follow the S. N. Banerjea of yesterday is it my fault that I cannot follow him? (laughter) I adore the Surendranath Banerjea of yesterday, but if he cannot remain true to his trust I cannot be false to my faith. Hear the leader of yesterday again:

"The Minto-Morley scheme, if it was not a dead failure, did not satisfy popular aspirations and was behind the growing requirements of the times. We hope the mistakes will not be repeated in the coming constitutional changes. Provincial autonomy must be the basis of the reforms, not an emasculated, half-hearted, system of Provincial self-government."

Noble words again and I repeat them and I follow them.

"but in full measure with a full share of responsibility. The time for half-measures is past and gone."

Then in the same article he goes on to say:

"The counsels of caution are often the counsels of timidity."

Mark these words, gentlemen. Then he says:

"If the Government will not make over the whole of the provincial administration to a popular Ministry responsible to a popular Assembly, let them at least, entrust to them such departments, as Education, Sanitation, Local Self-government, Police, etc."

Mark these words again. He includes the Police but I was told the other day that we ought not to take the Police; it is a difficult department to administer, (laughter).

Then on the 27th of November, the "Bengalee" writes:

"The country is rushing at a giddy pace and Lord Morley's reforms have failed to meet the exigencies of the times which cannot be satisfied by anything short of a full measure of responsible government."

Further:

"Any scheme that does not fully provide for this and secure full autonomous power for the provinces and falls short of the irreducible minimum put forth in the Congress-League scheme stands self-condemned and will totally fail to meet the wishes and requirements of the people and win their support."

But now he is urging the people of this country to support a scheme which may fall short of his ideal and he says even if it is not satisfactory we should accept it. Even on the 29th of November he says:

"Any tinkering reform of a patch-work kind will not avail to meet the necessities of the situation but will rather intensify the present difficulties."

Gentlemen, I will not weary you with any more extracts but I will quote just two passages, for which I hope you will pardon me (go on, go on).

SURENDRANATH OF DECEMBER, 1917.

On December 1st, Mr. Surendranath Banerjea says:

"Nothing less will satisfy the people of India or redeem the honour of England.... Real power must be given to us. No shams or delusions will satisfy us. We have had enough of them.... None of that taking away with the one hand what is given with the other."

Then on the 2nd of December, he says:

"Let it be clearly understood that the Congress-League scheme represents the irreducible minimum which admits of no curtailment here or excision there and then which no more moderate demand can be conceived under the circumstances."

It seems to me, gentlemen, that a scheme more moderate than the Congress League scheme can be conceived and Mr. Surendranath Banerjea of to-day has conceived that (laughter). Then on December 12th, he says:

"Too long have we been given the shadows of things--empty forms--which may please the infantile mind, but which the adolescent nation spurns away as a child's plaything.... Not only should justice be done, but that the people should be convinced of it, ... not only should the Government be satisfied, but that the people should be convinced that a substantial measure of responsible government has been granted."

THE GREAT TRANSFORMATION.

Gentlemen, you will find similar expressions of his opinion in January and one or two in February. In March, Mr. Surendranath Banerjea went to Delhi and from that moment--well I am reminded of the "Rake's progress"--I shudder to think of the last step--I think, we the people of Bengal--we are entitled to ask for an explanation of this phenomenon. We are entitled to ask Sir Surendranath--I beg your pardon, gentlemen, I beg his pardon too--coming events cast their shadow before and I was caught in that shadow just for a moment--I think, gentlemen, we are entitled to ask Mr. Surendranath why is it that yesterday he was determined not to have any measure of self-government which was not satisfactory, which was not responsible, which was not wide in its scope and why is it that to-day in the month of June, 1918, he is of opinion that whatever scheme the Secretary of State puts forward should be accepted by the people--if it is satisfactory it should be accepted, if it is not satisfactory, even then it should be accepted because if we did not accept it, the British people might not grant anything at all. We want an explanation of this. He is the leader of Bengal--he claims that. I am free to acknowledge that claim, but we the people of Bengal who have loved him, followed him and honoured him, we who had "learnt his great language" and "caught his clear accents," we who had followed him with all the devotion of our hearts, we who had lived "in his mild and magnificent eye" for the last 30 years, are we not entitled to ask him to explain to us the inner significance the deeper meaning of this change? (Hear hear,) It cannot be for "a handful silver," we are told, it is not for "a riband to stick in his coat." What is it then?

WAS IT TOUCH OF HAND OR TURN OF HEAD?

Was there anything in the atmosphere of Delhi which brought about this change--was it something said, something done?--was it touch of hand or turn of head? What was it? Was it the growing wisdom of old age? Surely some explanation is due from him to the people of Bengal and as for his reasons, I have told you and I repeat: as long as I shall live I shall repeat that whether the people of England are willing or not willing to grant us any reform, that will not induce me to accept it unless it recognises my natural right--a real scheme of reform means the recognition of the natural rights of the people of this country (Loud cheers) I claim no favour. I stand on my right.

WE STAND ON OUR RIGHTS