Chapter XVIII: Appendix

NO. I.

Uncas.--The author is indebted to the Committee of the Historical Society of Massachusetts for an opportunity to examine a valuable document recently forwarded to them by Mr. Williams, of Lebanon, Connecticut, and originally, we believe, a part of the Trumbull collection.

According to this account, which purports to have been "made by Uncas" himself, that Chieftain was wholly of the royal blood of the Pequots. Tatobam was another name for Sassacus, and Uncas married the daughter of that Sachem (from whom he afterwards revolted,) about ten years before the Pequot War. The Pequots and "Moheags," as they are here called, jointly agreed to this match in a grand Indian Council, for the purpose of keeping their land entire. "_Upon this his right to the Pequot Country was good and unquestionable._" . . . "Quinebauge [New-Haven] Indians and Nipmugs [in Worcester County, Massachusetts] not allowed to marry in the Royal Blood--agreed to keep the Royal blood within the Realm of ye Mohegan and Pequots."

In this genealogy, which is regularly derived, as accurately as possible, from remote ancestors on both sides, Uncas himself is styled the Sachem of Mohegan, and Mohegan is said to have been the Sepulchre or Burial-Place of both the Pequot and Mohegan Sachems.

The father of Tatobam was the Sachem Wopegwosit. The father of Uncas was Oweneco; _his_ father, Wopequand, a Pequot Sachem. His mother and grandmother were both named Mukkunump; and the latter was daughter of Weroum, a great _Narragansett_ Sachem, and of a Squaw of the royal Pequot Blood named Kiskhechoowatmakunck. One of his great-grandfathers, Nuckquuntdowaus, was Chief-Sachem of the Pequots; and one of his great-grandmothers, Au-comp-pa-hang-sug-ga-muck, (as nearly as we are able to decipher it,) was "a Great Queen, and lived at Moheage."

The son of Uncas, (mentioned in the text,) was Oweneco. Several of his other descendants who inherited the Sachemdom were named Ben Uncas,--one of them Major Ben. The last of the Sachems (also mentioned in the text,) was Isaiah,--a grandson of Oweneco or Oneco. (He was a pupil in Dr. Wheelock's Charity School,--"a fat fellow, of dull intellectual parts."--Mass. His. Coll.)

The document before us gives an account of the cession of the Pequot Country from Uncas by deed, dated Sept. 28, 1740. The following remarkable passage ought not to be omitted, as it adds new confirmation to the estimate of the Sachem's character which the author has given in the text.

"Afterwards sufficient planting ground was provided for him, _being friendly to the English, though only to serve his own purposes._"

* * * * *

NO. II.

_Correspondence between General_ Wayne _and Major_ Campbell.

(I)

Miamis River, Aug. 21, 1794.

Sir,

An army of the United States of America, said to be under your command, having taken post on the banks of the Miamis, for upwards of the last twenty-four hours, almost within the reach of the guns of this fort, being a post belonging to His Majesty the King of Great Britain, occupied by His Majesty's troops, and which I have the honor to command, it becomes me to inform myself, as speedily as possible, in what light I am to view your making such near approaches to this garrison.

I have no hesitation on my part to say that I know of no war existing between Great Britain and America.

I have the honor to be, &c.

WILLIAM CAMPBELL,
Major 24th Reg't commanding a British post on
the banks of the Miamis.

To Major General Wayne, &c. &c.

(II)

Camp on the Banks of the Miamis, }
21st August, 1794. }

Sir,

I have received your letter of this date, requiring from me the motives which have moved the army under my command to the position they at present occupy, far within the acknowledged jurisdiction of the United States of America.

Without questioning the authority, or the propriety, sir, of your interrogatory, I think I may, without breach of decorum, observe to you, that were you intitled to an answer, the most full and satisfactory one was announced to you from the muzzles of my small arms yesterday morning in the action against hordes of savages in the vicinity of your post, which terminated gloriously to the American arms. But had it continued until the Indians, &c. were driven under the influence of the post and guns you mention, they would not have much impeded the progress of the victorious army under my command; as no such post was established at the commencement of the present war between the Indians and the United States.

I have the honor to be, sir, &c.

(Signed) ANTHONY WAYNE,
Major General and Commander in Chief of the
Federal army.

To Major Wm. Campbell, &c.

(III)

Fort Miamis, Aug. 22, 1791.

Sir,

Although your letter of yesterday's date fully authorizes me to any act of hostility against the army of the United States of America in this neighborhood under your command, yet, still anxious to prevent that dreadful decision, which perhaps is not intended to be appealed to by either of our countries, I have forborne for these two days past to resent those insults which you have offered to the British flag flying at this fort, by approaching it within pistol-shot of my works, not only singly, but in numbers, with arms in their hands.

Neither is it my wish to wage war with individuals. But should you after this continue to approach my post in the threatening manner you are at this moment doing, my indispensable duty to my King and Country, and the honor of my profession, will oblige me to have recourse to those measures which thousands of either nation may hereafter have cause to regret, and which I solemnly appeal to God I have used my utmost endeavors to arrest.

I have the honor to be, sir, &c.
(Signed) WM. CAMPBELL.

To Major General Wayne, &c.

[No other notice was taken of this letter than what is expressed in the following letter. The fort and works were however reconnoitered in every direction, at some points possibly within pistol-shot. It was found to be a regular, strong work, the front covered by a wide river, with four guns mounted in that face. The rear, which was the most susceptible of approach, had two regular bastions furnished with eight pieces of artillery, the whole surrounded with a wide deep ditch. From the bottom of the ditch to the top of the parapet was about twenty feet perpendicular. The works were also surrounded by an abbatis, and furnished with a strong garrison.]

(IV)

Sir,

In your letter of the 21st inst. you declare, "I have no hesitation on my part to say that I know of no war, existing between Great Britain and America."

I, on my part, declare the same; and the only cause I have to entertain a contrary idea at present is, the hostile act you are now in commission of,--that is, recently taking post far within the well known and acknowledged limits of the United States, and erecting a fortification in the heart of the settlements of the Indian tribes now at war with the United States.

This, sir, appears to be an act of the highest aggression, and destructive to the peace and interest of the Union. Hence, it becomes my duty to desire, and I do hereby desire and demand, in the name of the President of the United States, that you immediately desist from any further act of hostility or aggression, by forbearing to fortify, and by withdrawing the troops, artillery, and stores under your orders and direction, forthwith, and removing to the nearest post occupied by His Britannic Majesty's troops at the peace of 1783--and which you will be permitted to do unmolested by the troops under my command.

I am, with very great respect, &c.
(Signed) ANTHONY WAYNE.

To Major Wm. Campbell, &c.

(V)

Fort Miamis, 22d Aug. 1794.

Sir,

I have this moment the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of this date. In answer to which I have only to say, that being placed here in the command of a British post, and acting in, a military capacity only, I cannot enter into any discussion either on the right or impropriety of my occupying my present position. Those are matters that I conceive will be best left to the ambassadors of our different nations.

Having said this much, permit me to inform you, that I certainly will not abandon this post at the summons of any power whatever, until I receive orders from those I have the honor to serve under, or the fortune of war should oblige me.

I must still adhere, sir, to the purport of my letter this morning, to desire that your army, or individuals belonging to it, will not approach within reach of my cannon without expecting the consequences attending it.

Although I have said in the former part or my letter, that my situation here is totally military, yet let me add, sir, that I am much deceived if His Majesty the King of Great Britain had not a post on this river at and prior to the period you mention.

I have the honor to be, &c.

(Signed) WM. CAMPBELL.
Major of the 24th Regiment, commanding at
Fort Miamis.

To Major General Wayne, &c

[The only notice taken of this letter was in immediately setting fire to and destroying every thing within view of the fort, and even under the muzzles of the guns.]

_Boston Chronicle, October_ 13, 1774.

* * * * *

NO. III.

Corn-Planter's Letter to the Governor of Pennsylvania, dated "Allegheny river, 2d mo. 2d, 1822," and probably written by his interpreter. From Buchanan's Sketches.

"I feel it my duty to send a speech to the governor of Pennsylvania at this time, and inform him the place where I was from--which was Conewaugus, on the Genesee river.

"When I was a child, I played with the butterfly, the grasshopper and the frogs. As I grew up, I began to pay some attention and play with the Indian boys in the neighborhood, and they took notice of my skin being a different color from theirs, and spoke about it. I enquired of my mother the cause, and she told me that my father was a residenter in Albany. I eat still my victuals out of a bark dish--I grew up to be a young man, and married me a wife, but I had no kettle or gun. I then knew where my father lived, and went to see him, and found he was a white man, and spoke the English language. He gave me victuals while I was at his house, but when I started to return home, he gave me no provision to eat on the way. He gave me neither kettle nor gun, neither did he tell me that the United States were about to rebel against the government of England.

"I will now tell you, brothers, who are in session of the legislature of Pennsylvania, that the Great Spirit has made known to me that I have been wicked; and the cause thereof was the revolutionary war in America. The cause of Indians having been led into sin, at that time, was that many of them were in the practice of drinking and getting intoxicated. Great Britain requested us to join with them in the conflict against the Americans, and promised the Indians land and liquor. I, myself, was opposed to joining in the conflict, as I had nothing to do with the difficulty that existed between the two parties. I have now informed you how it happened that the Indians took a part in the Revolution, and will relate to you some circumstances that occurred after the close of the war. Gen. Putnam, who was then at Philadelphia, told me there was to be a council at fort Stanwix, and the Indians requested me to attend on behalf of the Six Nations, which I did, and there met with three commissioners, who had been appointed to hold the council. They told me they would inform me of the cause of the revolution, which I requested them to do minutely. They then said that it had originated on account of the heavy taxes that had been imposed upon them by the British government, which had been for fifty years increasing upon them; that the Americans had grown weary thereof, and refused to pay, which affronted the king. There had likewise a difficulty taken place about some tea, which they wished me not to use, as it had been one of the causes that many people had lost their lives. And the British government now being affronted, the war commenced, and the cannons began to roar in our country. General Putnam then told me at the council at fort Stanwix, that by the late war the Americans had gained two objects: they had established themselves an independent nation, and had obtained some land from Great Britain to live upon, the division line of which ran through the lakes. I then spoke, and said that I wanted some land for the Indians to live on, and General Putnam said that it should be granted, and I should have land in the state of New York, for the Indians. Gen. Putnam then encouraged me to use my endeavors to pacify the Indians generally; and as he considered it an arduous task to perform, wished to know what I wanted to pay therefor? I replied to him, that I would use my endeavors to do as he had requested with the Indians, and for pay thereof, I would take land. I told him not to pay me money or dry goods, but land. And for having attended thereto I received the tract of land on which I now live, which was presented to me by governor Mifflin. I told general Putnam, that I wished the Indians to have the exclusive privilege of the deer and wild game, which he assented to.

"The treaty that was made at the aforementioned council has been broken by some of the white people, which I how intend acquainting the governor with. Some white people are not willing that Indians should hunt any more, whilst others are satisfied therewith; and those white people who reside near our reservation, tell us that the woods are theirs, and they have obtained them from the governor. The treaty has been also broken by the white people using their endeavors to destroy all the wolves, which was not spoken about in the council at fort Stanwix, by General Putnam, but has originated lately.

"It has been broken, again, which is of recent origin. White people wish to get credit from Indians, and do not pay them honestly, according to their agreement.

"In another respect it has also been broken by white people, who reside near my dwelling; for when I plant melons and vines in my field, they take them as their own. It has been broken again by white people using their endeavors to obtain our pine trees from us. We have very few pine trees on our land, in the state of New York; and white people and Indians often get into dispute respecting them. There is also a great quantity of whiskey brought near our reservation by white people, and the Indians obtain it and become drunken.

"Another circumstance has taken place which is very trying to me, and I wish the interference of the Governor. The white people who live at Warren, called upon me sometime ago, to pay taxes for my land, which I objected to, as I had never been called upon for that purpose before; and having refused to pay, the white people became irritated, called upon me frequently, and at length brought four guns with them and seized our cattle. I still refused to pay, and was not willing to let the cattle go. Afler a long dispute, they returned home and I understood the militia was ordered out to enforce the collection of the tax. I went to Warren, and, to avert the impending difficulty, was obliged give my note for the tax, the amount of which was forty-three dollars and seventy-nine cents. It is my desire that the governor will exempt me from paying taxes for my land to white people; and also cause that the money I am now obliged to pay, may be refunded to me, as I am very poor. The governor is the person who attends to the situation of the people, and I wish him to send a person to Allegheny, that I may inform him of the particulars of our situation, and he be authorised to instruct the white people in what manner to conduct themselves towards the Indians.

"The governor has told us that when any difficulties arose between the Indians and white people, he would attend to having them removed. We are now in a trying situation, and I wish the governor to send a person, authorised to attend thereto, the fore part of the next summer, about the time that grass has grown big enough for pasture.

"The governor formerly requested me to pay attention to the Indians, and take care of them. We are now arrived at a situation that I believe Indians cannot exist, unless the governor should comply with my request, and send a person authorised to treat between us and the white people, the approaching summer. I have now no more to speak."

* * * * *

NO. IV.

Corn-Planter's Speech at the Court-House at Warren, (N. Y.) June 4th, 1822, after an explanation, by two state Commissioners, of a law exonerating him from the payment of certain taxes. From the Venango Herald.

"Brothers!--Yesterday was appointed for us all to meet here. The talk which the Governor sent us pleased us very much. I think that the Great Spirit is very much pleased that the white people have been induced so to assist the Indians as they have done, and that he is pleased also to see the great men of this State and of the United States so friendly to us. We are much pleased with what has been done.

"The Great Spirit first made the world and next the flying animals, and found all things good and prosperous. He is immortal and everlasting. After finishing the flying animals, he came down on earth and there stood. Then he made different kinds of trees, and weeds of all sorts, and people of every kind. He made the spring and other seasons, and the weather suitable for planting. These he did make. But stills, to make whiskey to be given to Indians, he did not make. The Great Spirit bids me tell the white people not to give Indians this kind of liquor. When the Great Spirit had made the earth and its animals, he went into the great lakes, where he breathed as easily as any where else, and then made all the different kinds of fish. The Great Spirit looked back on all that he had made. The different kinds he made to be separate, and not to mix with and disturb each other. But the white people have broken his command by mixing their color with the Indians. The Indians have done better by not doing so.--The Great Spirit wishes that all wars and fightings should cease.

"He next told us that there were three things for people to attend to. First, we ought to take care of our wives and children. Secondly, the white people ought to attend to their farms and cattle. Thirdly, the Great Spirit has given the bears and deers to the Indians. He is the cause of all things that exist, and it is very wicked to go against his will. The Great Spirit wishes me to inform the people that they should quit drinking intoxicating drink, as being the cause of diseases and death. He told us not to sell any more of our lands, for he never sold lands to any one. Some of us now keep the seventh day; but I wish to quit it, for the Great Spirit made it for others, but not for the Indians, who ought every day to attend to their business. He has ordered me to quit drinking any intoxicating drink, and not to lust after women but my own, and informed me that by doing so I should live the longer. He made known to me that it is very wicked to tell lies. Let no one suppose this I have said now is not true.

"I have now to thank the Governor for what he has done. I have informed him what the Great Spirit has ordered me to cease from, and I wish the Governor to inform others of what I have communicated. This all I have at present to say."

* * * * *

NO. V.

Mr. Brandt, whose death has been recently announced, was the son of the celebrated Indian chief of that name, and distinguished himself as a lieutenant in our service during the late war. Some years ago he visited England, and under the patronage of the Duke of Northumberland, was introduced to the Duke of Wellington, Lord Teignmouth, and other influential personages, and from his peculiar urbanity of manners and highly cultivated acquirements, speedily became known and esteemed. His exertions, upon that occasion, in vindicating the humanity of his father's character from the unjust aspersions cast upon it by the author of "Gertrude of Wyoming," were acknowledged by the accomplished poet, and the next edition of that work rectified the error Mr. Campbell had acknowledged. As a gentleman of strict honor and morality, Mr. Brandt has left but few equals; and as head-chief and superintendent of the Six Nations, his loss will be seriously felt by the numerous tribes to whose civilization and moral improvement he had devoted his time and talents.--_Kingston, U. C. Chronicle._

* * * * *

NO. VI.

Letter of Farmer's-Brother, and others, to the Hon. W. Eustis, Secretary of War. Niles' Register, Vol. II.

"Brother!--The sachems and chief warriors of the Seneca nation of Indians, understanding you are the person appointed by the great council of your nation to manage and conduct the affairs of the several nations of Indians with whom you are at peace and on terms of friendship, come at this time, as children to a father, to lay before you the trouble which we have on our minds.

"Brother!--We do not think best to multiply words. We will therefore tell you what our complaint is.

"Brother!--Listen to what we say. Some years since we held a treaty at Big-tree, near the Genesee river. This treaty was called by our great father, the President of the United States. He sent an agent, Colonel Wadsworth, to attend this treaty, for the purpose of advising us in the business, and seeing that we had justice done us. At this treaty we sold to Robert Morris the greatest part of our country. The sum he gave us was one hundred thousand dollars.

"Brother!--The Commissioner who was appointed on your part, advised us to place this money in the hands of our great father, the President of the United States. He told us our father loved his red children, and would take care of our money, and plant it in a field where it would bear seed forever, as long as trees grow or waters run. Our money has heretofore been of great service to us. It has helped us to support our old people, and our women and children. But we are told the field where our money was planted is become barren.

"Brother!--We do not understand your way of doing business. This thing is heavy on our minds. We mean to hold our white brethren of the United States by the hand. But this weight lies heavy. We hope you will remove it.

"Brother!--We have heard of the bad conduct of our brothers towards the setting sun. We are sorry for what they have done. But you must not blame us. We have had no hand in this bad business. They have had bad people among them. It is your enemies have done this.

"We have persuaded our agent to take this talk to your great council. He knows our situations, and will speak our minds.

"Farmer's-Brother, his mark X Wheel-Barrow, his mark X
Little Billy do X Jack Berry do X
Young King do X Twenty Canoes do X
Pollard do X Big Kettle do X
Chief Warrior do X Half-Town do X
Two Guns do X Keyandeande do X
John Sky do X Captain Cold do X
Parrot-Nose do X Esq. Blinkey do X
John Pierce do X Captain Johnson do X
Strong do X

"N. B. The foregoing speech was delivered in Council by Farmer's-Brother, at Buffalo Creek, December 19, 1811, and subscribed in my presence, by the Chiefs whose names are annexed.

"(Signed) ERASTUS GRANGER."

* * * * *

NO. VII.

Extracted from the American Remembrancer (an impartial and authentic
collection of facts, published in London during the Revolutionary War)
for the year 1782, vol. 14, p. 185.

Boston, March 12.

_Extract of a letter from Captain Gerrish, of the
New-England Militia, dated Albany, March 7._

"The peltry taken in the expedition, will, you see, amount to a good deal of money. The possession of this booty at first gave us pleasure; but we were struck with horror to find among the packages, eight large ones containing scalps of our unfortunate country folks, taken in the three last years by the Seneca Indians from the inhabitants of the frontiers of New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, and sent by them as a present to Colonel Haldimand, Governor of Canada, in order to be by him transmitted to England. They were accompanied by the following curious letter to that gentleman.

"_Tioga, January_ 3d, 1787.

"May it please your Excellency,

"At the request of the Seneca Chiefs, I herewith send to your Excellency, under the care of James Hoyd, eight packages of scalps, cured, dried, hooped, and painted with all the triumphal marks, of which the following is the invoice and explanation.

"No. 1. Containing forty-three scalps of Congress soldiers, killed in different skirmishes. These are stretched on black hoops, four inch diameter--the inside of the skin painted red with a small black spot, to note their being killed with bullets. Also, sixty-two of farmers killed in their houses; the hoops painted red--the skin painted brown and marked with a hoe--a black circle all round, to denote their being surprised in the night--and a black hatchet in the middle, signifying their being killed with that weapon.

"No. 2. Containing ninety-eight of farmers, killed in their houses, hoops red--figure of a hoe, to mark their profession--great white circle and sun, to shew they were surprised in the day-time--a little red foot, to shew they stood upon their defence, and died fighting for their lives and families.

"No. 3. Containing ninety-seven of farmers. Hoops green, to shew they were killed in the fields--a large white circle with a little round mark on it for the sun, to show it was in the day time--black bullet-mark on some, a hatchet on others.

"No. 4. Containing one hundred and two of farmers, mixture of several of the marks above, only eighteen marked with a little yellow flame, to denote their being of prisoners burnt alive, after being scalped--their nails pulled out by the roots, and other torments. One of these latter supposed to be of an American clergyman, his band being fixed to the hoop of his scalp. Most of the farmers appear, by the hair, to have been young or middle-aged men, there being but sixty-seven very grey heads among them all, which makes the service more essential.

"No. 5. Containing eighty-eight scalps of women, hair long, braided in the Indian fashion, to shew they were mothers--hoops blue--skin yellow ground, with little red tadpoles, to represent, by way of triumph, the tears of grief occasioned to their relations--a black scalping-knife or hatchet at the bottom, to mark their being killed by those instruments. Seventeen others, hair very grey--black hoops--plain brown color--no marks but the short club or casse-tete, to show they were knocked down dead, or had their brains beat out.

"No. 6. Containing one hundred and ninety-three boy's scalps, of various ages. Small green hoops--whitish ground on the skin, with red tears in the middle and black marks--knife, hatchet or club, as their death happened.

"No. 7. Containing two hundred and eleven girl's scalps, big and little--small yellow hoops, white ground--tears, hatchet, club, scalping-knife, &c.

"No. 8. This package is a mixture of all the varieties above mentioned, to the number of one hundred and twenty-two, with a box of birch bark containing twenty-nine little infants' scalps, of various sizes--small white hoops, white ground--no tears, and only a little black knife in the middle, to shew they were ripped out of their mothers' bellies.

"With these packs the chiefs send to your excellency the following speech, delivered by Conicogatchie in council, interpreted by the elder Moore, the trader, and taken down by me in writing.

"Father!--We send you herewith many scalps, that you may see we are not idle friends.

"_A blue belt._

"Father!--We wish you to send these scalps over the water to the great king, that he may regard them and be refreshed, and that he may see our faithfulness in destroying his enemies, and be convinced that his presents have not been made to an ungrateful people.

"_A blue and white belt with red tassels._

"Father!---Attend to what I am now going to say. It is a matter of much weight. The great King's enemies are many, and they grow fast in number. They were formerly like young panthers. They could neither bite nor scratch. We could play with them safely. We feared nothing they could do to us. But now their bodies have become as big as the elk, and strong as the buffalo. They have also great and sharp claws. They have driven us out of our country for taking part in your quarrel. We expect the great King will give us another country, that our children may live after us, and be his friends and children as we are. Say this for us to our great King. To enforce it, give this belt.

"_A great white belt with blue tassels._

"Father!--We have only to say further, that your traders exact more than ever for their goods; and our hunting is lessened by the war, so that we have fewer skins to give for them. This ruins us. Think of some remedy. We are poor, and you have plenty of every thing. We know you will send us powder and guns, and knives and hatchets. But we also want shirts and blankets.

"_A little white belt._

"I do not doubt but that your Excellency will think it proper to give some further encouragement to these honest people. The high prices they complain of are the necessary effect of the war. Whatever presents may be sent for them through my hands, shall be distributed with prudence and fidelity.

"I have the honor of being your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant,

"JAMES CRAWFORD."

THE END.

End of Project Gutenberg's Indian Biography; Vol II (of 2), by B. B. Thatcher