Chapter XXXIV: Clanricarde and Ireton, 1651 (2)

After the failure of the boat attack in June, Ireton had been content to rest his hopes mainly on famine and on the plague which raged within the walls of Limerick. The garrison sometimes made signals with fire, but without result, and spies had not much chance. One poor woman brought a message from Roche, which might have caused a combined attack by the garrison and by his men in Clare, but she was caught and 'hanged for fear of giving further intelligence.' All attempts to escape from the doomed city were ruthlessly repressed. No threats were strong enough to deter these poor wretches, and an example was made by hanging two or three and having the rest driven back with whips. One old man desired to be hanged instead of his daughter, 'but that,' says Ludlow, 'was refused, and he with the rest driven back into the town.' A gibbet was then raised in sight of the walls upon which condemned criminals were hanged, and this stopped the exodus, but only for a time. Michaelmas came round without starving out the place, and Ireton, having greatly strengthened his battering train, resumed active operations, for the winter was approaching, and an Irish soldier boasted from the walls that snowballs would beat bombshells. But heavy guns had been brought up from the ships, and the counsels of the defenders were divided. Overtures were made to Ireton early in October, but three weeks elapsed and a fresh bombardment began before the scale turned in favour of the party of surrender. The news of Worcester had probably destroyed all hope, but an actual breach was made before the decisive step was taken. A weak spot had hitherto escaped notice, where there was no counter-scarp in front and no mass of earth behind, and Ludlow thought it would soon have been untenable; but Ireton, who had no vanity, thought the sudden surrender 'a mercy most seasonable at the beginning of winter.' The English and Irish accounts agree that there were two parties in the beleaguered city, and it is possible that the weak place was pointed out by a deserter or by one of the commissioners who had been going and coming between city and camp. The charter required that a new mayor should be chosen on October 6, and the election resulted in the substitution of Peter Creagh, who was peacefully inclined, for Thomas Stretch, who had sworn that the city should be defended during his year of office. After more than two months of a mere blockade, 'we began our approaches,' says Ireton, 'in one night, and finished our batteries and planted our guns the second, and next morning began to batter.'[215]

[Sidenote: Capitulation of Limerick, Oct. 27.]

[Sidenote: Persons exempted from quarter.]

[Sidenote: Excommunication and interdict have no effect.]

[Sidenote: O'Neill surrenders to Ireton.]

[Sidenote: Fate of Fennell]

The articles offered to the besieged in June and July had been on the whole favourable, but an exception was made as to those who 'committed the murders and outrages in the first insurrection before the first General Assembly.' The members of that first Assembly and the clergy generally were also denied all protection, so that the city contained many desperate men, who naturally prolonged the siege as far as possible. This mistake was not now repeated, but twenty-two persons were excepted by name, who were all known or believed to have deceived or overawed the generality of the people into 'the obstinate holding out of the place.' All spies and a single Welsh deserter were also excepted. Of those named, the most important were Hugh O'Neill, the governor, the Bishops of Emly and Limerick, Major-General Purcell, Ormonde's old enemy, Alderman Fanning, and Geoffrey Barron, amongst the others being a few priests and friars. The corporation and the military officers met, and decided 'that the treaty should go on, and that they should not stick for any person exempted, or to be exempted, from quarter of life or goods'; but when they met next morning to choose commissioners, the two bishops, accompanied by others of the clergy, appeared, and threatened to excommunicate them all 'if they should deliver up the prelates to be slaughtered.' But the danger was too pressing and ecclesiastical censures had become too common, so that the commissioners were named nevertheless. The sentence of excommunication and a perpetual interdict of the city were posted on the church doors, whereupon Colonel Fennell and others were sent to seize St. John's Gate and the adjoining tower. O'Neill remonstrated, but Fennell said he had orders from the mayor and chief citizens. The governor, whose military authority at least had hitherto been unquestioned, then summoned a court-martial, but Fennell refused to appear. Lord Castleconnell took his part, so that no sentence was passed; and Fennell, who had the keys and some powder from the mayor, turned the guns upon the town, and said plainly that he would not leave his post until surrender was decided on. At last Ireton's preparations were complete, and seventeen heavy shot were discharged with great effect against one spot in the wall, whereupon a drum was sent out and negotiations began in earnest. Two hundred 'redcoats' were admitted by Fennell into the gate-tower, and on October 27 the articles of capitulation were signed. According to one account, Fennell even threatened O'Neill with a pistol, when that brave soldier rode out alone and delivered his sword to Ireton himself, who treated him honourably. Fennell was not among the twenty-two specially exempted from the benefit of the articles, but they did not protect him or others 'from prosecution to justice in a judicial way for any crimes they might be guilty of.' There is perhaps no positive evidence against him, though he has always been considered a traitor by writers on the Irish side. He was accused of a plot to give up Clonmel; and Castlehaven, who is not much given to calling names, accuses him of cowardice or treachery in quitting his post at Killaloe and flying to Limerick, after the fall of which, 'Ireton, with more than his usual justice, hanged him. Some say he was carried to Cork and there pleaded for his defence how he had betrayed me before Youghal; but his judges would not hear him on his merits, but bid him clear himself of the murders laid to his charge.'[216]

[Sidenote: Treatment of the besieged.]

[Sidenote: The Bishop of Limerick escaped.]

[Sidenote: The Bishop of Emly hanged.]

Soldiers and citizens were allowed to go free, and time was given to remove personal property, but without any guarantee for lands or houses; and Ireton evidently contemplated a partial colonisation. The garrison of 2000 had been reduced to about 1200, who marched out after giving up their arms, and the city contained about 4000 other men capable of bearing arms, though about 5000 persons had perished 'by the sword without and the famine and plague within.' He was inclined to spare those who had not shown themselves irreconcilable; but there would still be plenty of room for settlers. In the meantime, he had himself to deal with as many of the excepted persons as he could catch. Besides the governor, ten of them voluntarily surrendered, and their fate was reserved for further consideration. Some of the others were not caught, among them the Bishop of Limerick, who escaped in a soldier's dress, joined Muskerry in Kerry, and died at Brussels in 1654. Ireton did not regret this, as he found that he had not been one of the violent party; he had formerly been well disposed to Ormonde. The Bishop of Emly took refuge in the pest-house, where he was quickly taken and hanged by order of a court-martial. He had been the soul of the defence all along, and has always been regarded as a martyr by those of his own faith. His head was placed over one of the gates, as were those of Stretch and of Purcell, who alone behaved in a pusillanimous manner. Five or six others were executed, including a priest named Walsh, who served as a captain, Sir Geoffrey Gallwey, Geoffrey Baron, and Dr. Higgins, a physician who, according to the military diarist, was 'powder-maker and money-coiner to the besieged.'[217]

[Sidenote: O'Neill is tried]

[Sidenote: and acquitted]

[Sidenote: He returns to Spain,]

[Sidenote: and claims the earldom of Tyrone.]

Hugh O'Neill was the last of that great clan who played an important part in Irish history, and he bore himself worthily. Ireton seems to have treated him personally with courtesy, but he influenced the court-martial against him because of the blood shed through his defence of Clonmel. He pleaded that the war had gone on long before he came upon the invitation of his countrymen, that he had always been a fair enemy, and that he had often advised the townsmen not to prolong a conflict which he had seen to be hopeless from the first; that he had carefully observed the capitulation by surrendering all stores, 'without embezzlement, and his own person to the Deputy'; and that he was entitled to the benefit of the articles. Many of the officers, including Ludlow, accepted his defence, and Ireton, 'who was now entirely freed from his former manner of adhering to his own opinion, which had been observed to be his greatest infirmity,' allowed a third vote after sentence of death had been twice passed. He was acquitted, sent to England in the same ship that carried Ireton's embalmed body, and well treated in the Tower. After a few months he was released at the instance of the Spanish ambassador, on the ground that he was born in Flanders a vassal of the King of Spain, that he was not concerned in the first outbreak in Ireland 'nor in the excesses which were committed at that time,' and that he would be very useful in managing the Irish soldiers whom the Commonwealth allowed to be recruited for the Spanish service; and in the end this was agreed to. After the Restoration he wrote to Charles II. pointing out that his cousin John's death had made him Earl of Tyrone, and asking the King to acknowledge him as such. The attainder was, of course, not reversed, and O'Neill, who was in bad health when he wrote, probably died not long after. The title of Earl of Tyrone was conferred on Lord Power in 1673.[218]

[Sidenote: Geoffrey Barron executed.]

Geoffrey Barron had been sent early in 1642 to solicit Richelieu's help for the Confederacy, and he had remained throughout one of its most irreconcileable partisans. He now pleaded that he had fought for the liberties of his country just as the English Puritans professed to do. Ireton thought it answer enough to say that Ireland was a conquered country, that the Irish had been only too well treated under Charles I., notwithstanding which they had robbed and murdered the English wholesale, and that in the matter of religion the Puritans fought to preserve their natural rights, whereas the Roman Catholics 'would not be contented unless they might have power to compel all others to submit to their impositions upon pain of death.' The two points of view were hopelessly opposed, and the court-martial were satisfied with the Lord Deputy's reasoning. During the short time that was left to him Barron is said to have looked out a wedding suit of white taffety, in which he was hanged, in the belief that his soul would 'straight enjoy the pleasures of heaven, in the consummation of that eternal nuptial felicity.'[219]

[Sidenote: Reinforcements from England, June.]

[Sidenote: Ludlow in Clare, November.]

[Sidenote: Ireton joins him.]

[Sidenote: Lady Honora O'Brien.]

Starvation had not done its work as Ireton had expected, but no horses were found in Limerick at its surrender, and they had probably been eaten. The besiegers commanded the estuary, and were in no want of provisions, but the waste among the men must have been considerable, less by actual fighting than by hardship and sickness. Reinforcements had, however, been poured into Ireland during the summer, and Ireton makes no complaint of insufficient numbers. An Act passed in April authorised the impressment of 10,000 men, and was not suffered to remain a dead letter. As early as June 25 nearly that number had been landed at Dublin or Waterford. They were of three classes, drafts from English garrisons, pressed men, and volunteer recruits. Some were too young for the work, and these were mainly among the volunteers. Money and ammunition was also ungrudgingly supplied, and no time was lost in following up the capture of Limerick. On November 1 Ludlow marched out to Inchecronan with 2000 foot and 1500 horse, and on the 4th, after some parleying, Clare Castle surrendered. Though very strong, it was evidently untenable now that the great siege was over. The guns lost in July were recovered, and about 230 men marched out with the honours of war and with power to go where they pleased. Those who desired protection were to have it, 'except Romish priests, Jesuits, and friars.' Carrigaholt also surrendered and was garrisoned, after which the whole of Clare was at the mercy of Parliament. Ireton joined Ludlow, and they visited the barony of Burren, 'where there is not water to drown a man, wood enough to hang one, nor earth enough to bury him,' but good pasture between the rocks. In riding through the Corofin district towards Ennis most of the horses cast their shoes among the crags; they carried spare ones, yet a single shoe was sold for five shillings before night. Next morning came Lady Honora O'Brien, youngest daughter of the late Earl of Thomond and niece of his successor, who was accused of harbouring the enemies' goods and cattle while herself enjoying the Lord Deputy's protection. Ireton rebuked her, whereupon 'she burst into tears, promising to mend her ways', and begging Ludlow's intercession, which was successful. 'As much a cynic as I am,' said Ireton, 'the tears of this woman moved me.'[220]

[Sidenote: Death of Ireton, Nov. 26.]

The weather was very bad during this journey in Clare, and both generals caught bad colds. Ludlow's constitution triumphed, and he lived till 1692, but Ireton succumbed. In spite of entreaties he had neglected his health during the siege, not putting 'off his clothes all that time, except to change his linen,' and never resting, though he was in a burning fever. Sir Robert King wondered that he was not as mad as a March hare, 'pen, tongue, head or both, or all, incessantly at work.' Ludlow was not with him when he died, and we have few particulars. In announcing his loss to Cromwell, the Commissioners call him an incomparable man, and it is certain that he had a high sense of duty and that he was not a self-seeker. Clarendon and others have thought that his republicanism might have prevented Cromwell's rise to supreme power, but of this there is no evidence. There have been equally vain speculations as to whether Mirabeau, had he lived, could have stopped the French Revolution. Ireton had signed the death-warrant, and as a regicide was of course against restoring the Stuarts, but he was not a theoretical republican, though he would have disliked the supremacy of the army.[221]

FOOTNOTES:

[194] Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 261; _Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 97; Letters (Latin) of the Bishop of Waterford, March 3, 1651, of the Bishop of Emly, March 29, and of Anthony Nugent, 'capucinus indignus,' June 30, all three in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 363-373. Borlase says 17,000 were reported to have died in and about Dublin. Ireton and his officers to Cromwell and the army in Scotland, July 10, 1651, _Milton State Papers_, p. 72.

[195] The instructions to the Commissioners from the Council of State were laid before Parliament, October 4, 1650, and are given in the _Parliamentary History_, xix. 406. Corbet was substituted for Salwey, who had been named but excused at his own request; Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 249, 259.

[196] Hugh O'Neill to Ormonde, September 9 and 15, 1650, in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 180; Diary of Parliamentary Officers, _ib._ 220; W. Basil, A.G., to Lenthall, November 3, _ib._ 265, and to Bradshaw, November 4, in _Parl. Hist._ xix. 439.

[197] Basil's letters and Parliamentary officers' diary, _ut sup._

[198] Duke of Lorraine to Ormonde, February 8, 1646, in _Confed. and War_, v. 259; Dumoulin to Mazarin, May and June, _ib._ 346; Cousin's _Madame de Chevreuse_; Mazarin to Anne of Austria, April 1651, in Ravanel's _Lettres du Cardinal Mazarin_. I have followed Martin and the _Biographie Universelle_, as well as the Duke's own agreement with the Irish, in writing Charles IV.--Gardiner and others call him Charles III.

[199] Nicholas to Ormonde, February 11/21, 1649-50, in Carte's _Original Letters_; Long to Ormonde, _ib._; Duke of Lorraine to Ormonde, April 29, 1650, in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 399; Ormonde to Synnott, June 25, _ib._ 428. See also Carte's _Ormonde_, book v., and _Hibernia Dominicana_, p. 695; Clarendon's _Hist._ xiii. 176. Rochfort reached Jersey January 12, 1649-50, see Hoskin's _Charles II. in the Channel Islands_, ii. 367. Letters from Charles I. to the Queen, in the _King's Cabinet Opened_, February-March, 1644-5.

[200] Taaffe to Ormonde, January 3 and 5, 1650-51, in Clanricarde's _Memoirs_; Letters of James and Henrietta Maria, _ib._ 40-42; Clarendon's _Hist._ xiv. 66; _Clarendon State Papers_, iii. 128; De Retz _Mémoires_, part ii. vol. ii. 197, in the Grands Ecrivains edition. 'Les biographes de Charles nous racontent qu'à cette époque de sa vie il était revenu à l'idée d'aller tenter au loin quelque grande aventure et à peu près décidé à céder aux instances que les évêques catholiques d'Irlande lui faisaient continuellement adresser par le Pape, afin qu'il leur vînt en aide contre la tyrannie de Cromwell. Ils nous le représentent comme occupé à signer aux Irlandais réfugiés à Bruxelles des patentes de colonels et d'officiers dans son armée de secours, armant des vaisseaux pour passer le détroit et déjà tout prêt à s'embarquer.'--D'Haussonville's _Hist. de la Réunion de Lorraine_, ed. 1860, chap. 23, pp. 221-2.

[201] Duke of Lorraine to Innocent X., February 11, 1651, in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, ii. 84; _ib._ 92 for French's movements; Letters in Clanricarde _Memoirs_, February 27, 1650-1 till April 4, when the agreement was signed; Clarendon's _Hist._, xiii. 182. According to D'Haussonville (chap. 23), the state of French politics was what really prevented Duke Charles from going to Ireland. He could not afford to be out of the way just when Mazarin's flight seemed to give him a chance. Ireton was well informed about these intrigues, as may be seen from William King's letter to him, March 24, 1650-51, printed in Z. Grey's _Examination of Neal_, iv. appx. 7.

[202] The Duke of Lorraine's supplies reached Ireland in March 1651, _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 368; Bellings to Ormonde, April 10, 1651, in _Confederation and War_, vii. 370; Clanricarde _Memoirs_, April-October; intercepted intelligence from Madrid, May 20, and from Rome, May 22, in _Milton State Papers_, p. 67. According to the _Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 153, French's letter was written early in July (more probably the end of June, since the agreement inspired by it was of July 2). In Carte's _Original Letters_ are several from Nicholas commenting on the Duke of Lorraine's proceedings. Dean King's report to Charles II., April 1, 1652, in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 301; Nicholas to Hyde, April 4, 1651, in _Nicholas Papers_.

[203] Ormonde to Nicholas, August 3, 1651, in _Nicholas Papers_. The agreement is dated July 2, 1651, and the Duke's covering letter to Clanricarde, September 10, but they did not reach him till October 12. The Galway letter to the Duke is of October 15--all in Clanricarde _Memoirs_. Taaffe to Ormonde, September 30 and November 23, in _Fourth Rep. of Hist. MSS. Comm._, appx. 569; intercepted intelligence from Paris, June 14 and 17, in _Milton State Papers_, p. 68; Ormonde to Hyde, in _Clarendon S.P._, June 30, 1651; Patrick Archer to Ormonde, January 19, 1651-2, in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 281. As to the supply to Innisbofin in 1652, _ib._ 356. Writing to Clanricarde on March 23, 1651-2, Charles H. says other supplies had been stopped 'by some rude people in Zeland,' Clanricarde's _Memoirs_, part ii. 52.

[204] _Aphorismical Discovery_, 996. Clanricarde's letters in October to the Duke of Lorraine, to Henrietta Maria, to Ormonde, Muskerry, Darcy, &c., are in his _Memoirs_, with the answers; Duke of Lorraine's letter breaking off negotiations, February 14, 1652, in Clarendon _Cal._ For his hostility to Clanricarde see Hist. MSS. Comm. Calendar of _Ormonde Papers_, 1902, i. 256; for the difficulties in corresponding with Ireland at this time see Ormonde's letter to Muskerry of March 19/21, _ib._ 264; Clarendon's _Hist._, xiii. 176-182. Other accounts of the whole affair are in Carte's _Life of Ormonde_ and in _Hibernia Dominicana_.

[205] Unfinished letter from Ormonde to Clanricarde in September 1651; Carte's _Original Letters_, i. 460; French to Taaffe, August 10, 1651, and the answer, September 22, in _Clarendon S.P._ French's _Unkinde Deserter_, published in 1676. 'Quelle destinée pour l'ennemi obstiné de la cour de France, pour l'infatigable allié de la maison d'Autriche, de voir au bout de vingt années, ses troupes au service des Français et sa personne au pouvoir des Espagnols.'--D'Haussonville, chap. 24, p. 296.

[206] Ludlow, Corbet, Jones, and Weaver to Lenthall, March (before the 25th), 1650-51, in Cary's _Memorials_, ii. 253; Hewson to Lenthall, with the articles for surrender of Finnea, March 14, published by order of Parliament, London, March 25; _Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 134-138.

[207] Journal of Parliamentary officer in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 227; Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, 95.

[208] Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 269-274, May 31 to June 17.

[209] Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 274; Ireton's letter of July 15, in _Sad News from Ireland_, published by order of Parliament, but Scobell's imprimatur is dated July 4, probably for 24.

[210] Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 263-274, and Ireton's letter, _ut sup._ See also Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, ii. 48, 52.

[211] Ireton's letter of July 15 in _Sad News from Ireland_, _ut sup._; Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 274-6; Diary in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 241, where the abortive propositions for surrender are given. As Ireton suspected, greatly exaggerated reports of the repulse at Limerick were circulated in England, see for example Lord Derby's letter in Cary's _Memorials_, ii. 287.

[212] _Ludlow_, i. 276-279.

[213] This account is taken from the narrative enclosed in Broghill's letter to Lenthall, dated Mallow, July 28, and printed by order of Parliament along with another dated Blarney, August 1. A copy is abstracted in the Calendar of State Papers, _Ireland_, addenda p. 303. Notes in Broghill's own hand, preserved at Lismore, are printed in Smith's _Hist. of Cork_, but wrongly placed under 1652. Journal in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 246; Ludlow, i. 276. 'My boldest horse being twice wounded,' Broghill writes, 'became so fearful that he was turned to the coach.' Some accounts call this the battle of Knocknaclashy.

[214] Hewson to Bradshaw, August 6, 1651, in _Parl. Hist._, xx. 32; Corbet, Jones, and Weaver to Lenthall, September 18, in appx. to _Ludlow_, i. 490. A disastrous skirmish near Cullenagh in Queen's Co. is reported at September 15 by the Diarist, _Contemp. Hist._, i. 252.

[215] Ireton to Lenthall, November 3, 1651, printed by order of Parliament, November 28; Ludlow, i. 286; Diary in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 253, 262, 264. In the list of mayors in Lenihan's _Hist. of Limerick_ Stretch's name does not occur; perhaps there was a by-election.

[216] Relation by Dr. William Layles (probably the same as Lawless, an old Limerick name), endorsed by Clanricarde, calendared among _Clarendon MSS._ at October 27. The writer was present in the town. The above is printed in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 263, and the articles of surrender are at p. 254. The Aphorismical Discovery, _ib._ 19, gives even greater importance to Fennell. Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, 95. Clarendon, _Ireland_, p. 199, says Fennell was executed some months after the siege, so that it was not Ireton's doing. The crime for which he suffered appears to have been the murder of Edward Croker near Youghal on Shrove Tuesday, 1642, _Hickson_, ii. 139. See also the letter in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 403, July 1653: 'Those of the Irish army who forced us to render Limerick upon so base conditions were hanged at Cork, viz. Col. Ed. Fennell and Lt.-Col. William Bourke, of Brittas.'

[217] From a comparison of all the accounts it is certain that the Bishop of Emly, Purcell, Baron, Stretch, Walsh, Fanning, and Higgins, were executed soon after the surrender. Layles, who was not present, had heard that two priests, Francis and George Wolfe, also suffered as well as Fanning's two sons and brother. The _Aphorismical Discovery_ says Fanning was betrayed by a servant, when taking refuge from the cold among the soldiers quartered in the cathedral. Clarendon, _Ireland_, 198, says he had been refused food and shelter by his own wife. See also note to Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, ii. 57. As to the execution of James Wolfe, a Dominican, there can be little doubt, see Clarendon, _ut sup._, 199, and _Hibernia Dominicana_, 568.

[218] _Ludlow_, i. 288; Thurloe, i. 212; _Contemp. Hist._ iii. _passim_. Cromwell is said to have specially recommended O'Neill to Philip IV., as a good soldier. On February 4, 1652-3, O'Neill petitioned the Council of State, and on April 1 he was discharged from the Tower, _Cal. of S.P. Dom._

[219] _Ludlow_, i. 288; _Aphorismical Discovery_, iii. 20.

[220] _Ludlow_, i. 290-293, 278 (with Mr. Firth's note); Diary in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 241, 249, 260; Scobell's _Acts and Ordinances_, ii. 154. 'A lady that went for a maid, but few believed it,' Lady Fanshawe's _Memoirs_, 57.

[221] See Preface to _Clarke Papers_, i. lxviii.; Irish Commissioners to Cromwell December 2, 1651, printed in appx. to Firth's _Ludlow_, i. 496, and _ib._ 297; W. Rowe to Cromwell in _Milton State Papers_, p. 17.