Chapter V: of this “Historia Arabum,” which is entitled “De sublimatione (3)

“Quoniam vero aliqui sapientes sarracenorum ... ponentes beatitudinem hominis tantum in anima....” _Ibid._ 53: “Quod autem in errorem induxit sapientes sarracenorum ... videtur processisse ex Alcorano; quum ibi contineatur quod post resurrectionem habebunt delectationes corporales, ut delectatio cibi, potus et coitus; que, in veritate, si in alia vita essent, intellectum a cogitatione et dilectione summi boni impedirent. Unde, quia visum est eis hoc esse inconveniens, sicut est in veritate, negaverunt ..., ponentes tamen beatitudinem hominis in anima.” _Ibid._ 53 (in his explanation of the last article of the symbol, “vitam eternam”): “Preeminentiam autem delectationum spiritualium et divinarum, ad corporales delectationes, necnon et earum comparationem ad invicem, ponit Avicenna in libro _de scientia divina_, tractatu IX, capite VII de promissione divina, loquens de felicitate animae....” _Ibid._ 54: “Item, Algazel firmat idem in libro _Intentionum physicarum_ (this should be _philosophicarum_)....” _Ibid._ 54: “Eandem etiam sententiam confirmat in libro qui dicitur _Vivificatio scientiarum_, in demonstratione quod gloriosior et excellentior delectationum, cognitio Dei excelsi, et contemplatio vultus ejus (referring to _Ihia_, IV, 219). Et in libro qui dicitur _Trutina operum_, in capitulo probationis, quid sit beatitudo ultima. Hoc idem etiam confirmat Alpharabius in libro _de auditu naturali_, tractatu II circa finem, et in libro _de intellectu_. Ex his patet, quod etiam apud philosophos sarracenorum, beatitudo eterna consistit in cognitione et amore Dei, non in delectatione.”

[330] Cf. D’ANCONA, _Precursori_, 29: “Hanno ... tutte queste leggende carattere ingenuo, anzi fanciullesco, che di necessità ce le fa porre fuori della cerchia della vera poesia.” _Ibid._ 31: “Nè più alto e condegno è il comune concetto della sede celeste....” _Ibid._ 32: “e per rappresentar le gioie del paradiso abbiano avuto ricorso a raddoppiare di più che mille milia il coro od il refettorio.” _Ibid._ 88: “Ma questa corte celeste ... diventa la corte plenaria di un signore feudale.” Cf. _Ibid._ 104-6.

[331] In Part III, Ch. VI, Moslem precedents will be shown for many of these materialistic Christian legends.

[332] _Purg._ XVI, 40. The hypothesis is D’Ancona’s, who in note 2 to page 108 of his _Precursori_ says: “Si potrebbe in Dante vedere giusto disdegno, anzichè ignoranza dei suoi predecessori.” Cf. ROSSI, I, 140: “Con codesta povera concezione ... non è neppure paragonabile la concezione dantesca,” and I, 147: “Mentre i precedenti descrittori non avevano saputo se non trasferire nel soggiorno dei beati i più soavi diletti della vita terrena, per Dante il premio dei buoni è tutto nel intimo godimento che loro procurano la visione e la cognizione di Dio.”

[333] Cf. ROSSI, I, 141-2 and 147.

[334] It was also believed in Islam that the blessed meet in the heavenly mansions to converse together and welcome the newly-arrived souls, whom they ask for news of their friends and relations on earth. The _hadiths_ on this subject may be found in _Tadhkira_, 17; _Kanz_, VII, 231, Nos. 2,568 and 2,571; and IBN MAKHLUF, II, 143. Dante describes many similar conversations of his with the blessed on the events and persons of his time, notably with Piccarda, Cunizza, Costanza, Folcheto, and Cacciaguida.

[335] Cf. VIGOUROUX, _Dict. de la Bible_, s.v. _ciel_.

[336] TIXERONT, s.v. _eschatologie_. Origenes (_Ibid._ I, 303) and St. Ephrem (II, 221) alone appear to mention the astronomical heavens. Accordingly PERRONE says (II, 110, n. 2):—

“Non levis inter aliquot ex antiquis Patribus dissensio occurrit, ubi agitur de statuendo _loco_, in quem justorum animae abscedentes a corpore deferantur. Alii _coelum_, alii _sinum Abrahae_, isti _locum quietis_, illi _paradisum_ censent sive appellant. _Paradisus_ ipse apud aliquos aut ipsum coelorum regnum significat, aut saltem in coelorum regione situs creditur; apud alios in ignota hujus terrae plaga. Sunt et paucissimi qui sub terra sive in inferis....”

St. Thomas, in explaining the passage in the Gospel according to St. Matthew, V, 12, agrees with St. Augustine that “Merces sanctorum non dicitur esse in corporeis coelis” (_Summa theol._ 1-2ae, q. 4, a. 7, ad 3). Nor is mediæval art any more precise, for in the French cathedrals Paradise is shown as the bosom of Abraham. Cf. MÂLE, 427.

[337] FRATICELLI, commenting on the passage of _Inf._ XXXIV, 112-115, says, “Imagina Dante che Gerusalemme sia posta nel mezzo dell’emisfero boreale”; and to _Par._ XXX, 124-8, he remarks, “E qui vuolsi notare che, come Gerusalemme (secondo il creder d’allora) è nel mezzo della terra abitata; così Dante imagina il seggio de’beati, la Gerusalemme celeste, soprastare a perpendicolo alla terrena.” Cf. Rossi, I, 141: “una stessa retta ... da Gerusalemme ... prolungata ... sale al centro della mistica rosa”; and I, 142: “così la Gerusalemme terrestre per una linea diritta ... si congiunge colla Gerusalemme celeste.”

[338] MS 105 Gayangos Collection, fol. 117 rᵒ.

[339] Cf. HAMADHANI, 94-8. Also YAQUT, VIII, 111, s.v. Bayt al-Muqaddas.

[340] MS 105 Gayangos Collection, fol. 101 vᵒ.

[341] _Futuhat_, II, 582.

[342] _Futuhat_, II, 898. On the following page he inserts a geometrical design, in which, taking the five fundamental precepts of Islam by way of example, he shows how the grades of hell correspond symmetrically to the grades of paradise. This design, with a few unimportant omissions, is reproduced below. The dotted lines indicate the vertical projection of the grades of heaven above those of hell.

GRADES OF HEAVEN.
+------------+------------+--------------+------------+--------------+
. Reward . Reward . Reward . Reward . Reward .
. of . of . of . of . of .
. faith. . prayer. . almsgiving. . fasting. . pilgrimage. .
+------------+------------+--------------+------------+--------------+
. Punishment . Punishment . Punishment . Punishment . Punishment .
. of . of . of . of . of .
. faith. . prayer. . almsgiving. . fasting. . pilgrimage. .
+------------+------------+--------------+------------+--------------+
GRADES OF HELL.

[343] The actual verses are _Par._ XXX, 100-132; XXXI, 1-54, 112-117; XXXII, 1-84, and 115-138.

[344] _Tadhkira_, 99. Gayangos Coll., MS 159, fol. 2 vᵒ; MS 64, fol. 25 vᵒ.

[345] _Corra_, 132.

[346] Gayangos Coll., MS 64, fol. 25.

[347] Cf. IBN MAKHLUF, II, 147. Abu Abd Allah Mohamed ibn Ayshun was a theologian and lawyer who also wrote poetry and compiled several books of _hadiths_. After being taken captive by the Christians, he was ransomed and died in his native town, Toledo, in 952 A.D.

[348] Cf. IBN MAKHLUF, II, 151-154.

[349] Cf. IBN MAKHLUF, II, 157.

[350] _Tadhkira_, 85.

[351] IBN MAKHLUF, II, 58. The elaboration of this fantastic picture of glory was continued, more notably by the Spanish and African sufis between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries, until about the time the Divine Comedy was produced. Although Ibn Arabi’s is undoubtedly the one that most nearly approaches the Dantean version, the following by Izzu’d-Din ibn Abd as-Salam of the fourteenth century, is also of interest:—

In heaven there are as many grades as there are virtues, and each of these is again subdivided into the lowest, the intermediate, and the highest grades. Thus, for example, the martyrs of Islam occupy the hundred highest grades as a reward for faith; another hundred correspond to each of the other virtues; then come a hundred grades for just rulers; then a hundred for sincere witnesses, and so forth. If two of the elect are equally deserving by reason of faith (whether mystic or theological), both occupy the same grade; but, if there is any difference in either the quantity or the quality of their faith, then they are placed apart. And so it is with the other virtues.

[352] A translation of the principal passages of the _Futuhat_ relating hereto is given in the author’s _Mohidín_, pp. 7-23.

[353] _Futuhat_, III, 579, and _passim_.

[354] _Futuhat_, I, 416; III, 552 and 567. Cf. _Al-Yawaqit_, II, 197. Cf. _Par._ XXX, 103, 125, and 130; XXXI, 67 and 115; XXXII, 26 and 36.

[355] There are really only seven, as the first, being dedicated to Mahomet, must be associated with all the others.

[356] LANDINO, in discussing _Par._ XXXII on fol. 433 of his Commentary, arrives at the same number of _twelve_ as that of the main degrees in Dante’s realm of glory: “Onde sono sei differentie e ciascuna ha provetti e parvuli, che fanno dodeci.” For the number of gradins, cf. _Par._ XXX, 113: “più di mille soglie.”

[357] _Corra_, 118: “And the Prophet said: In heaven is the tree of happiness whose root is in my dwelling-place and whose branches shelter all the mansions of heaven; nor is there mansion or dwelling-place which holds not one of its branches....” (_Ibid._ 119). “Each of the blessed has his own branch, with his name inscribed upon it.”

[358] A rough sketch of this Islamic tree is to be found in the illustration from the _Maʿrifet Nameh_, included by Carra de Vaux in _Fragments d’Eschatologie musulmane_, pp. 27 and 33. An amplified reproduction is here given (see Fig. 3).

[359] _Par._ XVIII, 28-33, on which Fraticelli comments:—

“Paragona il sistema de’ cieli ad un albero che si fa più spazioso di grado in grado; e fa che abbia vita dalla cima, in contrario de’ nostri alberi, che l’anno dalle radici, perchè ei la toglie dall’empireo.”

[360] In GRAF, _Miti_, I, 140, note 35. For particulars about Federigo Frezzi, who composed his poem in 1394, cf. ROSSI, I, 264.

[361] _Futuhat_, I, 416 and III, 567. Cf. _Par._ XXXII, 20 and 39; XXXI, 97.

[362] _Futuhat_, I, 416 and III, 577. Cf. _Par._ XXXI, 25, 115, and XXXII, 61.

[363] _Futuhat_, I, 416 and 417. Cf. _Par._ XXX, 109, and XXXI, 121.

[364] _Futuhat_, I, 415. Cf. _Par._ XXXII, 52-60, and Fraticelli’s comment thereon:—

“In questo così ampio Paradiso non può aver luogo un _punto_, un seggio, dato a caso.... Poichè _quantunque vidi_, tutto quello che qui vedi, _è stabilito per eterna legge_ in modo, che ad ogni grado di merito corrisponde un ugual grado di gloria, a quel modo che _dall’anello al dito_, al dito corrisponde proporzionato anello.”

[365] Cp. _Futuhat_, I, 414, with _Par._ XXXII, 42-47 and 73-74. Also _Futuhat_, I, 415, with _Par._ XXX, 131-132.

[366] _Futuhat_, III, 8: “Divine mercy is greater than Divine anger. The damned, then, are punished for the sins they have committed only, but the elect enter heaven through grace and experience such bliss as by their good works alone they would not deserve.” Cf. _Par._ XXXII, 58-66.

[367] _Futuhat_, I, 417; II, 111; and III, 577.

[368] LANDINO, on fol. 432 vᵒ of his Commentary, explains this point very clearly.

[369] Cp. _Par._ XXXI, 69; XXX, 133 and XXXII, 7; XXXI, 16; XXX, 115 and 132, with the passages of the _Futuhat_ quoted under [367].

[370] In Ibn Arabi, as will shortly be shown, the difference in the intensity of the Beatific Vision depends, as in Dante, on the nature of the faith the elect professed on earth.

[371] IBN MAKHLUF, II, 59-60. In Islam Mahomet is regarded as the Prophet who renewed the teaching of the one true religion as revealed by God to Abraham; and, just as Abraham is the patriarch of the Old Testament, so Mahomet may be said to be the patriarch of the new Testament of the Moslems.

[372] _Par._ XXXII, 19-27.

[373] _Futuhat_, II, 113, and _Par._ XXXII, 118.

[374] _Futuhat_, I, 417-420.

[375] _Futuhat_, II, 111.

[376] _Futuhat_, II, 112-113.

[377] This latter thesis was propounded by Averrhoes and adopted by St. Thomas. Cf. ASÍN, _Averroismo_, 291 _et seq._

[378] _Futuhat_, III, 578.

[379] _Futuhat_, III, 577.

[380] Before entering on this comparison we may be allowed to point out a curious coincidence in the chronology of Dante’s ascension and that assigned in the _hadiths_ to the ascension of the blessed souls to enjoy the Beatific Vision. Dante undertook his ascension “nel mezzo del camin di nostra vita” (_Inf._ I, 1) or, according to the commentators, “a trenta-cinque anni,” or “dell’età di 32 o 33 anni” (Cf. Scartazzini). A _hadith_ in the Gayangos Coll., MS 105, fol. 140 rᵒ, attributes to Mahomet the statement that the blessed will enter paradise “at Jesus’ age, or the age of thirty-three.” Further, Dante ascends to heaven on Good Friday (cf. Fraticelli, pp. 622-3) and the _hadiths_ state that the Beatific Vision takes place on Friday, the holy day of Islam (cf. _Kanz_, VII, 232, Nos. 2,572 and 2,641).

[381] Cf. _Par._ XXX, 10, 106, 112, and 115; XXXIII, 76 and 82 with _Futuhat_, I, 417, last line; 418, line 8.

Further, just as St. Bernard bids Dante be prepared for the Divine light (_Par._ XXXII, 142, and XXXIII, 31), so does the Prophet, in Ibn Arabi’s description, warn the elect (_Futuhat_, I, 418, line 12).

[382] _Summa contra Gentes_, lib. III, ch. 53 and 54. Cf. _Summa theol._ part 1, q. 12, a. 5.

[383] _Summa theol._, suppl. part 3, q. 92, a. 1.

[384] _Loc cit._, at the end of the body of the article:—

“Et ideo accipiendus est alius modus, quem etiam quidam philosophi posuerunt, scilicet Alexander et Averroes (3. _de Anim. comm. 5 et 36_)” ... “Quidquid autem sit de aliis substantiis separatis, tamen istum modum oportet nos accipere in visione Dei per essentiam.”

[385] TIXERONT, II, 201, 349, 435; III, 431.

[386] _Haeres._, 70, in PETAVIUS, _De Deo_, lib. VII, ch. 8, § 1: “Vi sua imbecillitatem corroborare dignatus est.”

[387] PETAVIUS, _loc. cit._, § 4: “Quocirca de illo lucis officio et usu, qui in scholis percrebuit, nihil apud antiquos expressum habetur, nisi quod vis quaedam naturali superior et auxilium requiri dicitur quo mens ad tantam contemplationem possit assurgere. Quale autem sit necessarium illud auxilium, sive lumen gloriae, quo ad Deum videndum natura fulcitur, nemo liquido demonstravit, minime omnium efficientis quoddam genus esse causae, ac velut habitum.”

[388] _Ihia_, IV, 222. Cf. _Ithaf_, IX, 581.

[389] _Ihia_, IV, 223, line 14 inf.

[390] _Fasl_, III, 2-4.

[391] _Kitab falsafat_, 53.

[392] Cp. the passages from the _Futuhat_ translated above, on pp. 157-159, with _Par._ XXXI, 27, and XXXIII, 43, 50, 52, 79, and 97.

[393] Cf. ROSSI, I, 147. “Per Dante, il premio dei buoni è ... vario di grado, secondo la purezza e l’intensità dell’amore divino.” Cf. _Futuhat_, I, 418, line 7.

[394] _Par._ XXXII, 19, 38, 74. Cf. _Futuhat_, _loc. cit._; also I, 419, line 9 inf.; II, 111, line 8 inf.; II, 113, line 10 inf.

[395] _Futuhat_, II, 111, line 9 inf. and 1 inf.

[396] _Ihia_, IV, 224, line 15.

[397] _Futuhat_, III, 578, line 2.

[398] ROSSI, I, 147: “Il vario grado di lor beatitudine è appunto rappresentato dalla varia luminosità e dalla loro distribuzioni pei sette primi cieli.” Cf. _Par._ XXX, 12, and XXXI, 59; also _Par._ XIV, 43-60.

[399] _Summa theol._, suppl. 3ae part., q. 85, a. 1:

“Ideo melius est ut dicatur quod claritas illa causabitur ex redundantia gloriae animae in corpus ...; et ideo claritas quae est in anima spiritualis, recipitur in corpore ut corporalis; et ideo secundum quod anima erit majoris claritatis secundum majus meritum, ita etiam erit differentia claritatis in corpore.”

[400] _Corra_, 102, 104, 106, 114, and 117. Cf. _Kanz_, VII, 232, Nos. 2,575, 2,588, 2,608, 2,616, 2,629, and 2,658. In Nos. 2,616 and 2,658, moreover, the bodies of the women of heaven are said to be “translucent like crystal or precious stones,” an idea that reappears in _Par._ XXXI, 19, and XXIX, 124. The sufis, and particularly Ibn Arabi, held that the souls, until the resurrection of their bodies, lived in bodies of the world beyond the grave, similar in nature to the forms we see in dreams (cf. ASÍN, _La Psicología_, 45). This theory may have given rise to Dante’s conception of the spirit-bodies, which cast no shadow. Cf. _Purg._ III, 16-30. The same property was attributed to the body of Mahomet in this world. Cf. MS 64 Gayangos Coll., fol. 114.

[401] _Par._ XXX, 40. Cf. _Futuhat_, II, 112, line 11 inf.

[402] _Summa theol._, suppl. 3ae part., q. 95, a. 5.

[403] _Par._ XXXIII, 57 and 94. Cf. _Futuhat_, I, 419, line 7 inf.; III, 578, line 11. See also the comparison _supra_, pp. 31 and 32.

[404] _Futuhat_, III, 577, line 10 inf. This point is frequently brought out by Moslem theologians and is based on two passages in the Koran (VII, 41, and XV, 47), in which it is said that God will remove all envy and resentment from the hearts of the blessed.

[405] _Par._ III, 52, 64, 70, and 88. Cf. _Par._ XXXII, 52 and 63.

[406] Cf. _supra_, pp. 31 and 32.

[407] _Futuhat_, III, 574, and I, 402. In III, 556, the apotheosis is shown graphically, though on account of the difficulty of design the rows of angels are not represented by circles.

[408] _Par._ XXXIII, 115.

[409] Cf. E. Pistelli, _L’ultimo canto della D.C._ (in Scartazzini, _Par._ XXXIII, 120):—

“Noi non tenteremo di seguirlo (i.e. Dante) e di rappresentarci sensibilmente i tre archi di due dei quali, tra le altre cose, neppure ci ha detto il colore. Che Dio sia fuori delle leggi dello spazio e del tempo, sta bene; ma noi le leggi dello spazio non consentono di veder distinti tre cerchi chè in realtà sono uno solo e anche per questa via ricadiamo nel mistero.”

[410] _Enneades_, VI, 8, 18.

[411] Cf. ASÍN, _Abenmasarra_, _passim_.

[412] His book, _Formation of tables and circles_, is specially devoted to this subject. Cf. _Futuhat_, III, 523.

[413] _Futuhat_, II, 591. Cf. ASÍN, _La Psicología_, 69.

[414] _Futuhat_, III, 158, 363, and 589. For a translation of the passage on 363, see ASÍN, _Mohidín_, 7-13.

[415] _Futuhat_, I, 332, translated in ASÍN, _Mohidín_, 13-17.

[416] _Futuhat_, III, 560.

[417] For a fuller exposition, see ASÍN, _La Psicología_, 25-39, and _Abenmasarra_, _passim_.

[418] The figure is given on p. 553, and explained on pp. 560-2, of vol. III of the _Futuhat._ It is essentially as represented hereunder, A being the Spiritual Substance, B the Universal Intellect, and C the Universal Soul.

[419] Ibn Arabi admits, however, a certain trinity of relations as essential to Divine unity. The metaphysical reason of his opinion is to be found in the Pythagorean conception of the number three as being the origin of odd numbers (cf. _Futuhat_, III, 166, 228, 603). In _Futuhat_, II, 90, he applies the doctrine to theology and, in order to explain the origin and existence of the Cosmos, he establishes three Divine elements: the Essence, the Will, and the Word. In _Dakhair_, 42, he attempts to establish analogies between the Christian doctrine of the Trinity of Divine Persons and the trinity of Divine names as taught in the Koran—God, the Lord, and the Merciful.

[420] Ibn Arabi’s symbol is as difficult to interpret; for besides the three circles representing God in His three manifestations of spiritual matter, intellect, and soul, he speaks of the manifestation of God through three veils, or under three names (_Futuhat_, I, 418). Again, the manifestations of the Divine names he symbolises by eccentric circles of diverse radius (_Futuhat_, III, 558). Ibn Arabi does not mention the colours of these Divine epiphanies, but in the _Corra_, 125, the Divinity is said to appear to the elect wrapt in a white light with shades of green, red, and yellow.

[421] Had Vossler known of Ibn Arabi’s plans, he would certainly not have sought in the symmetry of Dante’s three realms a symbolical application of the Ptolemaic system to purgatory and hell. Vossler, after lengthy explanations and subtle interpretations of this theory, exclaims (I, 252):—

“Chi può decidere ove graviti il centro di tali simboli, se nella poesia o nella scienza?” ... “Noi non conosciamo nella letteratura mondiale alcun altro laboro artistico, che sia così profondamente penetrato di filosofia.”

[422] D’ANCONA, 13, 107. Cf. also LABITTE, OZANAM, and GRAF.

[423] D’ANCONA, 9, 25, 26, 27, 38, 70, 84, and _passim_.

[424] D’ANCONA, 42.

[425] GRAF, _Miti_, I, Introduction, XXII.

[426] GRAF, _Miti_, I, 66-67.

[427] Cf. _Sudur_, 96-109 and IBN MAKHLUF, I, 57, and _passim_.

[428] OZANAM, 458; D’ANCONA, 33.

[429] LABITTE, 103; OZANAM, 434; D’ANCONA, 38; GRAF, I, 84.

[430] Cf. _supra_, p. 88.

[431] _Qisas_, 225-232.

[432] _Supra_, pp. 89 and 106.

[433] _Supra_, p. 103.

[434] _Sudur_, 96 and 98. It should be noted that the garden in which the birds live, lies at the gate of heaven; this explains their request to God that, in accordance with His promise, He should allow them to enter the realm of Glory and taste the reward, of which as yet they only catch glimpses. The same request appears to be made by the human birds of the Christian legend in their prayer: “Ostende nobis ista quae vidimus, miracula tua, quoniam ignoramus quid sint.” Cf. _Acta Sanctorum_, X, 563.

[435] _Sudur_, 102, 107, 108, 121, etc.

[436] OZANAM, 399; D’ANCONA, 45; GRAF, I, 245.

[437] Cf. BATIOUCHKOF, _Le débat de l’âme et du corps_, 41-42, 514, 517, 518, 558, 559.

[438] _Supra_, p. 115 _et seq._

[439] _Tadhkira_, 58, line 3 inf.

[440] _Supra_, p. 99.

[441] _Tadhkira_, 74, line 1 inf., and IBN MAKHLUF, II, 37, line 16.

[442] For instance, the graduation of the torture of fire according to the degree of sin, the sinners appearing immersed in fire up to their knees, their belly, navel, eyes, etc. Cf. _supra_, p. 107, for the Islamic parallel to this scene.

[443] _Tadhkira_, 18-19. Cf. _Sudur_, 22.

[444] D’ANCONA, 47; GRAF, I, 245.

[445] GRAF, I, 247.

[446] _Corra_, 92-99.

[447] P. 82. Another similar tale is given in the Gayangos Collection, MS 234, fol. 101:

Gabriel descends to hell and, moved by the prayers of the damned that he should obtain the intercession of Mahomet on their behalf, returns to heaven and appeals to the Prophet. The latter intercedes with God and the sinners are pardoned.

[448] D’ANCONA, 53-59.

[449] Cf. BLOCHET, _Sources_, 111.

[450] _Supra_, p. 109.

[451] _Supra_, p. 83.

[452] Cf. _Tadhkira_, 31-33, which gives _hadiths_ on this subject that, being vouchsafed for by Bukhari, are at least earlier than the ninth century of our era.

[453] D’ANCONA, 78, and GRAF, I, 107.

[454] D’ANCONA, 56.

[455] _Supra_, p. 89.

[456] _Tadhkira_, 73, line 16.

[457] D’ANCONA, 57.

[458] _Ihia_, IV, 383. Cf. _Ithaf_, X, 520.

[459] _Ihia_ and _Ithaf_, loc. cit. Cf. _Tadhkira_, 83.

[460] D’ANCONA, 58.

[461] _Corra_, 66. Cf. also IBN MAKHLUF, II, 13, and _Kanz_, III, 250-252, Nos. 3,984-4,020.

[462] D’ANCONA, 59-63; LABITTE, 126.

[463] Cf. _supra_, p. 101.

[464] _Supra_, pp. 106-107. Cf. OZANAM, 394: “un soufle d’un vent d’hiver.”

[465] Cf. _supra_, pp. 13 and 101.

[466] D’ANCONA, 63-69; LABITTE, 125.

[467] OZANAM, 403. Regarding the antiquity and religious character of the Edda, cf. CHANTEPIE, _Hist. des relig._, pp. 675 _et seq._, particularly p. 685.

[468] _Kanz_, VIII, 224, No. 3,552.

[469] D’ANCONA, 68, footnote.

[470] D’ANCONA, 58, footnote; LABITTE, 112.

[471] _Tafsir_, XV, 11. Cf. MS 64 Gayangos Coll., fol. 113.

[472] OZANAM, 445-6.

[473] _Tadhkira_, 58, line 7 inf.

[474] Cf. _supra_, p. 83.

[475] VOSSLER, II, 201.

[476] See _supra_, pp. 85-95.

[477] _Tadhkira_, 70.

[478] _Tadhkira_, 70.

[479] See _supra_, p. 88.

[480] Taking the Arabic name in the form used in vulgar speech, and changing the feminine into the masculine, e.g. Haguia = Hagu = Ago.

[481] D’ANCONA, 77; LABITTE, 110. The myth of the scales occurs in other, non-political, visions, such as the Vision of Turcill (D’ANCONA, 69, footnote). Cf. GRAF, II, 106, note 207.

[482] CHANTEPIE, _Hist. des relig._, 107. Cf. VIREY, _Relig. anc. Égypte_, 157-162.

[483] CHANTEPIE, 473.

[484] _Tadhkira_, 55, and IBN MAKHLUF, II, 22.

[485] MÂLE, p. 420.

[486] Cp. the offertory of the requiem masses: “Sed signifer Sanctus Michael representet eas in lucem sanctam....”

[487] INTERIÁN, I, 135. INTERIÁN, one of the founders of the Spanish Academy, died in 1730.

[488] MÂLE, 416. INTERIÁN, I, 66; II, 168.

[489] _Ihia_, IV, 377; _Ithaf_, X, 485. _Tadhkira_, 61.

[490] Cf. _Ithaf_, X, 491.

[491] INTERIÁN, II, 168-173.

[492] _Tadhkira_, 41. Cf. _Ihia_, IV, 368, and _Ithaf_, X, 454.

[493] _Tadhkira_, 41.

[494] Other picturesque scenes, which Mâle attributes to the working of the popular mind, may also have had a Moslem origin. Thus, the wicked are shown being dragged off in chains to hell by demons (Mâle, 422), just as described in the Koran and the _hadiths_ (_Tadhkira_, 73). The personification of hell as a monster with open fangs, which Mâle believes to be an imitation of the Leviathan of the Book of Job, is surely modelled upon the monster often quoted in the preceding pages. The avaricious shown in the porches of the cathedrals with their money-bag hanging from their neck are reminiscent of the sinners described in the _hadiths_ on the Day of Judgment as likewise burdened with the _corpus delicti_, for instance, the drunkards, who carry a flagon slung from their neck, or the fraudulent merchants, who carry a balance (_Corra_, 12 and 41).

[495] See _supra_, pp. 140-141.

[496] GRAF, I, 69: “Il paradiso terrestre alle volte diventa tutt’uno col celeste.” See _supra_, pp. 134-135.

[497] Cf. Versions A and B of Cycle 1 of the _Miraj_.

[498] D’ANCONA, 104.

[499] Cf. GRAF, I, 19.

[500] GRAF, I, 67. It should be remembered that the legend dates from the thirteenth century.

[501] See _supra_, p. 10, Version A of Cycle 2. The scene, as told in the _hadiths_, agrees literally with that in the Christian legend. Cf. also _Kanz_, VI, 96, No. 1,466.

[502] D’ANCONA, 88.

[503] D’ANCONA, 105.

[504] D’ANCONA, 105.

[505] D’ANCONA, 90, footnote 2.

[506] The versions here summarised are to be found in the _Corra_, 102, 107, and 132; in SUYUTI, _Al-Laali_, I, 28-29, and _Dorar_, 30. Cf. also MS 159, Gayangos Coll., fol. 2-6, and MS “Junta de Ampliación de Estudios,” fols. 148-156.

[507] Cp. the text of D’ANCONA, 105, footnote 4, with _Corra_, 115, line 8 inf.; 128, line 5 inf.; 126, line 7 inf.; and _Al-Laali_, 28, line 1 inf.

[508] GRAF, I, 93-126.

[509] CHAUVIN, _Bibliographie_, VII, 1-93.

[510] _Ibid._ 77.

[511] DE GOEJE, _Légende de St. Brandan_. Cf. GRAF, I, 102: “Non si può escludere la possibilità che alcune di esse (immaginazioni) sieno orientali di origine.”

[512] The present study of the legend of St. Brandan is based on the works of GRAF, I, 97-110; DE GOEJE, _loc. cit._; LABITTE, 119-123; and D’ANCONA, 48-53.

[513] _Qisas_, 225. The episode recurs in the voyages of Abd al-Mutallib the Wise. Cf. CHAUVIN, VII, 46.

[514] SCHROEDER, _Sanct Brandan_ (Erlangen, 1871), Introduction, XI-XIV. GRAF, I, 103.

[515] DE GOEJE, 47, and GRAF, I, 105.

[516] Cf. ASÍN, _Abenmasarra_, Appendix I, 133.

[517] According to Schirmer the Latin version is based on tenth or ninth century texts, and Zimmer even connects the legend with the Celtic story, _Imram Maelduin_, which on the strength of its archaic language he assigns to the ninth or eighth century. These hypotheses, which are not even shared by all Romance scholars, are far from having the positive value of a dated document such as the book of Al Jahiz.

[518] _Hayawan_, VII, 33-34.

[519] _Ihia_, IV, 318. Cf. _Ithaf_, X, 205.

[520] _Sudur_, 32.

[521] _Sudur_, 108.

[522] DAMIRI, II, 110.

[523] _Kharida_, 93-94.

[524] _Tadhkira_, 87.

[525] _Qisas_, 190.

[526] _Sudur_, 73 and 74. For the nakedness of Judas, whose face alone is covered with a piece of cloth, cf. _Sudur_, 117, which depicts some of the damned in hell in the self-same fashion.

[527] _Qisas_, 135-143, contains several legends on Khidr. A richer collection is that included by Ibn Hijr in his _Isaba_, II, 114-137. Cf. also _Sudur_, 109, and _Kharida_, 92. Other Arabic legends represent Elijah and Enoch as praying on a rock or island. Cf. CHAUVIN, _Bibliographie_, 48, 52, 54, 59, and 63.

[528] See GRAF, I, 37.

[529] LABITTE, 122.

[530] D’ANCONA, 50.

[531] The miraculous lighting of the altar lamps, witnessed by St. Brandan on the isle of the monks, is, as De Goeje has pointed out (_loc. cit._ 55), modelled upon the similar miracle performed each Easter Eve in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem. But the author of the tale need not necessarily have seen the miracle himself, nor heard of it from an eye-witness, in 1,000 A.D., as De Goeje suggests. The news may have been transmitted to him through an Arabic medium, for as early as the eighth century Al Jahiz relates the miracle in his _Hayawan_, IV, 154.

[532] GRAF, I, 95.

[533] _Qisas_, 228.

[534] GRAF, I, 116-118.

[535] _Qisas_, 231.

[536] MS 61 Gayangos Coll., fols. 72-80.

[537] GRAF, I, 87-92.

[538] GRAF, I, 113 and 116.

[539] _Qisas_, 215-216.

[540] _Qisas_, 217.

[541] Guidi, _Sette Dormienti_.

[542] He merely mentions the legend of the Rabbi Joni as somewhat similar to the story of the monk Felix. GRAF, I, 180, note 31.

[543] _Loc. cit._ 444.

[544] _De gloria martyrum_, ch. 95.

[545] Cf. TIXERONT, II, 199.

[546] GRAF, I, 241-260, _Il riposo dei dannati_.

[547] _Supra_, p. 185.

[548] GRAF, I, 250-251.

[549] See _Sudur_, 76 and 128.

[550] Cf. _Ihia_, IV, 352, and _Ithaf_, X, 366.

[551] Cf. _Tadhkira_, 35.

[552] _Supra_, pp. 181 and 209.

[553] _Sudur_, 97.

[554] _Sudur_, 110.

[555] GRAF, I, 251.

[556] _Sudur_, 111 and 116.

[557] _Sudur_, 111 and 112.

[558] GRAF, I, 255-257.

[559] _Sudur_, 126-131.

[560] In _Miti_, II, 103-108.

[561] In _Romania_, year 1891, p. 41 _et seq._

[562] Cf. GRAF, II, 104-5.

[563] The Zoroastrian origin of all the legends of this group is evident. Cf. CHANTEPIE, _Hist. des religions_, 473.

[564] See _supra_, Ch. V.

[565] _Minhaj_, 19.

[566] _Sudur_, 49.

[567] _Sudur_, 34.

[568] _Ibid._

[569] _Ibid._

[570] _Sudur_, 31-32.

[571] _Sudur_, 28.

[572] _Sudur_, 31.

[573] _Sudur_, 32.

[574] _Sudur_, 33.

[575] Koran, XVII, 73; LXXXIII, 8-9; 19-20; LXXXIV, 7-10.

[576] _Kharida_, 180.

[577] It is noteworthy that the feature of the two books of record does not appear in the legendary lore of the West until the time of Bede, or eighth century of our era. GRAF, unmindful of the Koranic precedents, considers that the myth was evolved from the Gospel metaphor of the “liber vitae,” to which, by way of contrast, was added a book of sins.

[578] _Sudur_, 34.

[579] _Sudur_, 49.

[580] _Sudur_, 50.

[581] _Sudur_, 23-24.

[582] _Corra_, 29-30. The influence on the Christian legends of this _hadith_, which must have been widely known in the first two centuries of the Hegira, can hardly be denied; for, although unauthorised by either Christian or Zoroastrian doctrine, the scene reappears in _Muspilli_ described in the same terms.

[583] _Sudur_, 22 and 23.

[584] Islamic precedents exist also for other subjects dealt with in the Christian legendary cycle and discussed by Batiouchkof (_op. cit._). Cf. _Sudur_, 24, 25, and 136.

[585] Needless to say, the themes of the Christian legendary lore have not been exhausted in the above survey. D’ANCONA (83-95) and GRAF (I, 256-7) quote legends belonging to the political and comic or burlesque cycles. The Moslem counterparts of the former may be found in _Sudur_, 30, 31, and 121; and of the latter, in _Tadhkira_, 80, and _Sudur_, 118, 120, and 123.

[586] The author has dealt with the problem here presented on the lines laid down by his master RIBERA, who in his book, _Orígenes del Justicia de Aragón_ (lectures 5 and 6) has systematised the laws governing imitation.

[587] Cf. BABELON, _Du Commerce des Arabes dans le nord de l’Europe avant les croisades_, pp. 33-47, and _passim_.

[588] BREHIER, _L’église et l’orient au moyen âge_, pp. 20-50.

[589] _Ibid._ pp. 89-100; 354.

[590] _Ibid._ p. 211.

[591] DOZY, _Recherches_, II, 271. Cf. AMARI, _Storia dei musulmani di Sicilia_, III, part 2, 365, 445 _et seq._ SCHIAPARELLI, _Ibn Giobeir_, 322 and 332.

[592] AMARI, III, 2, pp. 589-711; 888-890.

[593] SIMONET, _Hist. mozárabes_, pp. 216-219, 252, 273, 292, 346, 368, 384, 690. Throughout the tenth century Arabicised monks and soldiers flocked to Leon, where their superior culture secured them high office at the court and in the ecclesiastical and civil administration of the kingdom. Cf. GOMEZ MORENO, _Iglesias mozárabes_ (Madrid, 1917, Centro de Estudios Históricos), pp. 105-140.

[594] RIBERA, _Discurso Acad. Hist._, pp. 40-45.

[595] RIBERA, _Disc._, 46, Note 1.

[596] RIBERA, _Orígenes Justicia_, 19-84. FERNÁNDEZ Y GONZÁLEZ, _Mudéjares_, 224, _et passim_.

[597] JOURDAIN, _Recherches sur les anciennes traductions latines d’Aristote_, pp. 95-149.

[598] JOURDAIN, pp. 149-151. FERNÁNDEZ Y GONZÁLEZ, 154-159. AMADOR DE LOS RÍOS, _Hist. crít. de la liter. esp._, III, ch. 9-12.

[599] AL-MAKKARI, _Analectes_, II, 510. Cf. _Ihata_, II, fol. 153 vᵒ.

[600] _Ihata_, III, fol. 85.

[601] AMADOR DE LOS RÍOS, III, 496. BALLESTEROS, _Sevilla en el siglo_ XIII, docs. Nos. 67 and 109. LA FUENTE, _Hist. de las Universidades_, I, 127-130.

[602] BLOCHET in his _Sources orientales de la Divine Comédie_, omits or disregards the nearest and most constant channels of communication between Eastern and Western culture. To him the main channels are the trade routes from Persia to the North-East of Europe via Byzance; the intellectual relations between Ireland and Italy, and Italy and Byzance; and, finally, the Crusades. Moslem Spain is hardly once mentioned as a means of communication. This appears to be due to the fact that, in Blochet’s opinion, the pre-Dante legends (such as the Voyage of St. Brandan, the Visions of St. Paul, St. Patrick, Hincmar, Charles the Bald, and Tundal, and the Tale of the Three Monks of the East) are derived rather from the Persian ascension of Ardâ Virâf than from Arabic and Islamic sources. He admits, indeed, that the _Miraj_ may also have influenced these legends, but only as transmitted by the Crusaders from the East. The vast majority, however, of Islamic elements in the precursory legends have been shown to be derived from _hadiths_ of the future life and only very few from the _Miraj_. Still less can there be any question of direct relation between the precursors and the Persian legend. Blochet, moreover, contents himself with pointing out analogies between the precursory legends and the Eastern sources, but hardly ever furnishes documentary evidence; though, even if he did so, it would still be more natural to account for the resemblance as due to the effect of Islamic religious literature, rather than any direct contact with Persia. JOURDAIN (_Recherches_, 208 _et seq._) long ago pointed out how insignificant was the influence of Byzance and the Crusades on the transmission of science and philosophy to Western Christendom, compared with that of the Hispano-Arabic centre.

[603] The early Moslems, who were Arabs by race and, like the Prophet, illiterate, felt the same aversion for writing as did Mahomet; and at first it was thought unlawful to record the _hadiths_ in writing.

[604] Cf. _Supra_, pp. 79-81.

[605] SIMONET, 377, notes 2 and 3. Cf. _Indic. lum. in España Sagrada_, XI, 249.

[606] EULOGIUS, _Apologeticus_, fol. 80 vᵒ.

[607] JOURDAIN, _Recherches_, 100-103. Cf. WÜSTENFELD, _Die Übersetzungen arabischer Werke_, 44-50.

[608] AMADOR DE LOS RÍOS, _Hist. crít. de la liter. esp._, III, 415 _et seq._, mentions a Castilian version of 1256. The text here used is the Latin text from ERPENIUS, _Historia saracenica_.

[609] It should be remembered that Alphonso the Wise had ordered the Koran to be translated. Another translation was made in the 13th century by a canon of Toledo, named Marco. Cf. JOURDAIN, _Recherches_, 149.

[610] See the _Primera Crónica General_ of Alphonso the Wise, pp. 270-272, chapters 488 and 489, entitled “De como Mahomat dixo que fallara a Abrahan et a Moysen et a Ihesu en Iherusalem” and “De como Mahomat dixo que subira fasta los syete cielos.”

[611] Recently published under the title “El Obispo de Jaén sobre la seta Mahometana,” by Fr. PEDRO ARMENGOL in vol. IV of the _Obras de San Pedro Pasqual_ (Rome, 1908). The Catalan Dominican RAYMOND MARTIN also mentions the _Miraj_ in his _Explanatio simboli apostolorum_, written in 1256-1257. Cf. Edit. MARCH, p. 41: “... non sicut Machometus qui jactavit se ad celos ascendisse, sed de nocte et nullo vidente.”

[612] Cf. AMADOR DE LOS RÍOS, _Hist. crít. de la liter. esp._, IV, 75-85.

[613] Cf. ARMENGOL, IV, 3, 4, 28, 29, 37, 41, 49, 143, etc.

[614] Cf. ARMENGOL, IV, 28, 53, 55, 66, 143. Incidentally it is also mentioned in the _Tratado contra el fatalismo musulman_ (III, 54-91) on pp. 55, 72, and 83.

[615] Cf. ARMENGOL, IV, 90-138.

[616] How close these ties were is shown by the mere fact that shortly after the reconquest of Seville Italian nobles and merchants occupied whole streets and quarters of their own. Cf. BALLESTEROS, _Sevilla_, ch. III, _Los extranjeros_, 42-46.

[617] Cf. ROSSI, I, 118 and 138.

[618] SCARTAZZINI in his comment on _Inf._, XV, 23-54, gives a bibliography of the person and works of Brunetto Latini. The work here consulted is SUNDBY, _Della vita e delle opere di Brunetto Latini_.

[619] _Inf._, XV, 58 and 60; 79-87; 119-120.

[620] Cf. SCARTAZZINI, _loc. cit._, _Inf._, XV, 32.

[621] Cf. VOSSLER, II, 118-120; D’ANCONA, 101, note 1.

[622] SUNDBY, 29-41.

[623] Cf. SUNDBY, 86-88, and CARRA DE VAUX, _Avicenne_, 177-180, and note the classifications given by Avicenna in his _Rasail_, 2-3 and 71-80.

[624] SUNDBY, 136, and _passim_, acknowledges that he does not know the origin of some passages; on p. 111 he admits that Brunetto availed himself of Arabic texts of the physician Ishaq ibn Hunayn. D’ANCONA (_Il Tesoro di B.L. versificato_) points out the Arabic origin of some episodes of the story of Alexander the Great as told in the _Tesoro_ (cf., p. 141). The very title of _Tesoro_ is reminiscent of Arabic literature. BROCKELMANN quotes over sixty works bearing that title, some far earlier than the thirteenth century, when the fashion spread to Christian Europe.

[625] Cf. D’ANCONA (_Tesoro_, 176-227).

[626] SUNDBY, 6-10. Brunetto mentions the date of his mission in the first verses of his _Tesoretto_ (1-25).

[627] AMADOR DE LOS RÍOS, IV, 17-23.

[628] Apart from the legend of the _Miraj_, Brunetto may have obtained philosophical and theological information in Spain about the eschatology of Ibn Arabi, whose _Ishraqi_ and mystical school of thought lived on in the works and teaching of other Murcian Sufis.

[629] A knowledge of Islamic lore may have been transmitted to Dante by a learned Rabbi, such as Emmanuel Ben Salomo, of the Zifroni family, a poet and philosopher of Rome and a friend of Dante; or Hillel of Verona. [The importance in this connection of the Italian Rabbis, who were perhaps better informed of the Moslem sources than the Christians of Dante’s time, has lately been pointed out by BECK, in _Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie_ (Berlin, 1921, vol. XLI, p. 472) and VAN TIEGHEM, in _Revue de Littérature Comparée_ (Paris, April/June, 1922, p. 324). Other critics of the thesis have suggested further likely channels of communication. Thus, CABATON, in _Revue de l’Histoire des Religions_ (Paris, 1920, p. 19) recalls the fact that Dante’s friend, the poet Guido Cavalcanti, had visited Spain on a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela. NALLINO, in _Rivista degli Studi Orientali_ (Rome, 1921, vol. VIII, 4, p. 808), mentions the following as likely means of contact between Dante and Islam: The captive Moslems of all ranks of society living in Tuscany, and particularly at Pisa; or, the Italian troubadours who flocked to the Court of Alphonso the Wise; or, again, the innumerable Italian traders who came and went between Italy and Spain and the Moslem ports of Africa and the East. He adds: “If the Pisan merchant Leonardo Fibonacci could acquire in the Aduanas of the Moslem ports the knowledge of Algebra that he introduced into Europe early in the 13th century; and if other, nameless, travellers could be the bearers of the popular Oriental tales that later passed into Italian literature; is it unlikely that among other fantastic tales the legendary story of Mahomet should be thus transmitted, a story that was in perfect keeping with the mentality of the people in mediæval Europe?” Finally, the critic GABRIELI, on pp. 55-61 of his pamphlet, “Intorno alle fonti orientali della Divina Commedia,” in _Arcadia_, III (Rome, 1919), though generally adverse to the theory, makes two interesting suggestions. As possible means of transmission he names the Spanish Franciscan Lull and the Florentine Dominican Ricoldo de Monte Croce. Lull, who had a vast knowledge of Islamic culture and knew and imitated the doctrines of Ibn Arabi, repeatedly visited Italy between 1287 and 1296, residing two whole years in Rome as well as in Genoa, Pisa, and Naples. Even more likely appears the intervention of Ricoldo, who lived in the East from 1288 to 1301, preaching the Gospel in Syria, Persia and Turkestan, whence he returned to the Monastery of Santa Maria Novella at Florence and there died in 1320, at the age of 74. In Chapter XIV of his famous work _Contra legem sarracenorum_, or _Improbatio Alchorani_, he treats of the legend of the _Miraj_. Dante is known to have had dealings with the Dominican friars of Santa Maria Novella; indeed, it appears that during his youth he attended their cloister schools, where letters and sciences were also taught to laymen.—_Note added since the publication of the Spanish original._]

[630] OZANAM, 437, 467.

[631] D’ANCONA, 108, 113.

[632] Cf. _Rassegna dantesca_, in “Giorn. stor. della letter. italiana” (1914, Nos. 2-3), pp. 385, 390.

[633] That the lyrical and epic poetry of the then rising Christian literatures were also influenced by Hispano-Moslem models has been shown by my master RIBERA in his _Discursos de ingreso en las Academias Española y de la Historia_ (Madrid, 1912 and 1915). He has also traced the connection between Hispano-Moslem music and that of the French troubadours, in _La música de las Cantigas_ (Madrid, 1922) and _La música andaluza medieval en las canciones de trovadores y troveros_ (Madrid, 1923). How profound and extensive the influence of Arabic poetry was has also been shown by S. SINGER, in _Arabische und Europäische Poesie im Mittelalter_ (Berlin, 1918), and by BURDACH, in _Ueber den Ursprung des Mittelalterlichen Minnesangs_ (Berlin, 1918); these authors give the Arabic sources of poems such as _Floire et Blanchefleur_, _Aucassin et Nicolette_, and legends such as that of the Grail, Parsifal, and Tristan.—_Note added._

[634] Typical of the vogue for Arabic is the following text, taken from the _Liber Adelardi Batensis de quibusdam naturalibus questionibus_ (MS. Bibl. Escur., III, o, 2, fol. 74). Adelard of Bath was one of the learned Englishmen who worked at the Toledan School of Translators. The text is from the prologue and is addressed to a nephew.

“Meministi, nepos, quod, septennio iam transacto, cum te in gallicis studiis pene puerum iuxta Laudisdunum una cum ceteris auditoribus in eis dimiserim, id iter nos convenisse _ut arabum studia ego pro posse meo scrutarer_.... Quod utrum recte expleverim re ipsa probari potest. Hac precipue oportunitate quod _cum sarracenorum sentencias te sepe exponentem auditor tantum noverim earumque non pauce satis utiles mihi videantur_, pacienciam meam paulisper abrumpam, teque edisserente, ego siccubi mihi videbitur obviabo. _Quippe et illos impudice extollis et nostros detractionis modo inscitia invidiose arguis...._”

[635] _Opus majus_ (Edit. Jebe, 1733), p. 246:

“Latini nihil quod valet habent nisi ab aliis linguis....” _Ibid._ p. 476. “Et iam ex istis scientiis tribus patet mirabilis utilitas ... contra inimicos fidei destruendos.”

[636] In so delicate a matter as the question of the union of the active intellect with man, he declares (_Opera omnia_, III, 3, _De Anima_, 166):

“Nos autem dissentimus in paucis ab Averroe....” “His duobus
suppositis, accipimus alia duo ab Alfarabio....” “In causa
autem quam inducemus et modo, _convenimus_ in toto cum Averroe
et Avempace, in parte cum Alfarabio.”

and he rejects the opinion of the Latin scholars (_Ibid._ p. 143), “Sed isti, absque dubio, numquam bene intentionem Aristotelis intellexerunt.”

[637] Cf. BLANQUERNA, II, 105, 134, 158-160 in RIBERA, _Lulio_, II, 193-197.

[638] IBN HAZM, _Fasl_, I, 72:

“... the countries in which there are none of the arts and sciences mentioned (i.e., medicine, astronomy and the mechanical arts), such as the countries of the Sudan and of the Slavs and among the majority of peoples, both nomad and settled....”

SAID, _Tabaqat_, 8:

“The other peoples (apart from the Chinese and Turks) that do not cultivate the sciences, resemble rather beasts than men; as regards those that live in the lands of the far North, bordering on the uninhabited part of the globe, the prolonged absence of the sun renders the air cold and the atmosphere in which they live less clear; accordingly they are men of a cold temperament and never reach maturity; they are of great stature and of a white colour, with long and lank hair. But they lack all sharpness of wit and penetration of intellect, and among them predominate ignorance and stupidity, mental blindness, and barbarism. Such are the Slavs, Bulgars and neighbouring peoples. (_Ibid._ 9) As to the Galicians and Berbers, they are ignorant, rebellious and hostile people.”

It should be borne in mind that by “Galicians” are meant the Christian inhabitants of the North-East of Spain and Portugal, and by “Slavs” and “Bulgars” all the peoples of the North and East of Europe.

[639] The different opinions and bibliography on this point may be found in SCARTAZZINI (_Inf._ VII, 1; XXXI, 67).

[640] _De vulgari eloquio_, I, ch. VI.

[641] _Inf._, IV, 143, 144.

[642] _Inf._, XXVIII, 22-63.

[643] See D’ANCONA (_Tesoro_, 186-277).

[644] Cf. FRANCESO DE BUTI’S commentary of the fourteenth century (in D’ANCONA, _Tesoro_, 268):

“Ali, secondo ch’io truovo, fu discepolo di Maometto: ma per quel ch’io credo, elli fu quel cherico che l’ammaestrò, lo quale elli chiama Ali forse perchè in quella lingua così si chiama il maestro: ... Di queste istorie m’abbi scusato tu, lettore, chè non se ne può trovare verità certa.”

St. Peter Paschal, on the other hand, to whom Arabic sources were available, knew about Ali and his death (Cf. ARMENGOL, IV, 10 and 61).

[645] _Inf._, XXVIII, 32-33.

[646] _Tarikh al-Khamis_, II, 312-314. _Isaba_, IV, 270. _Al-Fakhri_, 90.

[647] _Convito_, II, 14, 15; III, 2, 14; IV, 13, 21. _De Monarchia_, I, 4.

[648] Cf. ASÍN, _El Averroismo teológico de Santo Tomás de Aquino_, 299-306.

[649] _Sigieri di Brabante nella Div. Com. e le fonte della fil. di Dante_ (_Rivista di fil. neoscolastica_, 1911-12). Cf. BRUNO NARDI, _Intorno al tomismo di Dante e alla questione di Sigieri_ (_Giornale Dantesco_, XXII, 5).

[650] Cf. ASÍN, _Abenmasarra_, 120, 121.

[651] _Futuhat_, I, 64-117.

[652] _Vita Nuova_, § XII.

[653] SUYUTI, _Al-Laali_, I, 15-17.

[654] _Futuhat_, II, 429.

[655] _Futuhat_, II, 895.

[656] _Par._ I, 1; XXXIII, 145. See NARDI, _Sigieri_, 39-41, and compare with _Futuhat_, _loc. cit._

[657] Nicholson has translated the former into English under the title of _Tarjuman al’Ashwâq_ (London, 1911). An edition of the latter, referred to hereunder as _Dakhair_, appeared at Beyrout in 1894.

[658] _Convito_, II, 13, 16; III, 8, 12.

[659] _Convito_, II, 2.

[660] _Dakhair_, 78, 84, 85.

[661] _Dakhair_, 21.

[662] _Ibid._ 33.

[663] _Ibid._ 44, 45, 49.

[664] VOSSLER, I, 199-236. Cf. ROSSI, _Il dolce stil novo_, 35-97, and ROSSI, _Storia_, I, 85-89 and 112-115.

[665] IBN QOTAIBA, _Liber poësis et poëtarum_, 260-4, 394-9.

[666] Cf. ASÍN, _Abenmasarra_, 13-16, and _Logia et agrapha D. Jesu_, 8.

[667] _Muhadara_, II, 205.

[668] Cf. IBN HAZM, _Tawq al-Hamama_; and ASÍN, _Caracteres_.

[669] Cf. _supra_, pp. 131-134.

[670] _Futuhat_, II, 426-481. The Arabic, and more particularly Averrhoist, origin of the psychology of Cavalcanti had suggested itself to Salvadori and Vossler. Cf. ROSSI, _Il dolce stil novo_, 94, note 66.

[671] _Futuhat_, II, 431.

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