Chapter XI: The History of the Empire Continued (2)

Commodore Perry left the President’s letter on July 8, 1863, for the consideration of the Japanese government. He returned in February, 1854, when the Japanese government returned for answer that they had decided to accede to the propositions of the President, and appointed five commissioners to treat with Perry. The treaty was signed at Yokohama, and ratifications were exchanged in February, 1855. Although the treaty was signed and the negotiations brought to a successful termination, this was not accomplished without difficulty and even danger, as, according to native accounts, a large force was collected on the hills overlooking Yokohama, under the command of different Daimios. These forces occupied about fifteen miles of ground between Fusisawa and Kawasaki to the number of a million of men (but numbers are indefinite in the East). They seem to have suffered a good deal from sickness while lying there, and were afterward the subjects of many jokes and caricatures. It was arranged that if any serious hitch took place, or any appearance of force was exhibited on the part of the Americans, a large bell was to sound, and other bells were to take up the signal, and a general combined attack was to be made. Idzu no Daikang volunteered to kill Perry with his own hand, so deeply does personal feeling enter into national questions in Japan; but this he was ordered not to attempt.

In 1854, during the Crimean war, Sir James Stirling, then admiral on the China station, with H.M.S. “Winchester” and a squadron, anchored in Nagasaki with the object of concluding a treaty with Japan. The last article of the treaty was to the effect that “no high officer coming after to Japan should ever have power to alter this treaty.” For this treaty the admiral received the thanks of the nation through the House of Commons. It may by some be thought a mistake not to have stood upon the old treaty given to England by Iyeyas in the seventeenth century, which would have been considered more binding upon the government and upon the empire than a treaty made when the position of the Shiogoon was once more being questioned.

These treaties were a step forward, but had this step not been followed up they would soon have become inoperative.

Mr. Townsend Harris was appointed consul for America at Simoda, and arrived there in 1856; and being in constant intercourse with the Japanese authorities, he concluded a convention by which further advantages were gained by the Americans. The Japanese government thought that if the further concessions brought no more trouble than what had resulted from the little opening already made, they might, without much danger, open the sluices a little more; and in 1858, Mr. Harris, after much negotiation, arranged the articles of a commercial treaty (based upon the treaties with China), which was signed by him and the Japanese commissioners upon July 29, 1858. After this was settled, Holland, Britain, Russia, and France concluded similar treaties.

The sound of the trumpets which had been blown to herald the approach of the American squadron to the shores of Japan had reached those shores long before the vessels themselves. The government was informed through the Dutch of the coming mission. The American government does not seem to have intended anything further than ostentatious display in the number and size of the vessels sent. They did not propose to follow up a refusal to open their doors, on the part of the Japanese, by any warlike operations. But the Japanese government does not appear to have been aware of this, and at the time they may have felt some doubts as to whether their late treatment of foreigners did not call for some display of power on the part of European nations. Commodore Biddle had been grossly insulted on board a vessel of war. The crew of one vessel had been very unkindly treated, and, according to native report, more than one vessel had recently been wrecked on the coasts of Japan, and the crews treated with severity until they died out. Until the squadron should arrive, the Japanese could take little or no action. But they waited with much anxiety the arrival of the expedition. It was considered as a most important event, fraught with much either of good or evil to the country--which was it to be?

There is a pamphlet, published in Yedo, which professes to give some account of the doings in Japan at this time, and which is interesting as showing the internal state of Japan at this most critical time in her history, and the feelings with which the proposed opening of the country was viewed by different political parties. The views of the Emperor are set forth; the daring acts of the Regent in support of his own position; the intrigues set on foot against him, ending in his assassination, and the subsequent train of events which followed thereon, and which have led to the overthrow of the Shiogoon’s position and the restoration of the Emperor to the power originally held in the imperial hands. The letters may appear to be tedious, but they show the working of the government more clearly perhaps than a simple description would do. The country was threatened with internal disturbance, and there were two parties divided upon the point of a successor to the Shiogoon, who was weakly in mind and body--worn out and epileptic. As leader of the one party was Ee Kamong no kami, the head of the Fudai Daimios, and having a certain right to be appointed Regent in case of necessity. He seems to have been a clever, bold man, to Western ideas unscrupulous in the means by which he attained his ends. At the head of the other party was Mito, one of the “three families,” hereditary vice-Shiogoon in Yedo, and connected by marriage with the families of the Emperor and the highest Koongays in Miako, and with the wealthiest Daimios--a shrewd, clever, scheming old man. What follows must be considered a mere imperfect sketch of what the pamphlet contains.

The name of the pamphlet is a play upon the name Mito, meaning Water-door--Midzu Kara Kori. “Water machines make,” or “A machine made at Mito.” The Regent (whose name, Ee, means “a well”) wished to take out, as with a bucket, the water in the well and divide it--_i.e._, to break down the power of Mito.

The pamphlet commences by stating by way of “contents” that the Regent sent Manabay Simosa no kami to Miako to seize Takatskasa, the highest officer of the empire, the Kwanbakku and his son Daifu dono, and Awata, a young relative of the Emperor, and at the time the head of the Buddhists--and that these high officers were all put into confinement, and that all this trouble had its origin at Mito. The source of the Tokungawa--_i.e._, the line of Iyeyas, or the government by the family of Iyeyas--is very clear, but this work will show how Mito tried to make it impure. The book was published in the spring of 1860. The name of the author is “Every one drunk.”

The anticipated arrival of the United States squadron was agitating the rulers of Japan, and parties were divided as to the reception which should be given it. There was probably some political source of discord besides this, connected more or less with the office of Shiogoon, which had fallen into the hands of an epileptic imbecile. It would appear that in 1854 letters were sent to all the Daimios and Ometskis, requiring them to give their opinions as to the reception which should be given to the squadron, and whether the Americans should be repelled by force, or whether a trial should be made of a limited intercourse with foreigners, under the impression that if it was not found to work satisfactorily the ports might again be closed, and the country might return to its old state of seclusion. The answers sent showed that they were divided into a large majority for repelling them, by force of arms if necessary, and a small minority who were for admitting foreigners to trade. All agreed that it was a question of peace or war, but many thought that whether it was to be the one or the other, no answer should be sent until time was obtained to put the shores and batteries into a state of defense. At present, they alleged, the coasts were weak and defenseless, and “if Japan does not conquer it will be a great disgrace, and the country will be defiled. But, high and low, all must be unanimous.” In the first place, it must be ascertained how many men each Daimio can muster, and the strength of each in guns, ammunition, etc. In 1854, in the tenth month, the Ometskis sent letters to all the Daimios to obtain information on this head.

In 1855, in the 9th month, the Shiogoon sent a commission to Mito, ordering him to put all the coasts of the country into a defensible condition. The care of the forts along the shore was to be committed to Mito. The forts and guns were to be examined. The Shiogoon wrote--“You have hitherto come to me three times every month, now I wish you to report to me every second day what is doing.”

From published documents, it appears by the Emperor’s own letter, 22d day of the 2d month, 1858, in corroboration of what is stated in the pamphlet quoted, “that this matter was discussed before him by the Kwanbakku (Koozio dono), the Taiko, or previous Kwanbakku (Takatskasa),[9] and the Tenso. It appears that the old Taiko pleaded as an excuse that he was unwell, but as the Mikado sent several times to command his attendance, he was obliged to come. At the conference the Taiko expressed an opinion contrary to that of the others, which had been given in favor of the course advocated by the Shiogoon. The Mikado was very angry” (with these others), “and it was with difficulty the Kwanbakku succeeded in pacifying him. On the 23d a document bearing the refusal of the Mikado to the treaty was written out. Then three officers went to the residence of Hotta, the Shiogoon’s first Minister of Foreign Affairs and Envoy to Miako, to obtain the Mikado’s consent to the American treaty, and informed him of the document hereunder. The messengers sent by (to?) the Mikado were afflicted, and shed tears because they did not succeed.”

The Mikado wrote to the Shiogoon: “23d, 2d mo., 1858.--It is difficult for us to grant you the approval you ask” (to the treaties). “For the honor of the name of the first Mikado it is impossible to agree to it.

“It is our duty to take care to tranquilize the minds of our people.

“The Shiogoon should gather every one’s opinion, from the three great houses to the humblest subject, and give me the result in writing.

“If it is necessary to ... conclude these treaties” (_i.e._, if it is impossible to go back from what has been done), “exception must be made of the country in the neighborhood of my imperial city, as we have already directed in our letter, 24th of the 12th month. [The opening of] Hiogo in Sitsu must be excepted if possible.

“The Mikado often considers that he is not safe in his palace at Miako, and he directs the Shiogoon to appoint some powerful Daimios to protect the imperial palace.

“You have thought it well to open the ports to foreigners, but you did not think that foreigners would entangle you with difficulties.

“We would know your opinion in this respect.”

This was evidently considered a refusal on the part of the Emperor to accede to the conclusion of a treaty. There is not much appearance of what is by a commentator called “puppetism” in the position of the Emperor when he, standing here almost alone in his council of bribed and intriguing officers, who were all in the pay of the Regent at Yedo, still manfully keeps them all at bay, and, assisted only by his faithful old minister the Taiko, whose attendance he is obliged to command, refuses to accede to the course of expediency pressed upon him by such meanness. He not only refuses, but he warns them from his lofty position of the pit which he foresees they are digging for themselves. The Taiko, probably for his conduct and words at this meeting, was put by the Regent in confinement in his own house, and was only released after the fall of this minister.

Then follows a document, a “Circular from the Shiogoon, the 6th month of 1858, by Kooze yamato no kami.

“The Mikado having been consulted by the Shiogoon’s government about the making of treaties with foreigners, he answered that the conclusion of that matter would distress him very much.

“Thereupon the Shiogoon requested all to send their written opinion upon the subject. Only a short time was required to gather every one’s opinion; but, in the meantime, some Russian and American men-of-war came here, bringing the news that in a short time English and French men-of-war would arrive here; that these two nations had fought and won many battles in China; that they would come here in the same warlike spirit, and it would be difficult for us to negotiate with them. The American embassador offered to us, that if we would make a temporary treaty with him, as soon as we should have signed and given him that treaty he would act as mediator between us and the French and English, and could save us from all difficulties.

“It was impossible for us to comply with this without consultation with the Mikado. However, Inoe Sinano no kami, fearing the immediate assault (or breaking out of a war), the results of which might be the same as in China, signed themselves, as men authorized to sign [this expression is somewhat suspicious], the American treaty at Kanagawa, which treaty was given up to the American embassador.

“Necessity compelled the Japanese to do this.

“The Mikado, on hearing of this, was much troubled, but to reassure him we told him we would fortify our shores.”

Then further follows a document written by several of the Koongays in Miako:

“At this time there are great changes taking place in our holy country in respect to foreigners. However, it is not for us ignorant people to judge, and for that reason we lately wrote twice to the Mikado. We hoped that he would consider the subject.

“We write to him once more. Since the time of Tensio dai jin the country has been to the present time sublime and flourishing; but friendship with foreigners will be a stain upon it, and an insult to the first Mikado (Zinmu). It will be an everlasting shame for the country to be afraid of those foreigners, and for us to bear patiently their arbitrary and rough manners; and the time will come when we shall be subservient to them. This is the fault of the dynasty of the Shiogoon. It is reported that the Shiogoon has sent to Miako to consult the Mikado about the treaties, but it is impossible to believe it. Hotta will return to Yedo and say that the Mikado has consented to give him a secret authorization, and he will thus induce the other Daimios to follow the party of the Shiogoon. The Shiogoon thus disturbs peace. If foreigners come to our country they will loudly proclaim the mutual benefits that trade will produce, but at home they will think only of vile profit; and when we shall refuse to comply with all their wishes, they will threaten us with their artillery and men-of-war. They intend to take Japan, and to effect this will resort to any kind of deep scheme in their negotiations. It is earnestly wished that the Mikado order that the Daimios from the ‘three families’ to the lowest give their vote upon the subject.” The Daimios gave their vote, and they were generally in favor of exclusion of foreign nations, and of adhering to their old way.

In 1857, on the 28th day of the 12th month, Hino came to Yedo from Miako, as bearer of a letter from the Emperor addressed to the Shiogoon.

“Your duty is to act as Shiogoon; and yet you, being Se i dai Shiogoon [barbarian-quelling commander-in-chief], are unable to perform your duties. You ought to know what the duties of that office are, and yet our foreign enemies (eeteki) you are unable to punish. You have many high officers with you, and this matter is one of the utmost importance; therefore I wish you to come as soon as you can to Miako. If you are unable to come on account of the business of the empire, then you must dispatch some able and experienced officers, that I may hear myself what is doing. At the present moment all Daimio, Shomio and Shonin (people) are in perplexity. Why is this? It is because the business of the Shiogoon office does not go straight. On this account I have every day great trouble, and therefore I have commanded Koojio Kwanbakku to send Hino, and to communicate orally with you.”

(This letter is supposed by some not to have been written by the Emperor, but to have been a forgery by the Koku shiu and higher Daimios.)

Mito, in 1855, had been very active and serviceable in telling the other Daimios that it was all very well to talk of fighting, but that they must first know what means they had. He had been appointed to look after the defenses of the empire. It may be presumed that the more powerful of the opposite party were annoyed with his obtaining this appointment, and with showing them their weaknesses, and had cabaled against him under the headship of Ee Kamong no kami.

On the 29th day of the 12th month of 1857, the letter was given by Hino to the Shiogoon; and the same night a meeting of all Daimios was held in the Siro jo in, a large hall in the castle of Yedo. The deliberations were not over till two o’clock in the morning of the 30th.

In 1858, on the 23d day of the 4th month, Ee Kamong no kami was appointed Regent (Gotairo). He was a Sho sho or major-general, and had been brought up while a boy as a Buddhist priest. Probably by this time the Shiogoon was become quite imbecile, and it became necessary to appoint a regent. Ee, being of an age and capacity fit for the situation, had the first claim. He seems to have all along taken a course opposed to Mito, probably arising out of attempts to obtain this office; and as Mito was strenuously opposed to the admission of foreigners, Ee took the opposite side, and declared for the new state of things.

On the 6th day of the 7th month a communication was made to Owarri, the first of the “three families,” to the effect that “the Shiogoon regrets to have to notice the conduct of Owarri, and that he cannot longer hold friendly communication with him. It is the will of the Shiogoon that Owarri in future shall confine himself to his house at Toyama in Yedo, and abstain from official business, and that he shall not speak to any one. That, further, all his territories shall be confiscated, and they are handed over to his relative, Matzdaira Setsu no kami,” who was then a child.

To Mito a somewhat similar communication was made, and ordering him to confine himself in his house at Koma (ngome near Oji).

These commands, dictated by the Regent, were forthwith carried into execution. The smaller Ometski were appointed to see that such sentences were carried out. One result was that a great number of the poorer retainers of these chiefs were thrown on the country as “floating men,” or Ronins, with their two swords to gain themselves a livelihood.

To Hongo Tango no kami, member of the Wakatoshi yori, a similar letter was sent, and he was deprived of the half of his territory and confined to his house.

In addition to these, Ishikawa Tosa no kami was fined the half of his territory, and a doctor to the Shiogoon, Hoka Riki, was turned out of his office and all his property taken from him. But his son was presented with 250 piculs of rice per annum, as he had shown himself on the side of the Regent.

(There is no mention in this work of similar treatment being shown to the great lords, Satsuma, Tosa and Etsizen.)

On the 8th day of the 8th month, the name of Harutaka, son of Kii dainagoon, was changed to Iyay mutchi. This is the boy whom the Regent and his party had put into the place of power, the Shiogoon having been dead for some time. It was given out that he was unwell, and the Regent had been taking means to strengthen his position against Mito. Mito claimed the place for his own son, who had been adopted by Stotsbashi, who was the third son of the ninth Shiogoon. The youth who succeeded was the nearest heir, according to European ideas; and Mito’s claim had the defect, that if adoption carried the full consequences which he wished it should, it militated against himself.

The 9th day of the 9th month was the day chosen for the nominal death of the Shiogoon. Ee Kamong no kami was much with the late Shiogoon before his death, and gave out that he had ordered him to act as Regent during the young man’s minority.

Manabay Simosa no kami, one of the Cabinet, was sent by the Regent to carry out his schemes in Miako. He returned in the 12th month, and a few days after his return abdicated his honors and his territory.

Hotta, who had acted as envoy from the Regent to Miako, was degraded. On the 26th day of the 11th month, the two highest officers, Koo jio dono the Kwanbakku, and Ni jio dono Nai dai jin, came to Yedo as envoys from the Emperor.

On the 1st day of the 12th month the title of “Se i dai Shiogoon” was conferred on Se i sho sama Iyaymutchi by the Emperor, by the hands of two chokushi or envoys. The Empress also sent an envoy to the Shiogoon to compliment him upon his obtaining the title, and perhaps also to lay the first proposal as to his marrying the Emperor’s younger sister Kadsumia.

During the 12th month, Manabay went down to Miako with orders to Ishigaya Inaba no kami, one of the governors of Miako, to seize the following persons: Ee kai kitchi, the gentleman in charge of Mito’s house in Miako, and his son; three gentlemen, retainers in the service of the Kwanbakku Takatskasa dono, and the son of one of them, and a teacher of Chinese in Miako; Matzdaira Tanba no kami, a Daimio, related by marriage to Satsuma. His territory was taken from him and given to a child (Matzdaira Toki no skay). This child’s followers were, after the Regent’s death, put in charge of the British Legation at Tozenji; also a retainer of this Daimio and his secretary. These were all seized by order of the Regent, and sent to Yedo for trial before the Jeesha boonyo, the judges in the Hio jo sho.

In the 1st month of the following year--_i.e._, about March, 1859--several of the gentlemen about the court in the service of the members of the imperial family and others of very high rank were arrested. Three of these were retainers of Sanjio dono, of Arisungawa mia, and of Saiwonji dono respectively. Two retainers of the nephew of the Emperor, the Buddhist high-priest and the secretary of the Kwanbakku, were ordered to be sent up to Yedo. Within two months after this, seven high Koongays and four ladies, with seventeen more of the persons about the court, were all sent to Yedo by orders of Ee Kamong no kami.

In 1859, on the 2d day, 2d month, Itakura Suwo no kami, one of the Jeesha boonyo (temple lords acting as judges) was degraded. His crime was, that, being judge in rotation in the Hio jo sho in Yedo when these prisoners were brought before him, he would not bring them in guilty of anything, as he did not fear the Regent, and he had been requested secretly by the Emperor not to gratify him. At the same time Tsuchiya, governor of Osaka, was degraded and removed. He was an illegitimate son of Mito.

In the year 1858, before these strong measures had been taken by the Regent, Mito had written to the Emperor in the 8th month to the following effect: “Your revenue is not large enough, which is the cause of much sorrow to me. Permit me to present you with a few kobangs; and if it is in your power, please give to the Kwanbakku Koozio dono some additional land, and all the Koongays and those about the court who have titles [I give?] 20,000 kobangs among them; and as Hirohashi is very diligent and able, I present him with silver.”

It may be presumed that with the system of espionage so perfected as it is in Japan, the Regent would soon find out that Mito was intriguing at Miako, and probably got a copy of this letter before he gave orders to seize the persons above named, who were all implicated in these intrigues against him.

In the year 1858, in the 8th month, the Shiogoon (or the Regent more truly) sent three Daimios as envoys to Mito, with a letter to the following effect:

“You, Mito, formerly were anxious to assist Japan in her troubles, and your reasons for so doing were very good. But the Shiogoon does not approve of your recent conduct.” (Mito had written to the Emperor, with whom he was connected by marriage, to complain of the boy from the Kii family having been made Shiogoon, on the ground of his being too young for the office, but in reality to get his own son appointed by the Emperor to the place.) “You have spoken to the Emperor too much about the adopted son of Kii. Further, you have sent letters to the Koongays and members of the imperial family to gain them over to your views; and you, a man of rank, have not scrupled to use low men [Ronins] to carry letters to Miako, inveighing against the government of Yedo. From these acts of yours great confusion has arisen. The Emperor has written a letter to the Shiogoon, and low men have been used as the bearers [? to insult the Yedo government]. You have tried to stir up a quarrel between the Emperor and the Kubosama, and have excited discord among the Koongays. It is a most improper thing for you thus to be acting behind our back, and in the dark.” (Mito had sent many letters to the Fudai Daimios and Yakonins to gain them over to the side of Stotsbashi.) “You must suffer a severe punishment. But as it is now the time of Hoji” (_i.e._, the canonization of the late Shiogoon), “we are willing to view your crime with leniency. Your punishment is, that you be henceforth imprisoned in your room [cheekio]. This letter I intrust to the care of your son, to be delivered to you.”

At the same time a letter was sent to Mito’s son and heir, of tenor as follows:

“Your father has been carrying on secret intrigues at Miako. He has sent many of his servants there upon highly important missions. But all his intrigues have been against the Shiogoon secretly, and, as it were, behind his back. The ways of father and son” (_i.e._, the son cannot help what his father does) “are different, but I think you may follow a better way than your father. If you have no better way, you must send guards to keep your father, and prevent his carrying on these intrigues. The crime of putting himself in opposition to the Shiogoon is very great, and merits severe punishment. But you side with your father, and it is natural for you to do so from filial obedience. But for this crime your father must be removed from his position and territory.”

On the 27th day of the 8th month a letter was sent to the principal one of the retainers, the Karo, or minister of Mito. “Your master has been engaged in very dangerous schemes and intrigues, of which you were ignorant.” (Mito had written a letter to say that all the Daimios gave themselves up to trifling and debauchery.) “You were very foolish if you did not know of this business, and you ought on that account to be severely punished. But as Mito, your master, said that this business in which he was engaged was entirely for the good of the empire of Japan, and of the greatest consequence, your punishment shall be mitigated. In future you will take care to look into what your master is doing, and not cause the government of the Shiogoon so much trouble.

“In future, if you do cause trouble, you shall be severely punished.”

It appeared that both parties were trying to gain over the Kwanbakku by bribes--the Regent on the one hand, and Mito on the other. This high officer was perplexed which to side with, but he concealed all from the Emperor.

The Shiogoon commanded a letter to be written to Mito, to inform him that government was aware that many men had come secretly to Yedo from Mito, and warning him of what would be the consequence if any trouble should arise; and at the same time eight Daimios were appointed to guard the approaches to the city.

At this time the Regent was maturing his plans, and having arrested many of the agents of Mito, brought them before the Hio jo sho and judges of Yedo. The personal enmity of the two was working for the opening up of the country to foreign trade.

Many persons, some of whom were connected with the highest officers in Miako and Yedo, were arrested as being engaged with Mito in intrigues. The head retainer of Mito was kept in confinement, and was commanded to kill himself in prison:[10] Eekai, the gentleman in charge of Mito’s house in Miako, with his third son, the head chamberlain of Mito’s establishment, the gentleman in the service of the late Kwanbakku, the Chinese teacher, and a lady about the establishment of Konoyay dono, in Miako, were brought before the judges in the Hio jio sho Hoki no kami, and the two city magistrates, Ishingaya and Ikeda.[11] Of the prisoners, the first three were beheaded.

On the 8th month, 20th day, the following letter was sent to Nakayama Bizen no kami, who was a Hattamoto in the service of government, resident at Mito’s castle to assist him (or to watch him). Officers with the same duties reside at the castles of the other two Sankay, Owarri and Kii:

“Your house is a very honorable one, and you are a man of talent and experience. You ought to attend more correctly to do your duty. Now you have been neglecting your duty, while Mito the elder has been intriguing at Miako against me. You are ignorant of what is going on, and show yourself to be very indolent. This is a harsh mode of speaking, but you are still very young. You are hereby ordered to consider yourself under arrest, and remain a prisoner in your own room.”

Toki, a colonel of the Household Guards, was degraded from his rank, and his territory confiscated.

To the Sakuji boonyo, Iwase, and to the First Lord of the Admiralty, Nangai, it was ordered that their salaries were to be stopped from that date.

The same punishment was inflicted upon Kawadsi, the keeper of the West Castle. To the Kosho, his eldest grandson, it was written:

“Your grandfather has been guilty of opposing the government, and has been degraded and deprived of his territory, and ordered to confine himself to his room. Therefore it is our will that you take possession of his territory, and also of his office.”

It seems to have been the Regent’s policy always to put children in place of those men whom he displaced.

The other keeper of the West Castle was degraded, and deprived both of his territory and office.

To Tayki no skay, commander of the vanguard of the army, son of Oodo, it was written: “Having examined into the offense of your father, I have degraded him; but you are his adopted son, and therefore I give to you his territory and house.”

Of other high officers some were beheaded, while others were ordered not to enter a town (Chu tsui ho); others were imprisoned in their own houses (Oshi kome), or in prison; others were put in irons; others confined to one room for life (ay chikio); others were banished to small islands.

All the above, who were themselves persons of some rank, and connected with the highest in the empire, were brought to the Hio jo sho, in Yedo, and received their sentences from the temple lords sitting there.

To Hongo Tango no kami, at that time in the Lower Cabinet, the Shiogoon wrote:

“Your conduct recently has been very improper. The Shiogoon has heard of this, and you deserve to be severely punished; but I will be lenient, and only deprive you of 5,000 koku of revenue, and degrade you.” (He had been made a Daimio, with 10,000 koku of revenue, by the previous Shiogoon.) To his son the Shiogoon wrote as above, but added: “I will now take the ground I took from your father, reducing him from a Daimio to a Hattamoto. Your father must stay in his house, and retire from public life, and give over his lands and rank to you.”

To Ishikawa Tosa no kami a similar letter was written, depriving him of his honors and territory, which were given to his son.

The head of the Treasury, Sassaki Sinano no kami, was degraded.

Iyo no ske, a gentleman in the service of Mito, was transported to Hatchi jio. His son, being only three years of age, is to be kept till he is fifteen, and then transported also.

Two boys, aged four and two years, sons of Mito’s chamberlain, are to be expelled from towns when they arrive at fifteen years of age.

The Regent, after thus disposing of his enemies, proceeded, in the name of the Shiogoon, to reward his friends.

He wrote to Matzdaira Idzumi no kami, then the head of the Cabinet: “I approve of what you have done, and in testimony I give you twenty-five obangs. [An obang is a large gold coin worth about thirty-five dollars.] You have been very diligent in a most difficult and important business. I am very much satisfied, and will change your territory; and as that you now possess is very poor, I will give you better.” (He also sent him a sword.)

To the temple lord, Matzdaira Hoki no kami, were given a saddle and six dresses.

To the Owo metski Kowongai were given seven obangs and four dresses.

To the street governor of Yedo, Ikeda, were given seven obangs and five dresses.

To the second street governor, Ishi ngaya, ten obangs and five dresses.

To the treasurer, five obangs and three dresses.

These men had acted as the judges in the Hio jo sho, and had awarded the punishments to the accused. Itakura was degraded because he would not act as the tool of the Regent in executing his vengeance.

In a letter to these officers the Shiogoon expresses satisfaction with the diligence shown by them, and on that account rewards them, at the same time rewarding smaller officers who have been similarly engaged, but without specifying them by name.

To Manabay, who had been formerly Prime Minister, and lately much engaged in ferreting out these intrigues for the Regent, the Shiogoon wrote: “You are now not very strong, and it will be perhaps better that you retire from the weight of public duty.”

The Regent and he had a difference as to whether he was right in, or had the power of, punishing these men. The Regent was anxious to get rid of him, but his arguments were strong, and, besides, he was cognizant of all the secrets of the late _coup d’etat_, so that the Regent dared not take a stronger step than simply advise him to withdraw.

The Regent must have been well aware that in acting as he was doing he was playing a dangerous game. He had not been afraid to enter the family of the Emperor himself. The servants of the highest Koongays had been arrested, and themselves insulted and degraded. He had degraded five of the highest Daimios--Owarri, Mito, Satsuma, Tosa, and Etsizen--and had severely punished all of lower rank who had in any way countenanced or assisted those opposed to him. He had put his own protégé on the seat of the Shiogoon, in opposition to Stotsbashi, the nominee of Mito. He now felt that he must retain the reins of power in his own hands, as, if he yielded a jot, his enemies would overthrow him, and take away his place and name. The only thing he had now to fear was secret enemies, who might wreak their vengeance by poison or assassination.

The 3d day of the 3d month is a day when a great levee is held at the castle in Yedo, all the Daimios on duty appearing in court dresses, with large retinues. At such times it is common for strangers to gather on the broad road or esplanade by the side of the castle moat, to watch the trains of the Daimios going to and returning from court. They often carry with them the small monthly list of officials in which the armorial bearings are given, by which the train of each Daimio may be at once recognized. In the Daimios’ quarter of the city the guards of the streets and cross streets are the retainers of Daimios. The guard-houses are sometimes divided into two when the guard is divided between two neighboring Daimios. Upon days of levee such as this strangers are allowed to loiter about, and are not so readily noticed as at other times.

At the south side of the castle of Yedo is the Soto Sakurada, or outer Cherry gate, opening from that part of the inclosure in which the residences of the Gorochiu are situated. At this gate the moat is crossed by a bridge which opens upon a wide graveled road--the Tatsu no kutchi--bounded on the one side by the moat, on the other by Daimios’ residences, and leading by a gentle ascent to the residence of the Regent, Ee Kamong no kami.

On the 3d day of the 3d month the Shiogoon was to hold this levee, at which the Regent, now that he had put down his enemies, would appear in the plenitude of his power as the real ruler of Japan. He set out in his norimono toward the Sakurada gate, which was at a short distance, and seen from the door of his own residence. He was surrounded by his own retinue in white dresses. Suddenly a rush of men was made at the train. The bearers set down the norimono. Men with drawn swords ordered him to come out. He expostulated. One fired a pistol through the chair, wounding him in the back. He tried to crawl out, but his head was immediately cut off and carried away by the assassins.

The investigation which follows will show what took place.

On the 3d day of the 3d month (March 24, 1860) the Gorochiu wrote to the commander of the guard kept by Matzdaira Segami no kami: “Why did you allow men in disguise, with small sleeves and drawn swords, to pass your guard and loiter about the Tatsu no kutchi?” To this a reply was given: “There was a heavy fall of snow at the time. I noticed the men once, and they disappeared; but I acknowledge my fault--I am much to blame in the matter. But what shall I do now? Shall I cut off my men’s heads?”

The same question was put to Matzdaira Daizen no daibu’s (Choshiu) guard, who kept the Sakurada gate. He answered: “This morning at nine o’clock many men passed, but whether they were porters or soldiers I cannot tell. Several passed with blood-stained swords in their hands. I was on the point of arresting them, but as there was much snow falling I could not see them distinctly, or where they went to.”

The principal gentleman in the late Regent’s service, Kimatta Watari, wrote to the Gorochiu as follows: “This morning, while my master was on his way to the shiro to pay his respects to the Shiogoon, an attack was made upon his train. In the scuffle one man was killed, and the servants of Ee brought the body to the house here.”

It is a general impression in Yedo that the servants, or some of them, as well as the guards about, and even some of the Daimios living in the neighborhood, were cognizant of the attack about to be made. Some of them gave no assistance to their master.

The same day the Shiogoon sent two Katchi metsuki to Ee Kamong no kami’s house to make inquiries.

The servants of Sakkai oota no kami, guards of the Owo tay, a large gate of the castle, wrote a similar letter to the above. It is a common plan in Japan, even among Daimios, when an investigation is to be made in which many are concerned, for all to write similar letters, to prevent the government seizing one. They added: “One Ronin, between twenty-seven and twenty-eight years of age, cut his throat. He only had his sword-sheath when found, and no sword. We found one wounded by a shot, and seized him.”

At Tatsu no kutchi, the men at the cross-street guard-house, occupied by Tajima no kami and Sakkai oota no kami, said to the Gorochiu: “At about eight o’clock this morning a man shot himself through the neck while holding a man’s head in his hand. Immediately one of the guard said, ‘I will ask the man where he came from.’ He said he was a servant of Satsuma. We sent for a surgeon, and he is now under treatment.”

Ee Kamong no kami writes himself to the Shiogoon (notwithstanding his having had his head removed several hours previous): “I proposed going to the levee at the palace, and was on my way there, when near the Sakurada gate, and in front of the joint guard of Matzdaira Osumi no kami and Ooyay Soongi, about twenty men were collected. They began to fire pistols, and afterward with swords attacked me in my norimono. My servants thereupon resisted, and killed one of the men--the others ran off and escaped. I having received several wounds, could not pay my intended visit to the Shiogoon, and was obliged to return to my house, and now I send the names of such of my servants as were wounded.”

Of these there were in all nineteen, of which number several died.

Upon receiving intelligence of this attack, the Shiogoon sent to the Regent a present of ginseng root, and to inquire more particularly as to his health and condition.

Upon the coats which were left by the assassins pieces of poetry had been worked with the needle; such as, “Let us take and hoist the silken standard of Japan, and first go and fight the battles of the Emperor.” Upon another was the following: “My corpse may dry up with the flowers of the cherry, but how can the spirit of Japan relax?”

The names of eighteen men are given who were engaged in the assassination of the Regent. Of these--

Arimura Jesayay mong, who is said to have been the actual perpetrator of the deed, was head servant of Satsuma.--His brother is probably the man who assassinated Mr. Richardson in 1862.

Sanno take no ske, a servant of Mito.

Seito Kemmootz.

These three, with two others, are said to have died of the wounds received, on the 7th day of the 3d month, or four days after his death. Sakkai and Yakushuri, on the part of the Shiogoon, sent a letter to Ee Kamong no kami, to ask how he was, and to bestow upon him a present of fish and sugar, as a mark of regard.

The Cabinet was in difficulty how to act. They were of the party of the Regent, but were now afraid that the opposite views would prevail, and that power would fall into the hands of Mito.

On the part of the Gorochiu, Neito Kii no kami wrote to the servants of Ee Kamong no kami:

“As a severe misfortune has befallen Ee Kamong no kami, all his servants and relations are liable to be implicated in the trouble.[12] If you, in revenge, should raise disturbance with the followers of Mito, it will occasion much trouble. I will endeavor to arrange matters for you, and keep things quiet.”

For some time after the assassination, the gates of the Shiogoon’s castle, known as the Sakurada, Babasaki, and Watakura, were shut. The Tayass gate at Take bashi, the Hanzo and Saymidzu gates, were open during the day and shut at night.

The members of the Cabinet were allowed a guard of sixty men, and those of the lower Cabinet fifty men.

The men now feared by the government, the partisans of Mito, were lurking about Yedo in numbers. It was known that the head of the Regent had been carried off to the city of Mito and put up on a pole, with much abusive writing attached to it.

The Shiogoon gave orders to five Daimios to arrest all suspicious persons from Mito, and to seize the leaders of the movement.

Mito had said, tauntingly, “How can I, a poor Daimio, arrest these men, when you, the Shiogoon, are not able to do so? If you wish to seize these men, send your officers and do it. From Tatsuno kootchi a head was brought, and Ee Kamong no kami’s servants are very anxious to get possession of it.”

The head of the Cabinet, Neito, wrote to Matzdaira Osumi no kami: “Three days ago a high officer was assassinated before your door. You did not go to his assistance, or prevent the outrage. You were very negligent of your duty, and you are to be punished by the door of your residence being shut for one week, and you are not to go out during that time, but to confine yourself to your own house.”

A similar message was sent to Katagiri Iwami no kami, keeper of the Heebiyah gate; and also to Toda stchi no ske (a child), keeper of the Babasaki gate.

At this time the streets of Yedo were placarded with squibs against the party of the late Regent and those in favor of foreigners. One of these accused the late Gotairo of enriching himself by foreign trade at the expense of the people of Japan, and others were obscure allusions to the founder of the family. Another, by turning the characters of his name upside down, makes of it, “A gentleman’s head swept away is very good.”

(Some of these squibs were what is called “Yabatai” writing. This name is founded on the following: Abe no naka maro in old times was sent as embassador to China. The Chinese Emperor was angry with him, and said that if he could not read a certain piece of writing he would kill him. He failed, and was put to death. Another embassador succeeded, to whom the same alternative was given. While he was musing upon it, and praying to Ten sho go dai jin, a spider dropped from the ceiling upon the paper, and went from word to word showing him how it was to be read. This is called Yabatai, wild-horse writing, now converted into Yaotai, wild-fool writing.)

The following information as to the assassins appears to have been given to the Gorochiu by Hossokawa, the Daimio to whose residence several of the assassins fled, saying that they were men from Mito, and wished to place themselves under his protection. He is supposed to have known all about the affair from the first.

One of the assassins, Mori, said that, about three months before, he had attempted to kill the Regent by shooting him with a pistol. The ball passed through the norimono, and he made his escape. The day they came to Hossokawa’s house was very cold, so they were provided with food and wine. There was much snow falling, which furthered the designs of the assassins, as they thought it was assistance given them from heaven. They were all very tired and sleepy. Upon the 18th day of the 2d month they all went to Mito, afterward returning to Yedo; and they met in the morning of the 3d day of the 3d month at Atango yama. They did not sleep there; but the Buddhist priest was cognizant of what was going on.

The government in Yedo had doubtless good cause for alarm at the present crisis, as Mito, on the one hand, and the young Ee, son of the Regent, on the other, were making preparations for a fight. The policy of Iyeyas in compelling the lords to be personally in Yedo with few followers, while their strength in men remained at their provincial seats, prevented any outbreak. Mito was gradually filling his houses in Yedo with men.

On the other side, the family retainers of the Ee Kamong no kami, the lad who had succeeded to his father, fearing what might be the result of the present crisis, brought up ten cannon from his shta yashiki in the suburbs of Yedo, to his kami yashiki. [Every Daimio of any wealth has three houses in Yedo: his own residence, kami yashiki, where his wife and family reside, near the castle; naka yashiki, where concubines, servants, etc., reside; and shta yashiki, where he has a garden, and retainers, servants, and their families reside.] From his lands at Sano, in the province of Simotsuki, he brought up 400 men.

On the same day on which the Regent was killed, an attempt was made by Ronins of Mito to kill Matzdaira Sanuki no kami, who was a near relative of Mito, but a friend and son-in-law of Ee Kamong no kami. He had some suspicion, and was unwell on the day of the levee, and sent his son in his place. The norimono was attacked, but when the son was dragged out, and they discovered their mistake, the assassins let him go. The father did not long escape, however. He had taken as a concubine a girl from Mito, who, during the next month, stabbed him while in bed, and cut off his head, sending it to Mito. Matzdaira Koonai no tayu, another friend of the Regent’s, and also a relative of Mito, hearing in the palace of the murder of the Regent, escaped by a back way.

The Daimio Hossokawa Etshiu no kami wrote to the government as follows:

“Yesterday morning some men came to my guards at the main gate, and said they were servants of Mito and had killed the Regent, and it was right that they should go to the Gorochiu; but as it is the first time they have come to Yedo, and do not know where the Gorochiu live, they requested me to go with them. I asked them who they were and what they wanted. They answered, that they had been this morning fighting with the Regent at the Sakurada gate; and having first wounded him with a pistol, they pulled him by the right hand out of the kango and cut off his head. There came at first only nine men, but these were followed by a number of others: whence they came I do not know.”

Hossokawa accompanied these men to the Hio jo sho, where the judges on duty asked them to give in writing their reasons for killing the Regent. The answer was: “We have good reasons. From the time of Zin mu tenwo to the present day the Japanese nation has never received any insult from a foreign nation; now five foreign nations have made treaties, and all through the empire the people are angry and sorry and vexed, and the Regent did not care. If he does not care for this, he makes himself an enemy to the nation, and therefore we killed him. We have no other reason.”

The officers at the Hio jo sho were afraid to ask any more questions.

Mito sent the following letter to the Shiogoon: