Chapter III: (p. 225) (3)

When to unpopularity and reiterated disappointment we add the physical ills of old age, it no longer surprises us to find Mr. Adams at times harsh and bitter beyond the excuse of the occasion. That he was a man of strong physique and of extraordinary powers of endurance, often surpassing those of young and vigorous men, is evident. For example, one day in March, 1840, he notes incidentally: "I walked home and found my family at dinner. From my breakfast yesterday morning until one this afternoon, twenty-eight hours, I had fasted." Many a time he showed like, if not quite equal vigor. But he had been a hard worker all his life, and testing the powers of one's constitution does not tend to their preservation; he was by no means free from the woes of the flesh or from the depression which comes with years and the dread of decrepitude. Already as early as October 7, 1833, he fears that his health is "irretrievable;" he gets but five hours a night of "disturbed unquiet sleep--full of tossings." February 17, 1834, his "voice was so hoarse and feeble that it broke repeatedly, and he could scarcely articulate. It is gone forever," he very mistakenly but despondingly adds, "and it is in vain for me to contend against (p. 303) the decay of time and nature." His enemies found little truth in this foreboding for many sessions thereafter. Only a year after he had performed his feat of fasting for twenty-eight hours of business, he received a letter from a stranger advising him to retire. He admits that perhaps he ought to do so, but says that more than sixty years of public life have made activity necessary to him; it is the "weakness of his nature" which he has "intellect enough left to perceive but not energy to control," so that "the world will retire from me before I shall retire from the world."

The brief sketch which can be given in a volume of this size of so long and so busy a life does not suffice even to indicate all its many industries. The anti-slavery labors of Mr. Adams during his Congressional career were alone an abundant occupation for a man in the prime of life; but to these he added a wonderful list of other toils and interests. He was not only an incessant student in history, politics, and literature, but he also constantly invaded the domain of science. He was Chairman of the Congressional Committee on the Smithsonian bequest, and for several years he gave much time and attention to it, striving to give the fund a direction in favor of science; he (p. 304) hoped to make it subservient to a plan which he had long cherished for the building of a noble national observatory. He had much committee work; he received many visitors; he secured hours of leisure for his favorite pursuit of composing poetry; he delivered an enormous number of addresses and speeches upon all sorts of occasions; he conducted an extensive correspondence; he was a very devout man, regularly going to church and reading three chapters in his Bible every day; and he kept up faithfully his colossal Diary. For several months in the midst of Congressional duties he devoted great labor, thought, and anxiety to the famous cause of the slaves of the Amistad, in which he was induced to act as counsel before the Supreme Court. Such were the labors of his declining age. To men of ordinary calibre the multiplicity of his acquirements and achievements is confounding and incredible. He worked his brain and his body as unsparingly as if they had been machines insensible to the pleasure or necessity of rest. Surprisingly did they submit to his exacting treatment, lasting in good order and condition far beyond what was then the average of life and vigorous faculties among his contemporaries engaged in public affairs.

In August, 1842, while he was still tarrying in the unwholesome (p. 305) heats of Washington, he had some symptoms which he thought premonitory, and he speaks of the next session of Congress as probably the last which he should ever attend. March 25, 1844, he gives a painful sketch of himself. Physical disability, he says, must soon put a stop to his Diary. That morning he had risen "at four, and with smarting, bloodshot eyes and shivering hand, still sat down and wrote to fill up the chasm of the closing days of last week." If his remaining days were to be few he was at least resolved to make them long for purposes of unremitted labor.

But he had one great joy and distinguished triumph still in store for him. From the time when the "gag" rule had been first established, Mr. Adams had kept up an unbroken series of attacks upon it at all times and by all means. At the beginning of the several sessions, when the rules were established by the House, he always moved to strike out this one. Year after year his motion was voted down, but year after year he renewed it with invincible perseverance. The majorities against him began to dwindle till they became almost imperceptible; in 1842 it was a majority of four; in 1843, of three; in 1844 the struggle was protracted for weeks, and Mr. Adams all but carried the day. It was evident that victory was not far off, and a kind fate (p. 306) had destined him to live not only to see but himself to win it. On December 3, 1844, he made his usual motion and called for the yeas and nays; a motion was made to lay his motion on the table, and upon that also the question was taken by yeas and nays--eighty-one yeas, one hundred and four nays, and his motion was _not_ laid on the table. The question was then put upon it, and it was carried by the handsome vote of one hundred and eight to eighty. In that moment the "gag" rule became a thing of the past, and Mr. Adams had conquered in his last fight. "Blessed, forever blessed, be the name of God!" he writes in recording the event. A week afterwards some anti-slavery petitions were received and actually referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia. This glorious consummation having been achieved, this advanced stage in the long conflict having been reached, Mr. Adams could not hope for life to see another goal passed. His work was nearly done; he had grown aged, and had worn himself out faithfully toiling in the struggle which must hereafter be fought through its coming phases and to its final success by others, younger men than he, though none of them certainly having over him any other militant advantage save only the accident of youth.

His mental powers were not less than at any time in the past when, (p. 307) on November 19, 1846, he was struck by paralysis in the street in Boston. He recovered from the attack, however, sufficiently to resume his duties in Washington some three months later. His reappearance in the House was marked by a pleasing incident: all the members rose together; business was for the moment suspended; his old accustomed seat was at once surrendered to him by the gentleman to whom it had fallen in the allotment, and he was formally conducted to it by two members. After this, though punctual in attendance, he only once took part in debate. On February 21, 1848, he appeared in his seat as usual. At half past one in the afternoon the Speaker was rising to put a question, when he was suddenly interrupted by cries of "Stop! Stop!--Mr. Adams!" Some gentlemen near Mr. Adams had thought that he was striving to rise to address the Speaker, when in an instant he fell over insensible. The members thronged around him in great confusion. The House hastily adjourned. He was placed on a sofa and removed first to the hall of the rotunda and then to the Speaker's room. Medical men were in attendance but could be of no service in the presence of death. The stern old fighter lay dying almost on the very field of so many battles and in the very tracks in which he had (p. 308) so often stood erect and unconquerable, taking and dealing so many mighty blows. Late in the afternoon some inarticulate mutterings were construed into the words, "Thank the officers of the House." Soon again he said intelligibly, "This is the last of earth! I am content!" It was his extreme utterance. He lay thereafter unconscious till the evening of the 23d, when he passed quietly away.

He lies buried "under the portal of the church at Quincy" beside his wife, who survived him four years, his father and his mother. The memorial tablet inside the church bears upon it the words "Alteri Sæculo,"--surely never more justly or appropriately applied to any man than to John Quincy Adams, hardly abused and cruelly misappreciated in his own day but whom subsequent generations already begin to honor as one of the greatest of American statesmen, not only preëminent in ability and acquirements, but even more to be honored for profound, immutable honesty of purpose and broad, noble humanity of aims.

INDEX (p. 311)

ABOLITIONISTS, their part in anti-slavery movement, 244, 245;
urge Adams to extreme actions, 254.

Adams, Abigail, shows battle of Bunker Hill to her son, 2;
life near Boston during siege, 2, 3;
letter of J. Q. Adams to, on keeping journal, 5;
warns him against asking office from his father as President, 23;
his spirited reply, 23.

Adams, C. F., on beginning of Adams's diary, 6;
on Adams's statement of Monroe doctrine, 131.

Adams, John, influence of his career in Revolution upon his son, 2;
leaves family near Boston while attending Continental Congress, 2, 3;
letter of his son to, on reading, 3;
first mission to France, 4;
second one, 4;
advises his son to keep a diary and copies of letters, 5;
makes treaty of peace, 13;
appointed Minister to England, 14;
elected President, 23;
at Washington's suggestion, appoints J. Q. Adams Minister to Prussia, 24;
recalls him, 25;
his rage at defeat by Jefferson, 25, 26;
disrupts Federalist party by French mission, 26;
his rivalry with and hatred for Hamilton, 26, 27;
charges defeat to Hamilton, 27;
qualified sympathy of J. Q. Adams with, 27, 28;
his enemies and adherents in Massachusetts, 28;
his unpopularity hampers J. Q. Adams in Senate, 31, 34.

Adams, John Quincy, birth, 1;
ancestry, 1;
named for his great-grandfather, 1;
describes incident connected with his naming, 1, 2;
early involved in outbreak of Revolution, 2;
life near Boston during the siege, 2, 3;
scanty schooling, 3;
describes his reading in letter to John Adams, 3, 4;
accompanies his father to France in 1778, 4;
and again to Spain, 4, 5;
tells his mother of intention to keep diary while abroad, 5, 6;
begins it in 1779, its subsequent success, 6;
its revelation of his character, 7, 10;
unchangeableness of his traits, 7, 8;
describes contemporaries bitterly in diary, 9, 10;
shows his own high character, 10;
also his disagreeable traits, 11, 12;
difficulty of condensing his career, 12;
his schooling in Europe, 13;
at fourteen acts as private secretary to Dana on mission to Russia, 13;
assists father in peace negotiations, 13;
his early gravity, maturity, and coolness, 14, 15;
decides not to accompany father to England, but return home, 15;
gives his reason for decision, 15, 16;
studies at Harvard, 17;
studies law with Parsons at Newburyport, 17;
begins practice in Boston in 1790, 17;
writes Publicola papers against Paine's "Rights of Man," 18;
writes in papers against Genet, 18;
his restlessness and ambition, 19.

_Foreign Minister._ Appointed Minister to the Hague, 19;
his voyage, 19;
in Holland at time of its capture by French, 20;
cordially received by French, 20;
his skill in avoiding entanglement, 20;
persuaded by Washington to remain, although without occupation, 21;
prevented from participating in Jay's negotiations over the treaty, 21;
has dealings with Grenville, 22;
marriage with Miss Johnson, 22, 23;
transferred to Portugal, 23;
question as to propriety of remaining minister after his father's
election, 23;
persuaded by Washington to remain, 23, 24;
appointed minister to Prussia, 24;
ratifies treaty of commerce, 24;
travels in Europe, 24;
recalled by his father, 25;
resumes practice of law, 25;
not involved in Federalist quarrels, 27, 28;
removed by Jefferson from commissionership in bankruptcy, 28;
elected to State Senate, 28;
irritates Federalists by proposing to allow Democrats a place in
council, 29;
his entire independence, 29, 30;
elected to United States Senate over Pickering, 30.

_United States Senator._ His journey to Washington, 30, 31;
unfriendly greeting from his father's enemies, 31;
isolation in the Senate, 32, 33;
unfriendly relations with Pickering, 32;
refuses to yield to unpopularity, 33, 34;
estranges Federalists by his absence of partisanship, 34, 35;
votes in favor of Louisiana purchase, although calling it
unconstitutional, 35, 36;
condemned by New England, 36;
votes for acquittal of Chase, 36;
realizes that he is conquering respect, 36, 37;
introduces resolutions condemning British seizures of neutrals, 38, 39;
and requesting President to insist on reparation, 39;
his measure carried by Democrats, 39;
comments on Orders in Council and Napoleon's decrees, 42, 46;
refuses to follow New England Federalists in advocating
submission, 47, 48;
disgusted at Jefferson's peace policy, 48;
but supports Non-importation Act, 49;
believes in hostile purpose of England, 49, 50;
urges Boston Federalists to promise support to government during
Chesapeake affair, 51;
attends Democratic and Federalist meetings to this effect, 51, 52;
read out of party by Federalists, 52;
votes for and supports embargo, 53;
execrated in New England, 53;
his patriotic conduct, 53-55;
his opinion of embargo, 55;
regrets its too long continuance, 55, 56;
advocates in vain military and naval preparations, 56;
refused reëlection by Massachusetts legislature, 56, 57;
resigns before expiration of term, 57;
harshly criticised then and since for leaving Federalists, 57, 58;
propriety and justice of his action, 58, 59;
led to do so by his American feeling, 61, 62;
absurdity of charge of office-seeking, 63;
disproved by his whole character and career, 63, 64;
his courage tested by necessity of abandoning friends, 64;
repels advances from Giles, 65;
statement of his feelings in his diary, 65, 66;
refuses election to Congress from Democrats, 66;
sums up barrenness of his career in Senate, 66-68;
approached by Madison in 1805 with suggestion of foreign mission, 68;
his cool reply, 69;
nominated Minister to Russia by Madison, 69;
appointment refused, then confirmed, 69, 70.

_Minister to Russia._ Peace of Ghent. His voyage, 70;
his life at St. Petersburg, 70, 71;
his success as foreign representative, 71, 72;
disgusted by snobbery of American travelers, 72;
declines to take part in squabbles for precedence, 72, 73;
hampered by meagre salary, 73;
describes Russia during Napoleonic wars, 74;
nominated to act as peace commissioner with England, 75, 76;
describes negotiations in his diary, 77;
suggests refusing to meet British commissioners at their lodgings, 77;
remarks on arrogance of British, 81;
vents irritation upon colleagues, 82, 83;
begins drafting communications, but abandons duty to Gallatin, 82;
nettled at criticisms of colleagues on his drafts, 82, 83;
quarrels with all but Gallatin, 84;
incompatible with Clay, 84;
urges strong counter-claims, 85;
thinks negotiations certain to fail, 86;
obliged to work for peace as defeated party, 86, 87;
willing to return to status quo, 87;
disagrees with Clay over fisheries and Mississippi navigation, 88;
determined to insist on fisheries, 89, 90, 92;
suspects British intend to prevent peace, 90;
controverts Goulburn, 91;
signs treaty, 93;
at Paris during Napoleon's "hundred days," 98;
appointed Minister to England, 98;
with Clay and Gallatin, makes treaty of commerce with England, 98;
his slight duties as minister, 98, 99;
bored by English dinners, 99, 100;
sensitive to small income, 100.

_Secretary of State._ Appointed, 100;
describes dullness of Washington in diary, 102;
as host, 103;
his habits of life, 104;
prominent candidate for succession to Monroe, 105;
intrigued against by Crawford, 106;
and by Clay and Calhoun, 106, 107;
expects Spanish colonies to gain independence, 109;
but maintains cautious public attitude, 109;
describes Spanish ambassador, 111;
negotiates concerning boundaries of Louisiana, 111, 112;
his position, 112;
fears opposition from Clay and Crawford, 112;
urged by Monroe not to claim too much, 113;
rejects English mediation, 114;
uses French Minister as go-between, 114;
succeeds in reaching a conclusion, 114, 115;
a triumph for his diplomacy, 115;
chagrined at discovery of Spanish land grants, 116, 117;
and at refusal of Spanish government to ratify treaty, 118;
urges the seizure of disputed territory, 118;
at first indifferent to Missouri question, 119;
soon appreciates the slavery issue, 119;
predicts an attempt to dissolve the Union, 119, 120;
sharp comments on slavery, slaveholders, and Northern weakness, 120;
notes Calhoun's threat of alliance of slave States with England, 121;
thinks abolition impossible without disunion, 121, 122;
maintains power of Congress over slavery in Territories, 122;
realizes that failure of treaty damages his chance for presidency, 123;
refuses to reopen question with new Spanish envoy, 123;
forces ratification of treaty with annulment of land grants, 124;
his satisfaction with outcome of negotiations, 125, 126;
prepares report on weights and measures, 126;
its thoroughness, 127;
his pride of country without boastfulness in negotiations, 127, 128;
declines to consider what European courts may think, 128, 129;
considers it destiny of United States to occupy North America, 129;
considers annexation of Cuba probable, 130;
always willing to encroach within America, 130, 131;
tells Russia American continents are no longer open for colonies, 131;
fears possibility of European attack on Spain's colonies, 132;
willing to go to war against such an attack, 133;
but, in default of any, advocates non-interference, 133, 134;
refuses to interfere in European politics, 134;
unwilling to enter league to suppress slave trade, 135;
the real author of Monroe doctrine, 136;
dealings with Stratford Canning, 136;
his reasons for refusing to join international league to put down
slave trade, 138, 139;
discusses with him the Astoria question, 140-148;
insists on Canning's making communications on question in writing, 141;
stormy interviews with him, 142-147;
refuses to discuss remarks uttered in debate in Congress, 142, 145;
angry breach of Canning with, 147, 148;
success of his treatment of Canning, 148;
description in his diary of presidential intrigues, 150 ff.;
his censorious frankness, 150;
his judgments of men not to be followed too closely, 151;
accuses Clay of selfishness in opposition to Florida treaty, and in
urging recognition of Spanish colonies, 151, 152;
compares him to John Randolph, 153;
later becomes on better terms, 154;
his deep contempt for Crawford, 154;
gradually suspects him of malicious practices, 154, 155;
and of sacrificing everything to his ambition, 155, 156;
sustained by Calhoun in this estimate, 157;
supports Jackson in Cabinet, 158, 160;
strains his conscience to uphold Jackson's actions, 160, 161;
defends him against Canning, 162;
gives a ball in his honor, 162;
wishes to offer him position of Minister to Mexico, 163;
favors Jackson for Vice-President, 163;
determines to do nothing in his own behalf as candidate, 164;
no trace of any self-seeking in his diary, 164, 165;
holds aloof at all stages, 165;
manages to be polite to all, 166;
yet prepares to be keenly hurt at failure, 166;
considers election a test of his career, 167;
and of his personal character in the eyes of the people, 167;
picture of his anxiety in his diary, 168;
receives second largest number of electoral votes, 169;
preferred by Clay to Jackson, 171;
elected by the House of Representatives, 173;
dissatisfied with the result, 174;
would have preferred a new election if possible, 174;
congratulated by Jackson at his inauguration, 175;
wishes office as a token of popular approval, 175;
realizes that this election does not signify that, 176.

_President._ Freedom from political indebtedness, 177;
his cabinet, 177;
asks Rufus King to accept English mission, 177, 178;
renominates officials, 178;
refuses to consider any rotation in office, 179;
refuses to punish officials for opposing his election, 179, 180;
charged with bargaining for Clay's support, 181-183;
unable to disprove it, 183;
story spread by Jackson, 184;
after disproof of story, continues to be accused by Jackson, 187;
meets strong opposition in Congress, 188;
notes combination of Southern members against him, 189;
sends message concerning Panama Congress, 189;
accused in Senate and House of having transcended his powers, 160;
aided by Webster, 190;
reasons for Southern opposition to, 191;
confronted by a hostile majority in both Houses, 192;
lack of events in his administration, 193;
advocates internal improvements, 194;
declines to make a show before people, 194;
his digging at opening of Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, 194, 195;
formation of personal opposition to his reëlection by Jackson,
195, 196;
his only chance of success to secure a personal following, 197;
refuses to remove officials for political reasons, 198;
fails to induce any one except independent men to desire his
reëlection, 199;
his position as representative of good government not understood, 200;
refuses to modify utterances on internal improvements, to appease
Virginia, 201;
refuses to "soothe" South Carolina, 201;
alienates people by personal stiffness and Puritanism, 202, 203;
fails to secure personal friends, 203;
friendly relations with Cabinet, 204, 205;
nominates Barbour Minister to England, 205;
fills vacancy with P. B. Porter at Cabinet's suggestion, 205;
refuses to remove McLean for double-dealing, 206;
his laboriousness, 206;
daily exercise, 206, 207;
threatened with assassination, 207, 208;
stoicism under slanders, 208;
refuses to deny accusation of being a Mason, 209;
accused of trying to buy support of Webster, 209;
other slanders, 209;
shows his wrath in his diary, 210;
hatred of Randolph, 210, 211;
of Giles, 211;
defeated in election of 1828, 212;
feels disgraced, 213, 214;
significance of his retirement, 213;
the last statesman in presidency, 213;
his depression, 214, 215;
looks forward gloomily to retirement, 215.

_In Retirement._ Returns to Quincy, 216;
followed by slanders of Giles, 216;
declines to enter into controversy with Federalists over disunion
movement of 1808, 216, 217;
attacked by the Federalists for his refusal, 217, 218;
prepares a crushing reply which he does not publish, 218;
dreads idleness, 220;
unable to resume law practice, 220;
his slight property, 221;
reads Latin classics, 221;
plans biographical and historical work, 221;
writes in diary concerning his reading, 222;
does not appreciate humor, 222;
has difficulty in reading Paradise Lost, 223;
learns to like Milton and tobacco, 223;
asked if willing to be elected to Congress, 225;
replies that he is ready to accept the office, 225;
elected in 1830, 225;
as candidate for governor, withdraws name in case of choice by
legislature, 226.

_Member of House of Representatives._
His principal task the struggle with Southern slaveholders, 226;
gains greater honor in this way than hitherto, 226, 227;
his diligence and independent action in the House, 227;
called "old man eloquent," 227;
not in reality a pleasing or impressive speaker, 227, 228;
but effective and well-informed, 228;
his excessive pugnacity, 229;
his enemies, 229, 230;
success as debater, 230;
absence of friends or followers, 231;
supported by people in New England, 232;
declares intention to be independent, 233;
greeted with respect, 233;
on Committee on Manufactures, 233;
willing to reduce duties to please South, 234;
condemns apparent surrender of Jackson to South Carolina, 234;
pleased with Jackson's nullification proclamation, 235;
wishes to coerce South Carolina before making concessions, 235;
insists on a decision of question of nullification, 235;
dissatisfied with Jackson's failure to push matters, 236;
in opposition to Jackson, 237, 238;
supports proposal of Jackson to take determined attitude toward
France, 239;
wins no gratitude from Jackson, 240;
receives attempt at reconciliation coolly, 240;
opposes granting of Doctorate of Laws to Jackson by Harvard, 241, 242;
considers Jackson's illness a sham, 242;
presents abolition petitions from beginning of term, 243;
does not favor abolition in District of Columbia, 243;
always disliked slavery and slaveholders, 243;
not an agitator or reformer, 244;
his qualifications to oppose slave power in Congress, 245, 246;
hostility in Congress and coldness in Boston, 246;
his support in his district, 247;
and among people of North, 247;
continues to present petitions, 248;
presents one signed by women, 249;
opposes assertion that Congress has no power to interfere with
slavery in a State, 250;
opposes gag rule, 250;
advocates right of petition, 251;
tries to get his protest entered on journal, 251, 252;
savage reply to an assailant, 252;
receives and presents floods of petitions, 252, 253;
single-handed in task, 253;
urged to rash movements by abolitionists, 254;
his conduct approved by constituents, 255;
resolves to continue, although alone, 255;
description in his diary of presentation of petitions, 255-261;
continues to protest against "gag" rule as unconstitutional, 256;
scores Preston for threatening to hang abolitionists, 257, 258;
defies the House and says his say, 258, 259;
wishes petitions referred to a select committee, 259;
passage at arms with chairman of Foreign Affairs Committee, 259, 260;
taunts Connor with folly of "gag" rule, 261;
holds that Congress, under war power, may abolish slavery, 261-263;
attacked by Southerners, 262, 263;
cites precedents, 263;
his theory followed by Lincoln, 264;
refers to the theory in letter, 265;
opposes annexation of Texas, 265, 266;
his reasons, 266 n.;
presents absurd petitions, 266;
presents petitions asking for his own expulsion, 268;
allows matter to drop, 268;
presents petition from slaves and asks opinion of speaker, 269;
fury of slaveholders against, 270;
resolutions of censure against, 271;
disconcerts opponents by his cool reply, 272, 273;
but receives new attacks and resolutions of censure, 274, 275;
defended by a few New Englanders, 276;
reluctance of Southerners to allow him to reply, 276;
his speech, 277-279;
sarcasms upon his enemies, 277, 278;
presents petition asking for his own removal from chairmanship of
Committee on Foreign Affairs, 280;
prevented from defending himself, 280;
presents petition for dissolution of Union while disapproving it,
280, 281;
resolutions of censure against, 281, 282;
attacked by Marshall and Wise, 283;
objects to injustice of preamble, 284;
defies his enemies and scorns mercy, 285;
bitter remarks on his opponents, 285;
helped by Everett, 286;
slight outside sympathy for, 286;
abused in newspapers, 286;
threatened with assassination, 286, 287;
willing to have matter laid on table, 287;
his triumph in the affair, 288;
attempt to drive him from Foreign Affairs Committee, 289;
refusal of Southerners to serve with, 289;
refuses to notice them, 289;
retains respect of House for his honesty, 290;
appealed to, to help organize House in 1839, 292;
his bold and successful action, 293-295;
praised by Wise, 294;
succeeds in presiding eleven days until organization, 294, 295;
deprecates a resolution of thanks, 295;
his occasional despondency and loneliness, 295, 296;
describes his enemies, 296;
tries to act justly to all of them, 297;
castigates Wise for dueling, 297;
called insane, 297, 298;
his bitter language on opponents in the Diary, 298-300;
low opinion of Congress, 299;
on partisanship, 299, 300;
describes his unpopularity, 301;
describes all his acts as turned to his discredit, 301;
his ill-health, 302, 303, 305;
chairman of committee on Smithsonian bequest, 303;
his religious and social activity, 304;
in Amistad case, 304;
continues attack upon gag rule, 305;
his final victory and exultation, 306;
struck by paralysis, 307;
greeted on return to House, 307;
his death in Capitol, 307, 308;
estimate of character and services, 308.

_Characteristics._ General view, 10-12, 308;
ambition, 16, 19, 25, 164-167;
censoriousness, 9, 12, 112, 150, 242;
conscientiousness, 66, 200, 277, 296;
coldness, 11, 34, 37, 165, 230, 240;
courage, 10, 15, 33, 54, 58, 64, 113, 208, 252, 253, 293;
dignity, 71, 99, 127, 213, 216;
diplomatic ability, 20, 22, 72, 114, 123, 137-148;
exercise, love of, 206, 207;
honor, 10, 22, 58, 63, 166;
ill-health, 302, 305;
independence, 10, 16, 29, 30, 48, 59, 127, 133, 246;
industry, 8, 11, 126, 206, 227;
invective, 12, 229, 230, 246, 252, 277-279, 281, 283-285, 298-300;
irritability, 83, 154, 210, 211, 302;
knowledge of politics, 11, 91, 228, 245;
legal ability, 18;
literary interests, 221-223;
melancholy, 214;
observation, power of, 74, 77, 111;
oratorical ability, 227, 228;
patriotism, 62, 127, 148;
persistence, 11, 25, 34, 114, 123, 143, 245;
personal appearance, 228;
pessimism, 19, 33, 67, 153, 272, 296, 299;
precocity, 17;
pride, 166, 167, 201;
prolixity, 82, 277;
pugnacity, 49, 50, 52, 81, 133, 141, 160, 228-236, 245, 246, 285;
Puritanism, 7, 30, 66, 150, 164, 202;
religious views, 30, 207, 304;
sensitiveness, 33, 83, 208, 298;
sobriety, 8, 14, 118;
social habits, 103, 202, 203;
suspiciousness, 82, 112, 138, 151, 296;
unpopularity, 195, 202-204, 231, 246, 253, 295, 301, 307.

_Political Opinions._ Appointments to office, 178-180, 197-200, 206;
cabinet relations with, 204, 205;
candidate, attitude of, 164-167, 197-206;
Chase, impeachment of, 36;
Chesapeake affair, 51;
Congress, powers over slavery, 122, 250, 261-265;
court etiquette, 73;
Cuba, annexation of, 130;
disunion, 119, 122, 281;
election of 1824, 174-176;
emancipation, 121;
embargo, 53, 56;
England, 47, 50, 51, 90, 145, 148;
English society, 100;
Federalist party, 28, 48, 50, 57, 61;
fisheries, 88, 90;
Florida, 115, 118, 123, 130;
France, policy towards, 239;
"gag" rule, 250, 251, 256, 257, 305, 306;
Genet, 118;
gunboat scheme, 48;
internal improvements, 194, 201;
Jackson's administration, 237;
Jackson's Florida career, 160, 163;
Louisiana, 35, 130;
Louisiana boundary, 112, 115;
manifest destiny, 130, 160;
Mississippi navigation, 88, 89;
Missouri Compromise, 121;
Monroe doctrine, 130, 131, 134-136;
non-importation, 40, 49, 55;
nullification, 234, 235;
Oregon, 140-143;
Panama Congress, 189;
party fidelity, 29, 30, 54, 59, 62, 233;
Republican party, 36, 65;
right of search, 38, 139;
slaveholders, 243, 257, 260;
slavery, 120, 121, 243, 255, 304;
slave trade, 135, 138;
Smithsonian bequest, 303;
Spanish-American republics, 109, 131-133;
Texas, annexation of, 265, 266;
treaty of Ghent, 77-98;
weights and measures, 126, 127.

Adams, Dr. William, on English peace commission, 76;
suggests abandonment by United States of its citizens in proposed
Indian Territory, 79;
irritated at proposal that English restore possession of Moose Island
pending arbitration, 91;
negotiates treaty of commerce, 98.

Alexander, Emperor of Russia, desires to exchange ministers with United
States, 69;
his courtesy to Adams, 70, 71;
anecdote of Adams's conversation with, 73;
attempts to mediate between England and United States, 74, 75;
discussions with Castlereagh, 93;
slander concerning relations with Adams, 209, 210.

Alford, Julius C., wishes to burn Adams's petition from slaves, 270;
threatens war, 272, 275.

Ambrister. See Arbuthnot.

Amistad case, share of Adams in, 304.

Anti-Mason movement, used by Jacksonians against Adams, 208, 209;
connection of Adams within Massachusetts, 226, 301.

Arbuthnot and Ambrister, hanged by Jackson, 160;
execution of, defended by Adams, 162.

Atherton, Charles G., bitter remarks of Adams on, 298, 300.

Austria, rejects England's plan for suppression of slave trade, 138.

Bagot, Sir Charles, question of his opinion on Oregon question, discussed
by Canning and Adams, 142, 143.

Bank, Jackson's attack on, 240.

Barbour, James, appointed Secretary of War, 177;
desires mission to England, 205.

Barings, give Adams his commission, 98.

Barnard, D. D., by Adams's advice, presents petition for dissolution of
Union, 288.

Barrou, James, commands Chesapeake when attacked by Leopard, 45.

Bayard, James A., appointed peace commissioner, 75, 76;
resents proposal to meet at lodgings of English commissioners, 77;
criticises Adams's drafts of documents, 83;
enrages Goulburn, 91;
accused by Adams of trying to injure him, 296.

Benton, T. H., on unfavorable beginning to Adams's administration, 188.

Berkeley, Admiral G. C., commands Leopard, and is promoted for attacking
Chesapeake, 46.

Berlin decree, 41.

Beverly, Carter, reports that Jackson has proof of Clay and Adams
bargain, 184;
upheld by Jackson, 185;
apologizes to Clay, 187.

Black, Edward J., of Georgia, comment of Adams on, 300.

Bonaparte, Napoleon, issues Berlin and Milan decrees, 41, 42;
seen during "hundred days" by Adams, 98.

Brown, James, votes against Spanish treaty through Clay's influence, 124.

Buchanan, James, refuses to substantiate Jackson's story of corrupt offer
from Clay in election of 1824, 186, 187.

Burr, Aaron, compared by Adams to Van Buren, 193.

Cabinet, relations of Adams to, 204, 205;
treachery of McLean, 205, 206.

Calhoun, J. C., candidate for succession to Monroe, 106;
on Southern alliance with England in case of dissolution of Union, 121;
candidacy damaged by Southern origin, 149;
his opinion of Crawford, 156;
displeased at Jackson's disregard of instructions, 160;
elected Vice-President, 169;
irritation of Adams at his failure to suppress Randolph, 211;
reëlected Vice-President, 212;
accused by Adams of plotting to injure him, 296.

Canada, desire of Adams for annexation of, 85, 130.

Canning, George, seeks acquaintance with Adams, 99.

Canning, Stratford, urges American submission to mixed tribunals to
suppress slave trade, 135;
his arrogance met by Adams, 136, 137;
discusses with Adams the suppression of slave trade, 137-139;
on Adams's superior years, 139;
high words with Adams over question of an American settlement at mouth
of Columbia, 140-147;
loses temper at request to put objections in writing, 141;
and at persistence of Adams in repeating words of previous English
minister, 142, 143;
his offer to forget subject declined by Adams, 144;
complains of Adams's language, 145, 146;
resents reference to Jackson's recall, 146, 147;
his anger shown later, 147;
this does not affect relations between countries, 148.

Castlereagh, Lord, unwilling at first to conclude peace, 93;
influenced by attitude of Prussia and Russia, advises concessions, 94;
dealings with Adams, 99;
described by Adams, 99.

Cavalla, ----, imprisoned by Jackson, 159, 160;
seizure defended by Adams, 162.

Chase, Judge Samuel, his acquittal voted for by J. Q. Adams, 36.

Chesapeake attacked by Leopard, 45;
effect upon Adams and Federalists, 50, 51.

Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, incident of Adams's opening of, 195.

Choate, Rufus, sympathizes with Adams when attacked by resolutions of
censure, 286.

Civil service, appointments to, under Adams, 178-180, 196, 198, 199,
206, 209;
under Jackson, 198.

Clay, Henry, on peace commission, 76;
his irascibility, 82, 84;
criticises Adams's figurative style in documents, 82;
irritates Adams, 84;
his conviviality, 84;
thinks English will recede, 85;
then thinks English will refuse to accept _status ante bellum_, 87;
willing to sacrifice fisheries to prevent English Mississippi
navigation, 88, 89;
thinks fisheries of little value, 89;
willing to meet English with defiance, 90;
threatens not to sign treaty, 90, 92;
abandoned by colleagues on point of impressment, 92;
negotiates treaty of commerce, 98;
his gambling habits, 103;
jealous of Adams's appointment as Secretary of State, 106;
leads opposition to administration, 108;
wishes to recognize independence of Spanish colonies, 109;
threatens to oppose treaty accepting Sabine as Louisiana boundary, 112;
opposes treaty with Spain, 116;
fails to prevent ratification, 124;
ambitious for presidency, 149;
low motives for opposition to administration as signed by Adams, 151;
his honesty in advocating recognition of South American republics, 152;
compared by Adams to Randolph, 153;
becomes reconciled with Adams before election, 154;
denounces Jackson, 160;
vote for, in 1824, 169;
able to decide choice of President by influence in Congress, 169;
at first prefers Crawford, 169, 170;
charged with having offered to support either Jackson or Adams, 170;
his preference for Adams over Jackson, 171;
appointed Secretary of State, 177;
urges removal of Sterret for proposing an insult to Adams, 179;
calls author of bargain slander a liar, 181;
charge against, repeated by Tennessee legislature, 183;
duel with Randolph, 183;
challenges Jackson to produce evidence, 185;
exonerated by Buchanan, 187;
and by Kremer and Beverly, 187;
actually receives advances from Jackson's friends, 187, 188;
opposition to his nomination as Secretary of State, 188;
abused by Randolph, 211;
engineers compromise with South Carolina, 236;
accused by Adams of trying to injure him, 296.

Clifford, Nathan, of Maine, contemptuously described by Adams, 300.

Clinton, De Witt, his candidacy for President in 1824, 149.

Congress, in election of 1824, 165, 169-172;
influence of Clay in, 169;
elects Adams President, 172, 173;
investigates bargain story, 181;
opposition in, to Adams, from the beginning, 188;
attacks Adams's intention to send delegates to Panama Congress, 190;
opposes Adams throughout administration, 192;
resolutions denying its power to interfere with slavery debated in
House, 249, 250;
position of Adams with regard to its power to abolish slavery in the
States, 250, 261-265;
its degeneracy lamented by Adams, 299.

Connor, John C., taunted by Adams in Congress, 261.

Constitution of United States, in relation to Louisiana purchase, 35;
prohibits submission of United States to mixed foreign tribunals
for suppressing slave trade, 138;
in connection with election of 1824, 172;
held by Adams to forbid "gag" rule, 250, 256, 258;
held by Adams to justify abolition of slavery under war power, 261-265;
in relation to Texas annexation, 266.

Crawford, W. H., his ambitions for the presidency, 105, 106, 148;
intrigues against Adams, 106, 154;
his action described by Adams, 112, 113;
advises moderate policy to remove foreign prejudices against United
States, 128;
contempt of Adams for, 154;
accused by Adams of all kinds of falsity and ambition, 155, 156, 296;
his real character, 156, 157;
Calhoun's opinion of, 156;
described by Mills, 157;
a party politician, 158;
eager to ruin Jackson, 160;
vote for, in 1824, 169;
his illness causes abandonment by Clay. 170;
receives four votes in House of Representatives, 173;
fills custom-houses with supporters, 180.

Creeks, treaty with, discussed in Senate, 33.

Creole affair, 279.

Cuba, its annexation expected by Adams, 130.

Cushing, Caleb, defends Adams against resolutions of censure, 276;
movement to put him in Adams's place on Committee on Foreign Affairs,
289.

Dana, Francis, takes Adams as private secretary to Russia, 13.

Davis, John, accused by Adams of trying to injure him, 296.

Deas, Mr., exchanges ratifications of Jay treaty, 21;
disliked by English cabinet, 22.

Democratic party, organized as opposition to Adams, 192;
managed by Van Buren, 192, 193, 195;
not based on principle, but on personal feeling, 196;
its attacks upon Adams, 208-210;
its methods condemned by Adams, 237.

Diary, suggested by John Adams, 5;
begun, 6;
its nature and content, 7, 8;
its bitterness, 9, 10;
picture of the author, 10, 11;
quotations from, in Boston, 19;
during career in Senate, 32, 34;
on damaging party, 66;
during peace negotiations, 77, 82, 83, 89, 90;
during election of 1824, 150, 151, 164, 168;
in election of 1828, 201, 210, 211;
during anti-slavery career, 255, 292, 296, 298-300;
in last years, 301-303, 305, 306.

Diplomatic history, mission of Dana to Russia, 13;
mission of Adams to Holland, 19-21;
to Prussia, 24;
Rose's mission to United States, 45, 46;
mission of Adams to Russia, 70-74;
offer of Russia to mediate in war of 1812, 74, 75;
refusal by England, 75;
peace negotiations, 76-98 (see treaty of Ghent);
commercial negotiations with England, 98;
mission of Adams to England, 98-100;
negotiations of Adams with Spain, 110-118, 123-125;
question of Sabine River boundary, 112, 116;
final agreement, details of treaty, acquisition of Florida, 115;
and Western outlet to Pacific, 115;
dispute over Spanish land grants, 116, 117;
rejection of treaty by Spain, 117;
renewed mission of Vivês, 123;
ratification of treaty, 124;
independent attitude of United States under Adams, 127, 128;
Monroe doctrine, 129-136;
dealings with Russia over Alaska, 130, 131;
proposal of Portugal for an alliance, 133;
dealings of Adams with Greek revolt, 134;
dealings of Adams with Stratford Canning over slave trade, 135, 137;
high words over Columbia River settlement, 140-147;
refusal of Adams to explain words uttered in Congress, 142, 145-147;
commercial treaties in Adams's administration, 194.

"Doughfaces," attacks of Adams upon, 120, 229.

Dromgoole, George C., remark on petition to expel Adams, 268;
introduces resolutions of censure on Adams, 275;
ridiculed by Adams, 277, 278.

Duncan, Alexander, bitterly described by Adams, 299.

Eaton, Senator J. H., leads Canning to suspect American plan to colonize
Oregon, 140.

Eaton, Mrs., her influence in Jackson's administration, 237.

Election of 1824, candidates, 148, 149;
Adams's opinion of them, 151-163;
choice simply between persons, not principles, 163;
Adams refuses to canvass for himself, 164, 165;
electoral college votes for four candidates, 168, 169;
influence of Clay in House proves decisive factor, 169, 170;
Crawford discarded, 170;
the Clay-Adams bargain story started, 170;
claims of Jackson men, 171;
difficulty of discovering popular vote, 172, 173;
choice of Adams, 173, 174;
subsequent history of bargain story, 180-188.

Election of 1828, question of principle veiled by personality of
candidates, 196, 197, 200;
choice of Jackson, 212;
its significance, 213, 214.

Embargo, proposed by Jefferson, 52;
supported by Adams, 53;
opposed by Federalists, 53;
preferred by Adams to submission, 54, 55;
its effects, 55;
its repeal urged by Adams, 55, 56.

England, ratifies Jay treaty, 21;
tries to induce Adams to negotiate instead of Deas, 22;
its commercial policy toward United States, 37, 38;
its right of search protested against by Adams, 39;
Non-importation Act adopted against, 40;
proclaims blockade, 41;
issues Orders in Council, 41, 42;
its policy of impressment, 43, 44;
refuses compensation for Chesapeake affair and promotes Berkeley, 45;
its policy understood by Adams, 49, 50;
embargo against, 51-55;
refuses Russia's offer to mediate in war of 1812, 75;
wins victories, 76;
willing to treat directly, 76;
appoints commissioners, 76;
demands great concessions, 78, 79;
ready, if necessary, to continue war, 86;
alters policy and concludes treaty, 93, 94;
dissatisfied with treaty, 97;
commercial treaty with, 98;
mission of Adams to, 98-100;
social life of Adams in, 99, 100;
its offer to mediate between United States and Spain rejected, 114;
hopes no violent action will be taken against Spain, 118;
endeavors to induce United States to join in suppressing slave
trade, 135, 137;
its sincerity suspected by Adams, 138;
its claim to right of search causes refusal of request, 138, 139;
its claims to Oregon discussed by Canning and Adams, 140, 142, 143, 145;
Adams's opinion of its territorial claims, 145.

Era of good feeling, 104;
characterized by personal rivalries, 105;
question of presidential succession, 105, 106;
intrigues, 106, 107, 148.

Evans, George, defends Adams from resolutions of censure, 270.

Everett, Edward, his address to Jackson condemned as fulsome by Adams, 242.

Everett, Horace, defends Adams against resolutions of censure, 283, 286.

Everett, Mr., told by Adams of determination to do nothing to secure
election, 164.

Federalist party, defeated by Jefferson, 25, 26;
dissensions in, between John Adams and Hamilton, 26, 27;
J. Q. Adams a member of, 28;
elects Adams to State Senate, 28;
irritated by his independence, 29;
elects him United States senator, 30;
antipathy of, in Senate, toward son of John Adams, 31;
opposes Louisiana purchase, 35;
condemns Adams for favoring Louisiana, 36;
supports English policy, 38;
angered against Jefferson for not submitting to English aggression,
39, 40, 53;
opposes Non-importation Act, 40;
urged by Adams to resent Chesapeake affair, 51;
does so, but condemns Adams for participating in Republican meeting, 52;
its outburst of fury at Adams for supporting embargo, 53, 54;
refuses to reëlect him, 57;
discussion of its part in United States history, 59-62;
its success in organization, 59, 60;
supported by Adams as long as it remains sound, 61;
takes false position after 1807, 62;
disappears, 104, 105;
thirteen members demand evidence of Adams's statement concerning plans
for disunion, 216;
their rejoinder to his reply, 217, 218;
proved to have planned disunion by Adams's unpublished pamphlet, 218,
219.

Fisheries, intention of English to ignore, in treaty of Ghent, 80, 88;
disputes over, between Adams and Clay, 88-90;
finally omitted from treaty, 92, 94;
later negotiations over, 99.

Florida, question of its acquisition, 110, 111;
acquired by treaty, 115;
its seizure advocated by Adams against Monroe, 118, 123;
treaty concerning, opposed by Clay, 151;
illegal actions of Jackson in, 159.

Foreign Affairs, Committee on, petition for Adams's removal from, 280;
refusal of Southern members to serve on, with Adams, 289.

France, conquers Holland, 20;
attitude of John Adams toward, 26;
replies to English blockade by Berlin and Milan decrees, 41, 42;
unable to damage American shipping as much as England, 46, 47;
war with Russia, 74;
hopes no violent action will be taken against Spain, 118;
rejects England's plan for suppression of slave trade, 138;
its slowness in paying debt causes Jackson to break off diplomatic
relations, 238.

Franklin, Benjamin, negotiates treaty of peace, 13.

"Gag" rule, adopted over Adams's protest, 250, 251;
effort of Adams to get his protest on journal, 251, 252;
further protests of Adams against, 256, 258, 305;
difficulties in enforcing, 260;
dwindling majorities for, 305;
repealed on Adams's motion, 306.

Gallatin, Albert, appointed peace commissioner, 75;
his appointment rejected by Senate, 75;
reappointed, 76;
moderates resentment of colleagues at English pretensions, 77, 82;
acts as peacemaker in conference, 82;
supplants Adams in drafting documents, 82;
on good terms with Adams, 84;
negotiates treaty of commerce, 98.

Gambier, Lord, on English peace commission, 76;
laments Adams's intention to return to St. Petersburg, 86;
interposes to calm a quarrel, 91;
negotiates treaty of commerce, 98.

Garland, Hugh A., attempts to secure organization of House of
Representatives without taking in contested seats, 290;
intends to give House to Democrats, 291;
refuses to put any question until House is organized, 291, 292;
prevents organization, 292;
pushed aside by Adams, 293.

Garrison, William Lloyd, adopts Adams's theory of power of Congress over
slavery, 264.

Genet, E. C., his course attacked by Adams in papers, 18.

Gerry, Elbridge, notifies John Adams of appointment as Minister to
England, 14.

Giddings, Joshua R., his position on power of Congress over slavery not
indorsed by Adams, 263.

Giles, W. B., attempts to win Adams to support Jefferson, 65;
abuses Adams, 211, 296;
his memory preserved solely by his slanders, 212;
circulates slanders in New England against Adams, 216.

Gilmer, Thomas W., offers resolution of censure on Adams for presenting
petition to dissolve the Union, 281;
denies Adams's charge of imitating Wise, 281, 282.

Glascock, Thomas, moves that anti-slavery petition be not received, 248.

Goulburn, Henry, on English peace commission, 76;
thinks war must continue, 86;
loses temper with Bayard and Adams, 91;
negotiates treaty of commerce, 98.

Grantland, Seaton, wishes to punish Adams for presenting petition from
slaves, 270.

Greece, revolt of, refusal of Adams to commit United States to
interference, 134.

Gregory, Sherlock S., his eccentric anti-slavery petition, 256.

Grenville, Lord, dealings of Adams with, in 1795, 22.

Gunboat scheme, despised by Adams, 48.

Habersham, Richard W., alleges petition for removal of Adams to be a
hoax, 280.

Hamilton, Alexander, real leader of Federalist party during John Adams's
administration, 27;
his feud with Adams, 27;
his influence in Massachusetts, 28, 30.

Harvard College, studies of John Quincy Adams in, 17;
its proposal to confer degree upon Jackson opposed by Adams, 241;
confers the degree, 241, 242.

Haynes, Charles E., moves rejection of Adams's petition from slaves,
270, 275;
moves to make censure of Adams severe, 271.

Hayti, its possible representation at Panama Congress causes South to
advocate refusal to send delegates, 191;
petitions for recognition of, 259.

Holland, mission of Adams to, 20;
conquered by France, 20;
made into "Batavian Republic," 20;
agrees to suppress slave trade, 138.

Holy Alliance, fear of its attempting to reconquer Spanish colonies,
132, 134, 136.

House of Representatives, Adams's career in, 225-308;
election of Adams to, 225;
his labors in committee and other work of, 227;
solitariness of Adams in, 231;
his position in, with regard to tariff of 1833, 235;
debate in, over Jackson's policy to France, 239;
anti-slavery petitions presented in, at first without remark, 243, 248;
debates plans to prevent their reception, 248-250;
adopts "gag" rule against Adams's protest, 251;
attempts of Adams to infringe its rule, 257, 258;
debates power to abolish slavery, 262;
debates proposed censure of Adams for presenting a petition from
slaves, 269-279;
resolves that slaves do not possess right of petition, 279;
Adams's speech in reply, 277-279;
attempts to censure Adams for presenting petition for dissolution of
Union, 280-288;
lays subject on table, 288;
does not resent a second disunion petition, 288;
refusal of Garland to organize according to custom, in 1839, 290-292;
appeals to Adams, 292; organized by his leadership, 293-295;
pays compliment to Adams on his return after illness, 307;
death of Adams in, 307, 308.

Hubbard, David, comment of Adams on, 300.

Hunter, R. M. T., elected Speaker of House, 295.

Impressment, description of its exercise by England and effects upon
United States, 43-45;
difficulty of reclaiming impressed Americans, 44, 45;
the Chesapeake affair, 45, 46;
not mentioned in treaty of Ghent, 92, 95;
later negotiations over, 99.

Indians, propositions concerning, in peace negotiations, 78;
dissensions over, between American commissioners, 90;
article concerning, 94.

Internal improvements, Adams's advocacy of, 194, 201.

Jackson, Andrew, his view of Adams's office-seeking, 63;
wins battle of New Orleans, 96, 97;
his outrages in Spanish territory, 110;
enrages Spain, 111;
approves Adams's Spanish treaty, later condemns it, 125;
becomes candidate for presidency in 1824, 149;
his Indian wars in Florida, 158, 159;
hangs Arbuthnot and Ambrister, 159;
captures Pensacola, 159;
difficulty of praising or blaming him, 159, 160;
condemned by President and Cabinet, 160;
and by Clay, 160;
defended by Adams, 160-162;
ball in his honor given by Adams, 162;
supported for Minister to Mexico and for Vice-President by Adams. 163;
on good terms with Adams up to election, 163;
receives largest electoral vote in 1824, 169;
said to have refused offer of Clay to bargain for support, 170;
impossibility of Clay's supporting him, 171;
popular argument for his choice, 171, 172;
absurdity of claim of popular will in favor of, 172, 173;
vote for, in House of Representatives, 174;
enraged at defeat, 174;
yet greets Adams at inauguration, 175;
nominated for President by Tennessee legislature, 181;
spreads tale of Clay and Adams's bargain, 184;
declares he has proof, 184, 185;
tells story of offer from Clay, 185;
calls upon Buchanan for testimony, 186;
his statements disavowed by Buchanan, 186, 187;
continues to repeat story, 187;
his candidacy for 1828 purely on personal grounds, 195-197, 200;
advantages all on his side, 197;
originator of spoils system, 198;
his position as advocate of unsound government not understood in 1828,
200;
secretly aided by McLean, 205, 206;
rewards him by a judgeship, 206;
elected President in 1828, 212;
begins a new era, 213, 214;
his message of 1832 condemned by Adams, 234;
his proclamation against nullification upheld by Adams, 235;
ultimately yields to South Carolina, 236;
his administration condemned by Adams, 237;
its character, 237;
recommends vigorous action against France, 238;
supported by Adams in House, 239;
continues to hate Adams, 239, 240;
futile attempt of Johnson to reconcile him with Adams, 240, 241;
granted degree of Doctor of Laws by Harvard, 241, 242;
suspected by Adams of feigning illness for effect, 242.

Jackson, F. J., his recall referred to in conversation between Canning
and Adams, 146.

Jarvis, Leonard, introduces resolution that House will not entertain
abolition petitions, 248.

Jay treaty, ratified, 21.

Jefferson, Thomas, negotiates treaties of commerce, 13;
republishes Paine's "Rights of Man," 18;
his inauguration avoided by John Adams, 26;
removes J. Q. Adams from position of commissioner in bankruptcy, 28;
attempts to explain apparent malice, 28;
Adams's view of his attacks on Pickering and Chase, 36;
approves Non-importation Act, 40;
inefficient in war-time, 48, 54;
advocates embargo, 54;
not reconciled with J. Q. Adams in spite of latter's support, 65;
unconciliatory reply of Adams to, when offered a mission, 69;
his desire to make Louisiana a State opposed by Adams, 130;
begins political use of offices to secure reëlection, 198;
said to have been warned by Adams of Federalist disunion plots, 216.

Johnson, Joshua, father-in-law of Adams, 22.

Johnson, Louisa Catherine, marries Adams, 22, 23;
in Washington society, 103.

Johnson, Richard M., led by Clay to oppose Spanish treaty, 124;
endeavors to reconcile Adams and Jackson, 240;
his probable motives, 240.

Johnson, Thomas, Governor, connected by marriage with Adams, 22.

King, Rufus, description of Adams's offer of English mission to, 177, 178.

Kremer, George, originates bargain slander against Clay and Adams,
171, 180;
refuses to testify before House Committee, 181;
writes a retraction and apology, 187.

Leopard. See Chesapeake.

Lewis, Dixon H., urges punishing Adams for offering petition from
slaves, 270;
wishes Southern members to go home, 272.

Lincoln, Solomon, letter of Adams to, on power of Congress over
slavery, 265.

Lincoln, Levi, defends Adams against resolution of censure, 276.

Liverpool, Lord, his anxiety to conclude peace, 93.

Livingston, Edward, ordered by Jackson to demand passports from
France, 238.

Lloyd, James, Jr., chosen Senator in Adams's place, 57.

Louisiana, acquisition opposed by Federalist party, 35;
supported by Adams, although, in his eyes, unconstitutional, 35;
negotiations with Spain concerning its boundary, 110, 112, 114-116;
proposed boundary at Sabine opposed by Clay, 112, 116;
boundaries agreed upon in treaty, 115;
dispute over Spanish land grants in, 116, 117, 124;
the boundary later attacked, but, at the time of treaty, approved, 125.

Lowell, John, justifies action of Leopard in attacking Chesapeake, 50.

McLean, J. T., professes devotion to Adams and aids Jackson, 205, 206;
rewarded by Jackson with a judgeship, 206.

Madison, James, as Secretary of State, favors giving Adams a foreign
mission, 68;
as President, appoints him Minister to Russia, 69, 70.

Manifest destiny, upheld by Adams, 130.

Mann, Abijah, Jr., of New York, attacks Adams in Congress, 273, 274.

"Marcellus" papers, 18.

Manufactures, Committee on, Adams a member of, 233.

Marshall, Thomas F., attacks Adams for advocating power of Congress
over slavery, 263;
offers resolution of censure on Adams for presenting disunion
petition, 282, 283.

Markley, Philip S., mentioned by Buchanan in Clay-Adams bargain story, 186.

Mason, S. T., killed in a duel, 103, 104.