Chapter III (1)

TWO JOURNALS OF WESTERN TOURS, BY CHARLES FREDERICK POST: ONE, TO THE NEIGHBORHOOD OF FORT DUQUESNE (JULY-SEPTEMBER, 1758); THE OTHER TO THE OHIO (OCTOBER, 1758-JANUARY 1759)

SOURCE: Proud’s _History of Pennsylvania_ (Philadelphia, 1798), ii, appendix.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

Christian Frederick Post, author of the following journals, was a simple, uneducated missionary of the Moravian Church. His chief qualifications for the perilous journeys herein detailed, were his intimate acquaintance with Indian life and character, the belief of the tribesmen in his truthfulness and honesty, and his own steadfast courage and trust in the protection of a higher power. Born in Polish Prussia in 1710, Post early came under the influence of the Moravians, whose remarkable missionary movement was just beginning to germinate.

The first attempt of this church to christianize the American Indians in Georgia having failed because of Spanish hostility, the Moravian disciples removed to Pennsylvania (1739), and were granted land on which to establish their colony at Bethlehem. Thither in 1742 came Post, eager to join in evangelizing the Indians; for which purpose he was sent the following year to assist Henry Rauch in his mission to the Mohegans and Wampanoags. This mission had been established about 1740, Count Zinzendorf, the great Moravian bishop, having visited its site at Shekomeko (Pine Plains, Dutchess County, New York) and baptized three Indians as its first fruits. The work spread to the neighboring Indian villages of Connecticut, and Post was assigned to a circuit in Sharon Township, Litchfield County, consisting of the villages of Pachgatgoch and Wechquadnach. Here, in his zeal for the service, he married a converted Indian woman (1743), and endeared himself to all the tribe.

But persecutions began to assail the humble brethren and their converts; they were accused of being papists, arrested and haled before local magistrates, by whom they were no sooner released than a mob of those whose gain in pampering to Indian vices was endangered by Moravian success, set upon them and rendered their lives and those of their new converts intolerable. Post, who had been on a journey to the Iroquois country (1745), was arrested at Albany and sent to New York, where he was imprisoned for seven weeks on a trumped-up charge of abetting Indian raids.

The situation made retreat necessary; therefore, in 1746, the Shekomeko and Connecticut settlements were broken up, and the Christian Indians with their missionaries moved in detachments to Pennsylvania, where, after kindly entertainment at Bethlehem, a town called Gnadenhütten (huts of Grace), was built for them, at Weisport, Carbon County. It was during their stay at Bethlehem that Rachel, Post’s Indian wife, died (1747), and there two years later he married a Delaware convert, Agnes, who lived only until 1751.

Meanwhile, Post was employed as missionary assistant, going to Shamokin in 1747 to aid the missionary blacksmith established there, to clear and plant more ground. Again in 1749, he revisited the scene of his early labors, and helped David Bruce to re-establish a mission among the remnant left at Pachgatgoch. Two years later he was summoned to a more distant field on the dismal shores of Labrador, where a company of four Moravian brethren were sent to begin a mission to the Eskimos. An untoward accident rendered this project futile; the major part of the crew of the vessel which had transported them having been lost, the captain impressed the missionaries to carry his ship back to England.

Thereupon Post again sought his home in Pennsylvania, dwelling principally at Bethlehem, until called upon by the Pennsylvania authorities to assist in public affairs. There is no certain information of his introduction to the managers of Indian matters in Pennsylvania; but several Christian Indians from his flock had been utilized as interpreters, and the Friendly Association of Quakers, which was assuming so large a rôle in treating with the natives, was well-inclined toward the Moravian brothers.

The first mention of Post in the public records is in connection with a message which he was employed to carry (June, 1758) in conjunction with Charles Thomson to Teedyuscung at Wyoming.[1] On his return to the settlements, he was immediately commissioned to go back to Wyoming with a message from the Cherokee auxiliaries, who had come to join the army of Forbes, and whose presence caused consternation among Pennsylvania’s savage allies. With but five days’ respite, Post again started on a journey beset with perils on every side, through the wilderness of Northern Pennsylvania.[2] At Teedyuscung’s cabin he met two Indians from the Ohio, who declared that their tribes were sorry they had gone to war against the English; they had often wished that messengers from the government would come to them, for then they should long before have abandoned war.

On the receipt of this important information, the council at Philadelphia debated to what use it might be put in furthering the plans for Forbes’s advance. “Post was desired to accompany the Indians, and he readily consented to go.”[3]

Antiquarians and historians have alike admired the sublime courage of the man, and the heroic patriotism which made him capable of advancing into the heart of a hostile territory, into the very hands of a cruel and treacherous foe. But aside from Post’s supreme religious faith, he had a shrewd knowledge of Indian customs, and knew that in the character of an ambassador requested by the Western tribes, his mission would be a source of protection. Therefore, even under the very walls of Fort Duquesne, he trusted not in vain to Indian good faith.

The results of this embassy were most gratifying. The report of his mission coming during the important negotiations at Easton, aided in securing the Indian neutrality which made the advance of Forbes so much less hazardous than that of Braddock.

But the work was only begun; and to complete it Post’s renewed co-operation was necessary. This time he was not to venture alone. Two militia officers, Captain John Bull and Lieutenant William Hays, volunteered for the service,[4] and having joined Post at Reading, all proceeded with Indian companions in their van, to overtake the army and reach the Ohio in advance of the column.

Their mission was not in time to save the Indian ferocity at Grant’s defeat; but it contributed to assure the French that aid from the neighboring Indians was dubious, and that in retreat lay their only safety. Through the simple narrative of Indian speeches and replies, one feels the intensity of the strain: the French captain “looked as pale as death;” “we hanged out the English flag, in spite of the French, on which our prisoners folded their hands, in hopes that their redemption was nigh.” Then the news came “which gave us the pleasure to hear, that the English had the field, and that the French had demolished and burnt the place entirely and went off.”

Of Post’s later life and its vicissitudes, we get but scattered glimpses. For the two years succeeding these adventurous journeys, he served the Pennsylvania authorities as messenger and interpreter, at the same time begging to be allowed to go and preach to the newly-appeased Indians on the Ohio. The last official act of Governor Denny was the affixing of his signature to a passport for Post, of whose loyalty, integrity and prudence he testifies to have had good experience.[5]

This desire to begin a mission to the Western Indians was consummated in 1761, when Post proceeded alone to the Muskingum and built the first white man’s house within the present limits of Ohio. The following spring, he applied to the Moravian brethren for an assistant; whereupon John Heckewelder was assigned to this service, and in his _Narrative_ describes their courteous reception by Bouquet at Fort Pitt, the restless conditions among the Delawares and Shawnees, and the warnings against the storm of fire and blood which was so soon to break over the frontier. Heckewelder retreated in due season; Post barely saved himself by a sudden flight.

In 1764, the ecclesiastical authorities saw fit to send this intrepid missionary to the Mosquito Coast, where he stayed two years, making a second visit in 1767. Toward the close of his life he retired from the Moravian sect, and entered the Protestant Episcopal Church. His death occurred at Germantown in 1785.

The journal of the first tour to the Ohio Indians (July 15-September 22, 1758), was printed in the appendix to _An Enquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians from the British Interest_ (London, 1759; reprinted Philadelphia, 1867). This book was published anonymously, but was known to be the work of Charles Thomson, a prominent Philadelphia Quaker, later secretary of the Continental Congress. Thomson gives a brief preface to Post’s journal, and the matter in the notes thereof is evidently by his hand; it is probable that the notes to the second journal are also by him. The first journal was reprinted by Proud, _History of Pennsylvania_ (Philadelphia, 1798), ii, appendix, pp. 65-95, from which edition our reprint has been made. Craig also published this in _The Olden Time_, i, pp. 99-125, following almost verbatim the edition of Thomson and Proud. Rupp, _Early History of Western Pennsylvania_ (Pittsburg and Harrisburg, 1846), appendix, pp. 75-98, gives the same journal. The _Pennsylvania Archives_, iii, pp. 520-544, also contains this journal, evidently taken from the same manuscript, with but slight variations in the spelling of proper names.

Heckewelder, _Narrative of the Mission of the United Brethren_ (Philadelphia, 1820), pp. 55, 56, says: “To enumerate all the hardships, difficulties and dangers, Frederick Post had been subjected to on these journies, especially on the first, in the summer of the year 1758, is at this time both impossible and needless. Suffice it to say, that what _he_ intended the public should know, was published in the year after, in England, under the title of ‘Christian Frederick Post’s Journal from Philadelphia to the Ohio,’ &c. His _original_ manuscript journal, however, which had for some time been placed in the hands of the writer of this narrative, was far more interesting, and evinced that few men would be found able to undergo the fatigues of a journey, bearing so hard on the constitution, or a mind to sustain such trials of adversity—at least not with that calmness with which Mr. Post endured it.”

The diary of the second journey of Christian Frederick Post to the Ohio, October 25, 1758—January 8, 1759, was first printed in London, 1759, for J. Wilkie; see Field, _An Essay towards an Indian Bibliography_ (New York, 1873), p. 315. Proud, _History of Pennsylvania_, ii, appendix, pp. 96-132, also reprints Post’s second journal, and from this our reprint is made. It appears also in _The Olden Time_, i, pp. 144-177; and in Rupp, _Early History of Western Pennsylvania_, appendix, pp. 99-126. The extract from a journal in the _Pennsylvania Archives_, iii, pp. 560-563, entitled “Journal of Frederick Post from Pittsburg, 1758,” is in reality that of Croghan’s—see _ante_, p. 100. For an example of the form and spelling of the original manuscripts of these journals before they were rigorously edited, see letter of Post’s in _Pennsylvania Archives_, iii, pp. 742-744. The following is a sample extract therefrom:

To his honnour da Governor of Pansylvanea:

Broder, I cam to Machochlaung, wa mane Indeans luve, I cald dam all togader, and I told dam wat we bous had agread on wan we sa one anoder last, and wat you ar sorre for and have so mouts at hart, and dasayrt me to mack it avere war noun avere war, and dasayrd dam to be strong and sea dat your flasch and blod may be rastord to you; now br’r, you know dat it is aur agreamand, dat as soun as I hoar any ting, I geave yu daracktly notys of, and as I am as jat closs bay you, so I sand daes prasonars to you which da daleverat to me, and I geave dam to Papunnahanck to dalever dam to you; br. I do not sand daes poepel daun, da have had damself a long dasayr to go daun to sea dar br. da Englesch, so I tot it proper to sand dam along; I hop you will rajoys to sea dam and be kaynd to dam, and allso to dam poepel dat bryng dam daun; wan I am farder from you and I schall meat wit som, I schall bryng dam maysalf daun wan I com along; br. you know aur worck is grat, and will tack a long taym befor we coan com back, I salud all da schandel pepel, and dasayr you to be strong.

Ye 20 Day of May, 1760, rot at Machochloschung.

Ordinarily, the modern historical student very properly deprecates any tampering with original manuscripts; but an examination of the foregoing inclines one not only to forgive but to thank the early editors for having translated Post’s jargon into understandable English.

R. G. T.

THE JOURNAL OF CHRISTIAN FREDERICK POST, FROM PHILADELPHIA TO THE OHIO, ON A MESSAGE FROM THE GOVERNMENT OF PENNSYLVANIA TO THE DELAWARE, SHAWNESE, AND MINGO INDIANS, SETTLED THERE.

_July the_ 15th, 1758.—This day I received orders from his honour, the Governor, to set out on my intended journey, and proceeded as far as _German Town_, where I found all the _Indians_ drunk.[6] _Willamegicken_ returned to _Philadelphia_, for a horse, that was promised him.[7]

16th.—This day I waited for the said _Willamegicken_ till near noon, and when he came, being very drunk, he could proceed no further, so that I left him, and went to _Bethlehem_.[8]

17th.—I arrived at _Bethlehem_, and prepared for my journey.

18th.—I read over both the last treaties, that at _Easton_, and that at _Philadelphia_, and made myself acquainted with the particulars of each.[9]

19th.—With much difficulty I persuaded the _Indians_ to leave _Bethlehem_, and travelled this day no further than _Hayes’s_ having a hard shower of rain.

20th.—Arrived at fort _Allen_.[10]

21st.—I called my company together, to know if we should proceed. They complained they were sick, and must rest that day. This day, I think, _Teedyuscung_[11] laid many obstacles in my way, and was very much against my proceeding: he said, he was afraid I should never return; and that the Indians would kill me. About dinner time two _Indians_ arrived from _Wyoming_,[12] with an account that _Teedyuscung’s_ son, _Hans Jacob_, was returned, and brought news from the _French_ and _Allegheny Indians_. _Teedyuscung_ then called a Council, and proposed that I should only go to _Wyoming_, and return, with the message his son had brought, to _Philadelphia_. I made answer, that it was too late, that he should have proposed that in _Philadelphia_; for that the writings containing my orders were so drawn, as obliged me to go, though I should lose my life.

22d.—I desired my companions to prepare to set out, upon which _Teedyuscung_ called them all together in the fort, and protested against my going. His reasons were, that he was afraid the _Indians_ would kill me, or the _French_ get me; and if that should be the case he should be very sorry, and did not know what he should do. I gave for answer, “that I did not know what to think of their conduct. It is plain, said I, that the _French_ have a _public road_[13] to your towns, yet you will not let your own flesh and blood, the _English_, come near them; which is very hard: and if that be the case, the _French_ must be your masters.” I added, that, if I died in the undertaking, it would be as much for the _Indians_ as the _English_, and that I hoped my journey would be of this advantage, that it would be the means of saving the lives of many hundreds of the _Indians_: therefore, I was resolved to go forward, taking my life in my hand, as one ready to part with it for their good. Immediately after I had spoken thus, three rose up and offered to go with me the nearest way; and we concluded to go through the inhabitants, under the Blue mountains to fort _Augusta_, on _Susquahanna_; where we arrived the 25th.[14]

It gave me great pain to observe many plantations deserted and laid waste; and I could not but reflect on the distress, the poor owners must be drove to, who once lived in plenty; and I prayed the Lord to restore peace and prosperity to the distressed.

At fort _Augusta_ we were entertained very kindly, had our horses shod, and one being lame, we exchanged for another. Here we received, by _Indians_ from _Diahogo_,[15] the disagreeable news that our army was, as they said, entirely cut off at _Ticonderoga_,[16] which discouraged one of my companions, _Lappopetung’s_ son, so much, that he would proceed no further. _Shamokin Daniel_ here asked me, if I thought he should be satisfied for his trouble in going with me. I told him every body, that did any service for the province, I thought, would be paid.

27th.—They furnished us here with every necessary for our journey, and we set out with good courage. After we rode about ten miles, we were caught in a hard gust of rain.

28th.—We came to _Wekeeponall_, where the road turns off for _Wyoming_, and slept this night at _Queenashawakee_.[17]

29th.—We crossed the _Susquahanna_ over the _Big Island_. My companions were now very fearful, and this night went a great way out of the road, to sleep without fire, but could not sleep for the musquetoes and vermin.

30th & 31st.—We were glad it was day, that we might set out. We got upon the mountains, and had heavy rains all night. The heavens alone were our covering, and we accepted of all that was poured down from thence.

_August_ 1st.—We saw three hoops[18] on a bush; to one of them there remained some long white hair. Our horses left us, I suppose, not being fond of the dry food on the mountains: with a good deal of trouble we found them again. We slept this night on the same mountain.

2d.—We came across several places where two poles, painted red, were stuck in the ground by the _Indians_, to which they tye the prisoners, when they stop at night, in their return from their incursions. We arrived this night at _Shinglimuhee_,[19] where was another of the same posts. It is a disagreeable and melancholy sight, to see the means they make use of, according to their savage way, to distress others.

3d.—We came to a part of a river called _Tobeco_, over the mountains, a very bad road.

4th.—We lost one of our horses, and with much difficulty found him, but were detained a whole day on that account.

I had much conversation with _Pisquetumen_;[20] of which I think to inform myself further when I get to my journey’s end.

5th.—We set out early this day, and made a good long stretch, crossing the big river _Tobeco_, and lodged between two mountains. I had the misfortune to lose my pocket book with three pounds five shillings,[21] and sundry other things. What writings it contained were illegible to any body but myself.

6th.—We passed all the mountains, and the big river, _Weshawaucks_, and crossed a fine meadow two miles in length, where we slept that night, having nothing to eat.[22]

7th.—We came in sight of fort _Venango_, belonging to the _French_, situate between two mountains, in a fork of the _Ohio_ river. I prayed the Lord to blind them, as he did the enemies of _Lot_ and _Elisha_, that I might pass unknown. When we arrived, the fort being on the other side of the river, we hallooed, and desired them to fetch us over; which they were afraid to do; but shewed us a place where we might ford. We slept that night within half gun shot of the fort.

8th.—This morning I hunted for my horse, round the fort, within ten yards of it. The Lord heard my prayer, and I passed unknown till we had mounted our horses to go off, when two _Frenchmen_ came to take leave of the _Indians_, and were much surprised at seeing me, but said nothing.

By what I could learn of _Pisquetumen_, and the _Indians_, who went into the fort, the garrison consisted of only six men, and an officer blind of one eye.[23] They enquired much of the _Indians_ concerning the _English_, whether they knew of any party coming to attack them, of which they were apprehensive.

9th.—Heavy rains all night and day: we slept on swampy ground.

10th.—We imagined we were near _Kushkushkee_; and having travelled three miles, we met three _Frenchmen_, who appeared very shy of us, but said nothing more than to enquire, whether we knew of any _English_ coming against fort _Venango_.

After we travelled two miles farther, we met with an _Indian_, and one that I took to be a runagade _English Indian_ trader; he spoke good _English_, was very curious in examining every thing, particularly the silver medal about Pisquitumen’s neck. He appeared by his countenance to be guilty. We enquired of them where we were, and found we were lost, and within twenty miles of fort _Duquesne_. We struck out of the road to the right, and slept between two mountains; and being destitute of food, two went to hunt, and others to seek a road, but to no purpose.

11th.—We went to the place where they had killed two deers, and _Pisquetumen_ and I roasted the meat. Two went to hunt for the road, to know which way we should go: one came back, and found a road; the other lost himself.

12th.—The rest of us hunted for him, but in vain; so, as we could not find him, we concluded to set off, leaving such marks, that, if he returned, he might know which way to follow us; and we left him some meat. We came to the river _Conaquonashon_ [Conequenessing Creek], where was an old _Indian_ town. We were then fifteen miles from _Kushkushkee_.

There we stopt, and sent forward _Pisquetumen_ with four strings of _wampum_ to apprize the town of our coming,[24] with this message:

“Brother,[25] thy brethren are come a great way, and want to see thee, at thy fire, to _smoak that good tobacco_,[26] which our good grandfathers used to smoak. Turn thy eyes once more upon that road, by which I came.[27] I bring thee words of great consequence from the Governor, and people of _Pennsylvania_, and from the king of _England_. Now I desire thee to call all the kings and captains from all the towns, that none may be missing. I do not desire that my words may be hid, or spoken under cover. I want to speak loud, that all the _Indians_ may hear me. I hope thou wilt bring me on the road, and lead me into the town. I blind the _French_, that they may not see me, and stop their ears, that they may not hear the great news I bring you.”

About noon we met some _Shawanese_, that used to live at _Wyoming_. They knew me, and received me very kindly. I saluted them, and assured them the government of _Pennsylvania_ wished them well, and wished to live in peace and friendship with them. Before we came to the town, two men came to meet us and lead us in. King Beaver shewed us a large house to lodge in.[28] The people soon came and shook hands with us. The number was about sixty young able men. Soon after king _Beaver_ came and told his people, “Boys, hearken, we sat here without ever expecting again to see our brethren the _English_; but now one of them is brought before you, that you may see your brethren, the _English_, with your own eyes; and I wish you may take it into consideration.” Afterwards he turned to me and said,

“Brother, I am very glad to see you, I never thought we should have had the opportunity to see one another more; but now I am very glad, and thank God, who has brought you to us. It is a great satisfaction to me.” I said, “Brother, I rejoice in my heart, I thank God, who has brought me to you. I bring you joyful news from the Governor and people of _Pennsylvania_, and from your children, the Friends:[29] and, as I have words of great consequence I will lay them before you, when all the kings and captains are called together from the other towns. I wish there may not be a man of them missing, but that they may be all here to hear.”

In the evening king Beaver came again, and told me, they had held a council, and sent out to all their towns, but it would take five days before they could all come together. I thanked him for his care. Ten captains came and saluted me. One said to the others; “We never expected to see our brethren the _English_ again, but now God has granted us once more to shake hands with them, which we will not forget.” They sat by my fire till midnight.

14th.—The people crowded to my house; it was full. We had much talk. _Delaware George_[30] said, he had not slept all night, so much had he been engaged on account of my coming. The _French_ came, and would speak with me. There were then fifteen of them building houses for the _Indians_. The captain is gone with fifteen to another town. He can speak the _Indian_ tongue well. The _Indians_ say he is a cunning fox; that they get a great deal of goods from the _French_; and that the French cloath the _Indians_ every year, men, women and children, and give them as much powder and lead as they want.

15th.—_Beaver_ king was informed, that _Teedyuscung_ had said he had turned the hatchet against the _French_, by advice of the _Alleghany Indians_; this he blamed, as they had never sent him such advice. But being informed it was his own doing, without any persuasion of the Governor, he was easy on that head. _Delaware Daniel_ prepared a dinner, to which he invited me, and all the kings and captains; and when I came, he said, “Brother, we are as glad to see you among us, as if we dined with the Governor and people in Philadelphia. We have thought a great deal since you have been here. We never thought so much before.”[31] I thanked them for their kind reception; I said, it was something great, that God had spared our lives, to see one another again, in the old brother-like love and friendship. There were in all thirteen, who dined together.

In the evening they danced at my fire, first the men, and then the women, till after midnight.

On the 16th, the king and captains called on me privately. They wanted to hear what _Teedyuscung_ had said of them, and begged me to take out the writings. I read to them what _Teedyuscung_ had said, and told them, as _Teedyuscung_ had said he would speak so loud, that all at _Allegheny_, and beyond should hear it, I would conceal nothing from them. They said, they never sent any such advice (as above mentioned), to _Teedyuscung_, nor ever sent a message at all to the government,[32] and now the _French_ were here, their captain would come to hear, and this would make disturbance. I then told them I would read the rest, and leave out that part, and they might tell the kings and captains of it, when they came together.

17th.—Early, this morning they called all the people together to clean the place, where they intended to hold the council, it being in the middle of the town. _Kushkushkee_ is divided into four towns, each at a distance from the others; and the whole consists of about ninety houses, and two hundred able warriors.

About noon two public messengers arrived from the _Indians_ at fort _Duquesne_ and the other towns. They brought three large belts and two bundles of strings;[33] there came with them a _French_ captain, and fifteen men. The two messengers insisted that I should go with them to fort _Duquesne_; that there were _Indians_ of eight nations, who wanted to hear me; that if I brought good news, they inclined to leave off war, and live in friendship with the _English_. The above messengers being _Indian_ captains, were very surly. When I went to shake hands with one of them, he gave me his little finger; the other withdrew his hand entirely; upon which I appeared as stout as either, and withdrew my hand as quick as I could. Their rudeness to me was taken very ill by the other captains, who treated them in the same manner in their turn.

I told them my order was to go to the _Indian_ towns, kings and captains, and not to the _French_; that the _English_ were at war with the French, but not with those _Indians_, who withdrew from the _French_, and would be at peace with the _English_.

King Beaver invited me to his house to dinner, and afterwards he invited the _French_ captain, and said before the _Frenchman_, that the _Indians_ were very proud to see one of their brothers, the _English_, among them; at which the _French_ captain appeared low spirited, and seemed to eat his dinner with very little appetite.

In the afternoon the _Indian_ kings and captains called me aside, and desired me to read them the writings that I had. First I read part of the _Easton_ treaty to them; but they presently stopped me, and would not hear it; I then began with the articles of peace made with the _Indians_ there. They stopped me again, and said, they had nothing to say to any treaty, or league, of peace, made at _Easton_, nor had any thing to do with _Teedyuscung_; that, if I had nothing to say to them from the government, or Governor, they would have nothing to say to me; and farther said, they had hitherto been at war with the _English_, and had never expected to be at peace with them again; and that there were six of their men now gone to war against them with other _Indians_; that had there been peace between us, those men should not have gone to war. I then shewed them the belts and strings from the Governor; and they again told me to lay aside _Teedyuscung_, and the peace made by him; for that they had nothing to do with it.[34] I desired them to suffer me to produce my papers, and I would read what I had to say to them.

18th.—_Delaware George_ is very active in endeavouring to establish a peace. I believe he is in earnest. Hitherto they have all treated me kindly.

In the afternoon, all the kings and captains were called together, and sent for me to their council. King Beaver first addressed himself to the captains; and afterwards spoke to me, as follows:

“Brother, you have been here now five days by our fire.[35] We have sent to all the kings and captains, desiring them to come to our fire and hear the good news you brought. Yesterday they sent two captains to acquaint us, they were glad to hear our _English_ brother was come among us, and were desirous to hear the good news he brought; and since there are a great many nations that went [want] to see our brother, they have invited us to their fire, that they may hear us all. Now, brother, we have but one great fire; so, brother, by this string we will take you in our arms, and deliver you into the arms of the other kings, and when we have called all the nations there, we will hear the good news, you have brought.” Delivers four strings.

King _Beaver_, _Shingas_, and _Delaware George_, spoke as follows:

“Brother, we alone cannot make a peace; it would be of no significance; for, as all the _Indians_, from the sunrise to the sunset, are united in a body, it is necessary that the whole should join in the peace, or it can be no peace; and we can assure you, all the _Indians_, a great way from this, even beyond the lakes, are desirous of, and wish for a peace with the _English_, and have desired us, as we are the nearest of kin, if we see the _English_ incline a peace, to hold it fast.”

On the 19th, all the people gathered together, men, women, and children; and king _Beaver_ desired me to read to them the news I had brought, and told me that all the able men would go with me to the other town. I complied with his desire, and they appeared very much pleased at every thing, till I came to that part respecting the prisoners. This they disliked; for, they say, it appears very odd and unreasonable that we should demand prisoners before there is an established peace; such an unreasonable demand makes us appear as if we wanted brains.

20th.—We set out from _Kushkushkee_, for _Sankonk_; my company consisted of twenty-five horsemen and fifteen foot. We arrived at _Sankonk_, in the afternoon. The people of the town were much disturbed at my coming, and received me in a very rough manner. They surrounded me with drawn knives in their hands, in such a manner, that I could hardly get along; running up against me, with their breasts open, as if they wanted some pretence to kill me. I saw by their countenances they sought my death. Their faces were quite distorted with rage, and they went so far as to say, I should not live long; but some _Indians_, with whom I was formerly acquainted, coming up, and saluting me in a friendly manner, their behaviour to me was quickly changed.

On the 21st, they sent Messengers to Fort _Duquesne_, to let them know I was there, and invited them to their fire. In the afternoon, I read them all my message, the _French_ captain being present; for he still continued with us: upon which they were more kind to me. In the evening, fifteen more arrived here from _Kushkushkee_. The men here now [were] about one hundred and twenty.

22d.—Arrived about twenty _Shawanese_ and _Mingos_. I read to them the message; at which they seemed well pleased. Then the two kings came to me, and spoke in the following manner:

“Brother, we, the _Shawanese_ and _Mingos_, have heard your message; the messenger we sent to Fort _Duquesne_, is returned, and tells us, there are eight different nations there, who want to hear your message; we will conduct you there, and let both the _Indians_ and _French_ hear what our brothers, the English, have to say.”

I protested against going to Fort _Duquesne_, but all in vain; for they insisted on my going, and said that I need not fear the _French_, for they would carry me in their bosoms, i. e. engage for my safety.

23d.—We set off for Fort _Duquesne_, and went no farther this night than Log’s town, where I met with four _Shawanese_, who lived in _Wyoming_ when I did. They received me very kindly, and called the prisoners to shake hands with me, as their countryman, and gave me leave to go into every house to see them, which was done in no other town besides.

24th.—They called to me, and desired that I would write to the general for them. The jealousy natural to the _Indians_ is not to be described; for though they wanted me to write for them, they were afraid I would, at the same time, give other information, and this perplexed them.

We continued our journey to the fort; and arrived in sight, on this side the river, in the afternoon, and all the _Indian_ chiefs immediately came over; they called me into the middle, and king _Beaver_ presented me to them, and said, “Here is our _English_ brother, who has brought great news.” Two of them rose up and signified they were glad to see me. But an old deaf _Onondago Indian_ rose up and signified his displeasure. This _Indian_ is much disliked by the others; he had heard nothing yet, that had passed, he has lived here a great while, and constantly lives in the fort, and is mightily attached to the _French_; he spoke as follows, to the _Delawares_:

“I do not know this _Swannock_;[36] it may be that you know him. I, the _Shawanese_, and our father[37] do not know him. I stand here (stamping his foot) as a man on his own ground;[38] therefore, I, the _Shawanese_ and my father do not like that a _Swannock_ come on our ground.” Then there was silence awhile, till the pipe went round;[39] after that was over, one of the _Delawares_ rose up, and spoke in opposition to him that spoke last, and delivered himself as follows:

“That man speaks not as a man; he endeavours to frighten us, by saying this ground is his; he dreams; he and his father have certainly drunk too much liquor; they are drunk; pray let them go to sleep till they are sober. You do not know what your own nation does, at home; how much they have to say to the _Swannocks_. You are quite rotten. You stink.[40] You do nothing but smoke your pipe here. Go to sleep with your father, and when you are sober we will speak to you.”

After this the _French_ demanded me of the _Indians_. They said it was a custom among the white people when a messenger came, even if it was the Governor, to blind his eyes, and lead him into the fort, to a prison, or private room. They, with some of the _Indians_ insisted very much on my being sent into the fort, but to no purpose; for the other _Indians_ said to the _French_; “It may be a rule among you, but we have brought him here, that all the _Indians_ might see him, and hear what our brothers the English have to say; and we will not suffer him to be blinded and carried into the fort.” The _French_ still insisted on my being delivered to them; but the _Indians_ desired them, to let them hear no more about it; but to send them one hundred loaves of bread; for they were hungry.

25th.—This morning early they sent us over a large bullock, and all the _Indian_ chiefs came over again, and counselled a great deal among themselves; then the _Delaware_, that handled the old deaf _Onondago_ Indian so roughly yesterday, addressed himself to him, in this manner; “I hope, to day, you are sober. I am certain you did not know what you said yesterday. You endeavoured to frighten us; but know, _we are now men_, and not so easily frightened. You said something yesterday of the _Shawanese_; see here what they have sent you,” (_presenting him with a large roll of tobacco_.)

Then the old deaf _Indian_ rose up, and acknowledged he had been in the wrong; he said, that he had now cleaned _himself_,[41] and hoped they would forgive him.

Then the Delaware delivered the message, that was sent by the _Shawanese_ which was, “That they hoped the _Delawares_, &c. would be strong,[42] in what they were undertaking; that they were extremely proud to hear such good news from their brothers, the _English_; that whatever contracts they made with the _English_, the _Shawanese_ would agree to; that they were their brothers, and that they loved them.”

The _French_ whispered to the _Indians_, as I imagined, to insist on my delivering what I had to say, on the other side of the water. Which they did to no purpose, for my company still insisted on a hearing on this side the water. The _Indians_ crossed the river to council with their Fathers.[43] My company desired to know whether they would hear me or no. This afternoon three hundred _Canadians_ arrived at the fort, and reported that six hundred more were soon to follow them, and forty battoes laden with amunition. Some of my party desired me not to stir from the fire; for that the _French_ had offered a great reward for my scalp, and that there were several parties out on that purpose. Accordingly I stuck constantly as close to the fire, as if I had been chained there.

26th.—The Indians, with a great many of the _French_ officers, came over to hear what I had to say. The officers brought with them a table, pens, ink and paper. I spoke in the middle of them with a free conscience, and perceived by the look of the _French_, they were not pleased with what I said; the particulars of which were as follows; I spoke in the name of the government and people of _Pensilvania_.

“Brethren at Allegheny, We have a long time desired to see and hear from you; you know the road was quite stopt; and we did not know how to come through. We have sent many messengers to you; but we did not hear of you; now we are very glad we have found an opening to come and see you, and to speak with you, and to hear your true mind and resolution. We salute you very heartily.” A string, No. 1.

“Brethren at Allegheny, Take notice of what I say. You know that the bad spirit has brought something between us, that has kept us at a distance one from another; I now, by this belt, take every thing out of the way, that the bad spirit has brought between us, and all the jealousy and fearfulness we had of one another, and whatever else the bad spirit might have poisoned your heart and mind with, that nothing of it may be left. Moreover let us look up to God, and beg for his assistance, that he may put into our hearts what pleases him, and join us close in that brotherly love and friendship, which our grandfathers had. We assure you of our love towards you.” A belt of eleven rows.

“Brothers at Allegheny, Hearken to what I say; we began to hear of you from _Wellemeghihink_, who returned from _Allegheny_. We heard you had but a slight, confused account of us; and did not know of the peace, we made twelve months past, in _Easton_. It was then agreed, that the large belt of peace should be sent to you at _Allegheny_. As these our two old friends from _Allegheny_, who are well known to many here, found an opening to come to our council fire, to see with their own eyes, to sit with us face to face, to hear with their own ears, every thing that has been transacted between us; it gives me and all the people of the province great pleasure to see them among us. And I assure all my brethren at _Allegheny_, that nothing would please me, and all the people of the province better, than to see our countrymen the _Delawares_ well settled among us.” A belt.

“Hearken, my brethren at _Allegheny_. When we began to make peace with the _Delawares_, twelve months ago, in behalf of ten other nations, we opened a road, and cleared the bushes from the blood, and gathered all the bones, on both sides, together; and when we had brought them together, in one heap, we could find no place to bury them: we would not bury them as our grandfathers did. They buried them under ground, where they may be found again. We prayed to God, that he would have mercy on us, and take all these bones away from us, and hide them, that they might never be found any more; and take from both sides all the remembrance of them out of our heart and mind. And we have a firm confidence, that God will be pleased to take all the bones and hide them from us, that they may never be remembered by us, while we live, nor our children, nor grand children, hereafter. The hatchet was buried on both sides, and large belts of peace exchanged. Since we have cleared every thing from the heart, and taken every thing out of our way; now, my brethren at _Allegheny_, every one that hears me, if you will join with us, in that brotherly love and friendship, which our grandfathers had, we assure you, that all past offences shall be forgotten, and never more talked of, by us, our children and grand children hereafter. This belt assures you of our sincerity, and honest and upright heart towards you.” A belt of seven rows.

“Hearken, brethren at _Allegheny_. I have told you that we really made peace with part of your nation, twelve months past; I now by this belt open the road from _Allegheny_ to our council fire, where your grandfathers kept good councils with us, that all may pass without molestation or danger. You must be sensible, that unless a road be kept open, people at variance can never come together to make up their differences. Messengers are free in all nations throughout the world, by a particular token. Now, brethren at _Allegheny_, I desire you will join with me in keeping the road open, and let us know in what manner we may come free to you, and what the token shall be. I join both my hands to yours, and will do all in my power to keep the road open.” A belt of seven rows.

“Now, brethren at _Allegheny_, Hear what I say. Every one that lays hold of this belt of peace, I proclaim peace to them from the _English_ nation, and let you know that the great king of _England_ does not incline to have war with the _Indians_; but he wants to live in peace and love with them, if they will lay down the hatchet, and leave off war against him.”

“We love you farther, we let you know that the great king of _England_ has sent a great number of warriors into this country, not to go to war against the _Indians_, in their towns, no, not at all; these warriors are going against the _French_; they are on the march to the _Ohio_, to revenge the blood they have shed. And by this belt I take you by the hand, and lead you at a distance from the _French_, for your own safety, that your legs may not be stained with blood. Come away on this side of the mountain, where we may oftener converse together, and where your own flesh and blood lives. We look upon you as our countrymen, that sprung out of the same ground with us; we think, therefore, that it is our duty to take care of you, and we in brotherly love advise you to come away with your whole nation, and as many of your friends as you can get to follow you. We do not come to hurt you, we love you, therefore we do not call you to war, that you may be slain; what benefit will it be to you to go to war with your own flesh and blood? We wish you may live without fear or danger with your women and children.” The large peace belt.

“Brethren, I have almost finished what I had to say, and hope it will be to your satisfaction; my wish is, that we may join close together in that old brotherly love and friendship, which our grandfathers had; so that all the nations may hear and see us, and have the benefit of it; and if you have any uneasiness, or complaint, in your heart and mind, do not keep it to yourself. We have opened the road to the council fire, therefore, my brethren, come and acquaint the Governor with it; you will be readily heard, and full justice will be done you.” A belt.

“Brethren, One thing I must bring to your remembrance. You know, if any body loses a little child, or some body takes it from him, he cannot be easy, he will think on his child by day and night; since our flesh and blood is in captivity, in the _Indian_ towns, we desire you will rejoice the country’s heart, and bring them to me; I shall stretch out my arms to receive you kindly.” A string.

After I had done, I left my belts and strings still before them. The _Delawares_ took them all up, and laid them before the _Mingoes_;[44] upon which they rose up, and spoke as follows:

“_Chau_, What I have heard pleases me well; I do not know why I go to war against the _English_. _Noques_, what do you think? You must be strong. I did not begin the war, therefore, I have little to say; but whatever you agree to, I will do the same.” Then he addressed himself to the _Shawanese_, and said, “You brought the hatchet to us from the _French_, and persuaded us to strike our brothers the _English_; you may consider (laying the belts, &c. before them) wherefore you have done this.”

The _Shawanese_ acknowledged they received the hatchet from the _French_, who persuaded them to strike the _English_; that they would now send the belts to all the _Indians_, and in twelve days would meet again.

Present at this council, three hundred _French_ and _Indians_. They all took leave, and went over again to the fort, but my companions, who were about seventy in number.

_Shamokin Daniel_, who came with me, went over to the fort by himself, (which my companions disapproved of) and counselled with the Governor; who presented him with a laced coat and hat, a blanket, shirts, ribbons, a new gun, powder, lead, &c. When he returned he was quite changed, and said, “See here, you fools, what the _French_ have given me. I was in _Philadelphia_, and never received a farthing;” and, directing himself to me, he said, “The English are fools, and so are you.” In short, he behaved in a very proud, saucy and imperious manner. He further said, “The _English_ never give the _Indians_ any powder, and that the _French_ would have given him a horseload, if he would have taken it; see that young man there, he was in _Philadelphia_ and never got any thing; I will take him over to the _French_; and get some cloathing for him.”

Three _Indians_ informed me, that as soon as the _French_ got over, they called a council, with their own _Indians_, among whom there happened accidentally to be a _Delaware_ captain, who was privately invited by one of his acquaintances to hear what the French had to say; and when they were assembled, the _French_ spoke, as follows:

“My children, now we are alone, hearken to what I have to say. I perceive the _Delawares_ are wavering; they incline to the _English_, and will be faithful to us no longer. Now all the chiefs are here, and but a handful, let us cut them off, and then we shall be troubled with them no longer.” Then the _Tawaas_ [Ottawas] answered, “No, we cannot do this thing; for though there is but a handful here, the _Delawares_ are a strong people, and are spread to a great distance, and whatever they agree to must be.”

This afternoon, in council, on the other side of the river, the _French_ insisted that I must be delivered up to them, and that it was not lawful for me to go away; which occasioned a quarrel between them and the _Indians_, who immediately came away and crossed the river to me; and some of them let me know thet _Daniel_ had received a string from the _French_, to leave me there; but it was to no purpose, for they would not give their consent; and then agreed that I should set off before day the next morning.

27th.—Accordingly, I set out before day, with six _Indians_, and took another road, that we might not be seen; the main body told me, they would stay behind, to know whether the _French_ would make an attempt to take me by force; that if they did, they, the _Indians_, would endeavour to prevent their crossing the river, and coming secretly upon me. Just as I set off the _French_ fired all their great guns, it being Sunday (I counted nineteen) and concluded they did the same every Sabbath. We passed through three _Shawanese_ towns; the _Indians_ appeared very proud to see me return, and we arrived about night at _Sawcunk_, where they were likewise very glad to see me return. Here I met with the two captains, who treated me so uncivilly before; they now received me very kindly, and accepted of my hand, and apologized for their former rude behaviour. Their names are _Kuckquetackton_ and _Killbuck_.[45] They said,