Chapter IV: Part 4

This, then is the position in which we stand. A small majority of the citizens of one State in the Union have elected delegates to a State convention; that convention has ordained that all the revenue laws of the United States must be repealed, or that they are no longer a member of the Union. The governor of that State has recommended to the legislature the raising of an army to carry the secession into effect, and that he may be empowered to give clearances to vessels in the name of the State. No act of violent opposition to the laws has yet been committed, but such a state of things is hourly apprehended, and it is the intent of this instrument to PROCLAIM, not only that the duty imposed on me by the Constitution, "to take care that the laws be faithfully executed," shall be performed to the extent of the powers already vested in me by law, or of such others as the wisdom of Congress shall devise and intrust to me for that purpose; but to warn the citizens of South Carolina, who have been deluded into an opposition to the laws, of the danger they will incur by obedience to the illegal and disorganizing ordinance of the convention--to exhort those who have refused to support it to persevere in their determination to uphold the Constitution and laws of their country, and to point out to all the perilous situation into which the good people of that State have been led, and that the course they are urged to pursue is one of ruin and disgrace to the very State whose rights they effect to support.

Fellow-citizens of my native State! let me not only admonish you, as the first magistrate of our common country, not to incur the penalty of its laws, but use the influence that a father would over his children whom he saw rushing to a certain ruin. In that paternal language, with that paternal feeling, let me tell you, my countrymen, that you are deluded by men who are either deceived themselves or wish to deceive you. Mark under what pretenses you have been led on to the brink of insurrection and treason on which you stand! First a diminution of the value of our staple commodity, lowered by over-production in other quarters and the consequent diminution in the value of your lands, were the sole effect of the tariff laws. The effect of those laws was confessedly injurious, but the evil was greatly exaggerated by the unfounded theory you were taught to believe, that its burdens were in proportion to your exports, not to your consumption of imported articles. Your pride was roused by the assertions that a submission to these laws was a state of vassalage, and that resistance to them was equal, in patriotic merit, to the opposition our fathers offered to the oppressive laws of Great Britain. You were told that this opposition might be peaceably--might be constitutionally made--that you might enjoy all the advantages of the Union and bear none of its burdens. Eloquent appeals to your passions, to your State pride, to your native courage, to your sense of real injury, were used to prepare you for the period when the mask which concealed the hideous features of DISUNION should be taken off. It fell, and you were made to look with complacency on objects which not long since you would have regarded with horror. Look back to the arts which have brought you to this state--look forward to the consequences to which it must inevitably lead! Look back to what was first told you as an inducement to enter into this dangerous course. The great political truth was repeated to you that you had the revolutionary right of resisting all laws that were palpably unconstitutional and intolerably oppressive--it was added that the right to nullify a law rested on the same principle, but that it was a peaceable remedy! This character which was given to it, made you receive with too much confidence the assertions that were made of the unconstitutionality of the law and its oppressive effects. Mark, my fellow-citizens, that by the admission of your leaders the unconstitutionality must be _palpable_, or it will justify either resistance or nullification! What is the meaning of the word _palpable_ in the sense in which it is here used?--that which is apparent to every one, that which no man of ordinary intellect will fail to perceive. Is the unconstitutionality of these laws of that description? Let those among your leaders who once approved and advocated the principles of protective duties, answer the question; and let them choose whether they will be considered as incapable, then, of perceiving that which must have been apparent to every man of common understanding, or as imposing upon our confidence and endeavoring to mislead you now. In either case, they are unsafe guides in the perilous path they urge you to tread. Ponder well on this circumstance, and you will know how to appreciate the exaggerated language they address to you. They are not champions of liberty emulating the fame of our Revolutionary fathers, nor are you an oppressed people, contending, as they repeat to you, against worse than colonial vassalage. You are free members of a flourishing and happy Union. There is no settled design to oppress you. You have, indeed, felt the unequal operation of laws which may have been unwisely, not unconstitutionally passed; but that inequality must necessarily be removed. At the very moment when you were madly urged on to the unfortunate course you have begun, a change in public opinion has commenced. The nearly approaching payment of the public debt, and the consequent necessity of a diminution of duties, had already caused a considerable reduction, and that, too, on some articles of general consumption in your State. The importance of this change was underrated, and you were authoritatively told that no further alleviation of your burdens was to be expected, at the very time when the condition of the country imperiously demanded such a modification of the duties as should reduce them to a just and equitable scale. But, as apprehensive of the effect of this change in allaying your discontents, you were precipitated into a fearful state in which you now find yourselves.

I have urged you to look back to the means that were used to hurry you on to the position you have now assumed, and forward to the consequences it will produce. Something more is necessary. Contemplate the condition of that country of which you still form an important part; consider its government uniting in one bond of common interest and general protection so many different States--giving to all their inhabitants the proud title of AMERICAN CITIZENS--protecting their commerce--securing their literature and arts--facilitating their intercommunication--defending their frontiers--and making their name respected in the remotest parts of the earth! Consider the extent of its territory, its increasing and happy population, its advance in arts, which render life agreeable, and the sciences which elevate the mind! See education spreading the lights of religion, morality, and general information into every cottage in this wide extent of our Territories and States! Behold it as the asylum where the wretched and the oppressed find a refuge and support! Look on this picture of happiness and honor, and say, WE, TOO, ARE CITIZENS OF AMERICA--Carolina is one of these proud States her arms have defended--her best blood has cemented this happy Union! And then add, if you can, without horror and remorse, this happy Union we will dissolve--this picture of peace and prosperity we will deface--this free intercourse we will interrupt--these fertile fields we will deluge with blood--the protection of that glorious flag we renounce--the very name of Americans we discard. And for what, mistaken men! For what do you throw away these inestimable blessings--for what would you exchange your share in the advantages and honor of the Union? For the dream of a separate independence--a dream interrupted by bloody conflicts with your neighbors, and a vile dependence on a foreign power. If your leaders could succeed in establishing a separation, what would be your situation? Are you united at home--are you free from the apprehension of civil discord, with all its fearful consequences? Do our neighboring republics, every day suffering some new revolution or contending with some new insurrection--do they excite your envy? But the dictates of a high duty oblige me solemnly to announce that you can not succeed. The laws of the United States must be executed. I have no discretionary power on the subject--my duty is emphatically pronounced in the Constitution. Those who told you that you might peaceably prevent their execution, deceived you--they could not have been deceived themselves. They know that a forcible opposition could alone prevent the execution of the laws, and they know that such opposition must be repelled. Their object is disunion; but be not deceived by names; disunion, by armed force, is TREASON. Are you really ready to incur this guilt? If you are, on the head of the instigators of the act be the dreadful consequences--on their heads be the dishonor, but on yours may fall the punishment--on your unhappy State will inevitably fall all the evils of the conflict you force upon the government of your country. It cannot accede to the mad project of disunion of which you would be the first victims--its first magistrate can not, if he would, avoid the performance of his duty--the consequence must be fearful for you, distressing to your fellow-citizens here, and to the friends of good government throughout the world. Its enemies have beheld our prosperity with a vexation they could not conceal--it was a standing refutation of their slavish doctrines, and they will point to our discord with the triumph of malignant joy. It is yet in your power to disappoint them. There is yet time to show that the descendants of the Pinckneys, the Sumpters, the Rutledges, and of the thousand other names which adorn the pages of your revolutionary history, will not abandon that Union to support which so many of them fought and bled and died. I adjure you, as you honor their memory--as you love the cause of freedom, to which they dedicated their lives--as you prize the peace of your country, the lives of its best citizens, and your own fair fame, to retrace your steps. Snatch from the archives of your State the disorganizing edict of its convention--bid its members to re-assemble and promulgate the decided expressions of your will to remain in the path which alone can conduct you to safety, prosperity, and honor--tell them that compared to disunion, all other evils are light, because that brings with it an accumulation of all--declare that you will never take the field unless the star-spangled banner of your country shall float over you--that you will not be stigmatized when dead, and dishonored and scorned while you live, as the authors of the first attack on the Constitution of your country!--its destroyers you can not be. You may disturb its peace--you may interrupt the course of its prosperity--you may cloud its reputation for stability--but its tranquillity will be restored, its prosperity will return, and the stain upon its national character will be transferred and remain an eternal blot on the memory of those who caused the disorder.

Fellow-citizens of the United States! The threat of unhallowed disunion--the names of those, once respected, by whom it is uttered--the array of military force to support it--denote the approach of a crisis in our affairs on which the continuance of our unexampled prosperity, our political existence, and perhaps that of all free governments, may depend. The conjecture demanded a free, a full, and explicit enunciation, not only of my intentions, but of my principles of action; and as the claim was asserted of a right by a State to annul the laws of the Union, and even to secede from it at pleasure, a frank exposition of my opinions in relation to the origin and form of our government, and the construction I give to the instrument by which it was created, seemed to be proper. Having the fullest confidence in the justness of the legal and constitutional opinion of my duties which has been expressed, I rely with equal confidence on your undivided support in my determination to execute the laws--to preserve the Union by all constitutional means--to arrest, if possible, by moderate but firm measures, the necessity of a recourse to force; and, if it be the will of Heaven that the recurrence of its primeval curse on man for the shedding of a brother's blood should fall upon our land, that it be not called down by any offensive act on the part of the United States.

Fellow-citizens! The momentous case is before you. On your undivided support of your government depends the decision of the great question it involves, whether your sacred Union will be preserved, and the blessing it secures to us as one people shall be perpetuated. No one can doubt that the unanimity with which that decision will be expressed, will be such as to inspire new confidence in republican institutions, and that the prudence, the wisdom, and the courage which it will bring to their defense, will transmit them unimpaired and invigorated to our children.

May the Great Ruler of nations grant that the signal blessings with which He has favored ours may not, by the madness of party, or personal ambition, be disregarded and lost, and may His wise providence bring those who have produced this crisis to see the folly, before they feel the misery, of civil strife, and inspire a returning veneration for that Union which, if we may dare to penetrate His designs, He has chosen, as the only means of attaining the high destinies to which we may reasonably aspire.

In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed, having signed the same with my hand.

Done at the City of Washington, this 10th day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-two, and of the independence of the United States the fifty-seventh.

ANDREW JACKSON.

By the President.

EDW. LIVINGSOE, _Secretary of State_.

MONROE DOCTRINE.

EXTRACT FROM PRESIDENT MONROE'S ANNUAL MESSAGE, WASHINGTON, DEC. 2, 1823.

The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded, or seriously menaced, that we resent injuries or make preparations for our defence. With the movements in this hemisphere, we are, of necessity, more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different, in this respect, from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective Governments. And to the defence of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted.

We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers, to declare, that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere, as dangerous to our peace and safety.

With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power, we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But, with the Governments who have declared their independence, and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration, and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling, in any other manner, their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States.

In the war between those new Governments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur, which, in the judgment of the competent authorities of this Government, shall make a corresponding change on the part of the United States, indispensable to their security.

THE DRED SCOTT DECISION.

DRED SCOTT, PLAINTIFF IN ERROR, _vs._ JOHN F.A. SANDFORD.

This case was brought up by writ of error, from the Circuit Court of the United States for the district of Missouri.

It was an action of trespass _vi et armis_ instituted in the Circuit Court by Scott against Sanford.

Prior to the institution of the present suit, an action was brought by Scott for his freedom in the Circuit Court of St. Louis county, (State court,) where there was a verdict and judgment in his favor. On a writ of error to the Supreme Court of the State, the judgment below was reversed, and the case remanded to the Circuit Court, where it was continued to await the decision of the case now in question.

The declaration of Scott contained three counts: one, that Sandford had assaulted the plaintiff; one, that he had assaulted Harriet Scott, his wife; and one, that he had assaulted Eliza Scott and Lizzie Scott, his children.

Sandford appeared, and filed the following plea:

DRED SCOTT, } _vs._ } _Plea to the Jurisdiction of the Court._ JOHN F.A. SANDFORD. }

APRIL TERM, 1854.

And the said John F.A. Sandford, in his own proper person, comes and says that this court ought not to have or take further cognizance of the action aforesaid, because he says that said cause of action, and each and every of them, (if any such have accrued to the said Dred Scott,) accrued to the said Dred Scott out of the jurisdiction of this court, and exclusively within the jurisdiction of the courts of the State of Missouri, for that, to wit: the said plaintiff, Dred Scott, is not a citizen of the State of Missouri, as alleged in his declaration, because he is a negro of African descent; his ancestors were of pure African blood, and were brought into this country and sold as negro slaves, and this the said Sandford is ready to verify. Wherefore he prays judgment whether this court can or will take further cognizance of the action aforesaid.

JOHN F.A. SANDFORD.

To this plea there was a demurrer in the usual form, which was argued in April, 1854, when the court gave judgment that the demurrer should be sustained.

In May, 1854, the defendant, in pursuance of an agreement between counsel, and with the leave of the court, pleaded in bar of the action:

1. Not guilty.

2. That the plaintiff was a negro slave, the lawful property of the defendant, and, as such, the defendant gently laid his hands upon him, and thereby had only restrained him, as the defendant had a right to do.

3. That with respect to the wife and daughters of the plaintiff, in the second and third counts of the declaration mentioned, the defendant had, as to them, only acted in the same manner, and in virtue of the same legal right.

In the first of these pleas, the plaintiff joined issue; and to the second and third filed replications alleging that the defendant, of his own wrong and without the cause in his second and third pleas alleged, committed the trespasses, etc.

The counsel then filed the following agreed statement of facts, viz.:

In the year 1834, the plaintiff was a negro slave belonging to Dr. Emerson, who was a surgeon in the army of the United States. In that year, 1834, said Dr. Emerson took the plaintiff from the State of Missouri to the military post at Rock Island in the State of Illinois, and held him there as a slave until the month of April or May, 1836. At the time last mentioned, said Dr. Emerson removed the plaintiff from said military post at Rock Island to the military post at Fort Snelling, situate on the west bank of the Mississippi river, in the Territory known as Upper Louisiana, acquired by the United States of France, and situate north of the latitude of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north, and north of the State of Missouri. Said Dr. Emerson held the plaintiff in slavery at said Fort Snelling, from said last-mentioned date until the year 1838.

In the year 1835, Harriet, who is named in the second count of the plaintiff's declaration, was the negro slave of Major Taliaferro, who belonged to the army of the United States. In that year, 1835, said Major Taliaferro took said Harriet to said Fort Snelling, a military post, situated as hereinbefore stated, and kept her there as a slave until the year 1836, and then sold and delivered her as a slave at said Fort Snelling unto the said Dr. Emerson hereinbefore named. Said Dr. Emerson held said Harriet in slavery at said Fort Snelling until the year 1838.

In the year 1836, the plaintiff and said Harriet, at said Fort Snelling, with the consent of said Dr. Emerson, who then claimed to be their master and owner, intermarried, and took each other for husband and wife. Eliza and Lizzie, named in the third count of the plaintiff's declaration, are the fruit of that marriage. Eliza is about fourteen years old, and was born on board the steamboat Gipsey, north of the north line of the State of Missouri, and upon the river Mississippi. Lizzie is about seven years old, and was born in the State of Missouri, at the military post called Jefferson Barracks.

In the year 1838, said Dr. Emerson removed the plaintiff and said Harriet and their said daughter Eliza, from said Fort Snelling to the State of Missouri, where they have ever since resided.

Before the commencement of this suit, said Dr. Emerson sold and conveyed the plaintiff, said Harriet, Eliza, and Lizzie, to the defendant, as slaves, and the defendant has ever since claimed to hold them and each of them as slaves.

At the times mentioned in the plaintiff's declaration, the defendant claiming to be owner as aforesaid, laid his hands upon said plaintiff, Harriet, Eliza, and Lizzie, and imprisoned them, doing in this respect, however, no more than what he might lawfully do if they were of right his slaves at such times.

Further proof may be given on the trial for either party.

It is agreed that Dred Scott brought suit for his freedom in the Circuit Court of St. Louis county; that there was a verdict and judgment in his favor; that on a writ of error to the Supreme Court, the judgment below was reversed, and the same remanded to the Circuit Court, where it has been continued to await the decision of this case.

In May, 1854, the cause went before a jury, who found the following verdict, viz.: "As to the first issue joined in this case, we of the jury find the defendant not guilty; and as to the issue secondly above joined, we of the jury find that before and at the time when, &c., in the first count mentioned, the said Dred Scott was a negro slave, the lawful property of the defendant; and as to the issue thirdly above joined, we, the jury, find that before and at the time when, &c., in the second and third counts mentioned, the said Harriet, wife of said Dred Scott, and Eliza and Lizzie, the daughters of the said Dred Scott, were negro slaves, the lawful property of the defendant."

Whereupon the court gave judgment for the defendant.

After an ineffectual motion for a new trial, the plaintiff filed the following bill of exceptions.

On the trial of this cause by the jury, the plaintiff, to maintain the issues on his part, read to the jury the following agreed statement of facts, (see agreement above.) No further testimony was given to the jury by either party. Thereupon the plaintiff moved the court to give to the jury the following instruction, viz.:

"That upon the facts agreed to by the parties, they ought to find for the plaintiff. The court refused to give such instruction to the jury, and the plaintiff, to such refusal, then and there duly excepted."

The court then gave the following instruction to the jury, on motion of the defendant:

"The jury are instructed, that upon the facts in this case, the law is with the defendant." The plaintiff excepted to this instruction.

Upon these exceptions, the case came up to this court.

It was argued at December term, 1855, and ordered to be reargued at the present term.

The opinion of the court, as delivered by Chief Justice Taney, being so lengthy, we omit all but the summing up, to wit:

Upon the whole, therefore, it is the judgment of this court, that it appears by the record before us, that the plaintiff in error is not a citizen of Missouri, in the sense in which that word is used in the Constitution; and that the Circuit Court of the United States, for that reason, had no jurisdiction in the case, and could give no judgment in it. Its judgment for the defendant must, consequently, be reversed, and a mandate issued, directing the suit to be dismissed for want of jurisdiction.

PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES.

WITH THE VOTE FOR EACH CANDIDATE FOR OFFICE.

BEFORE THE REVOLUTION.

FIRST CONGRESS, Sept. 5, 1774. Peyton Randolph, of Virginia, President. Born in Virginia, in 1723, died at Philadelphia, Oct. 22, 1785. Charles Thomson, of Pennsylvania, Secretary. Born in Ireland, 1730, died in Pennsylvania, Aug. 16, 1824.

SECOND CONGRESS, May 10, 1775. Peyton Randolph, President. Resigned May 24, 1775.

John Hancock, of Massachusetts, elected his successor. He was born at Quincy, Mass., 1737, died Oct. 8, 1793. He was President of Congress until October, 1777.

Henry Laurens, of South Carolina, President from Nov. 1, 1777, to Dec. 1778. He was born at Charleston, S.C., 1724, died in South Carolina, Dec, 1792.

John Jay, of New York, President from Dec. 10, 1778, to Sept. 27, 1779. He was born in New York City, Dec. 12, 1745, died at New York, May 17, 1829.

Samuel Huntingdon, of Connecticut, President from Sept. 28, 1779, until July 10, 1781. He was born in Connecticut, in 1732, died 1796.

Thos. McKean, of Pennsylvania, President from July 1781, until Nov. 5, 1781. He was born in Pennsylvania, March 19, 1734, died at Philadelphia, June 24, 1817.

John Hanson, of Maryland, President from Nov. 5, 1781, to Nov. 4, 1782.

Elias Boudinot, of New Jersey, President from Nov. 4, 1782, until Feb. 4, 1783. He was born at Philadelphia, May 2, 1740, died 1824.

Thomas Mifflin, of Pennsylvania, President from Feb. 4, 1783, to Nov. 30, 1784. Born at Philadelphia, 1744, died in the same city, Jan. 21, 1800.

Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, President from Nov. 30, 1784, to Nov. 23, 1785. He was born in Virginia, 1732, died 1794.

John Hancock, of Massachusetts, President from Nov. 23, 1785, to June 6, 1786.

Nathaniel Gorham, of Massachusetts, President from June 6, 1786, to Feb. 2, 1787. He was born at Charlestown, Mass., 1738, died June 11, 1796.

Arthur St. Clair, of Pennsylvania, President from Feb. 2, 1787, to Jan. 28, 1788. He was born in Edinburgh, Scotland,----, died in 1818.

Cyrus Griffin, of Virginia, President from Jan. 28, 1788, to the end of the Congress under the Confederation, March 3, 1789. He was born in England, 1748, died in Virginia, 1810.

UNDER THE CONSTITUTION.

1789 to 1793.--George Washington, of Virginia, inaugurated as President of the United States, April 30, 1789. He was born upon Wakefield estate, Virginia, Feb. 22, (11th old style,) 1732, died at Mount Vernon, Dec. 14, 1799.

John Adams, of Massachusetts, Vice-President. Born at Braintree, Mass., Oct. 19, 1735, died July 4, 1826, near Quincy, Mass.

ELECTORAL VOTE.--Geo. Washington, 69; John Adams, 34; John Jay, New York, 9; R.H. Harrison, Maryland, 6; John Rutledge, South Carolina, 6; John Hancock, Massachusetts, 4; Geo. Clinton, New York, 3; Sam'l Huntingdon, Connecticut, 2; John Milton, Georgia, 2; James Armstrong, Georgia, 1; Edward Telfair, Georgia, 1; Benj. Lincoln, Massachusetts, 1--Total, 69. Ten States voted,--Rhode Island, New York, and North Carolina not voting, not having ratified the Constitution in time.

1793 to 1797.--George Washington, President, inaugurated March 4, 1793.

John Adams, Vice-President.

ELECTORAL VOTE.--Geo. Washington, 132; John Adams, 77; Geo. Clinton, 50; Thos. Jefferson, Virginia, 4; Aaron Burr, New York, 1.--Total, 132. Fifteen States voted.

1797 to 1801.--John, Adams President, inaugurated March 4, 1797.

Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, Vice-President. Born at Shadwell, Virginia, April 13, 1743, died at Monticello, Virginia, July 4, 1826.

ELECTORAL VOTE.--John Adams, 71; Thomas Jefferson, 68; Thomas Pinckney, South Carolina, 59; Aaron Burr, 30; Sam'l Adams, Massachusetts, 15; Oliver Ellsworth, Connecticut, 11; Geo. Clinton, 7; John Jay, 5; James Iredell, North Carolina, 3; George Washington, 2; John Henry, Maryland, 2; S. Johnson, North Carolina, 2; Charles C. Pinckney, South Carolina, 1.--Total 138. Sixteen States voting.

1801 to 1805.--Thomas Jefferson, President, inaugurated March 4, 1801.

Aaron Burr, of New York Vice-President. Born at Newark, N.J., Feb. 6, 1756, died at Staten Island, N.Y., Sept. 14, 1836.

ELECTORAL VOTE.--Thos. Jefferson, 73; Aaron Burr, 73; John Adams, 65; Chas. C. Pinckney, 64; John Jay 1.--Total, 13. Sixteen States voting.

There was no choice by the Electoral colleges, and the election was carried into the House of Representatives, and upon the 36th ballot, ten States voted for Jefferson, four States for Aaron Burr, and two States in blank. Jefferson was declared to be elected President, and Burr Vice-President. The Constitution was then amended, so that the Vice-President was voted for separately, instead of being the second on the vote for President.

1805 to 1809.--Thomas Jefferson, President, inaugurated March 4, 1805.

George Clinton, of New York, Vice-President. He was born in Ulster county, N.Y., 1739, died in Washington, D.C., April 20, 1812.

ELECTORAL VOTE.--For President, Thos. Jefferson, 162; Chas. Cotesworth Pinckney, 14.--Total, 176. Seven States voting. For Vice-President, George Clinton, 162; Rufus King, New York, 14.

1809 to 1813.--James Madison, of Virginia, President, inaugurated March 4, 1809. He was born March 16, 1751, in Prince George county, Va., and died at Montpelier, Va., June 28, 1836.

George Clinton, of New York, Vice-President, until his death, April 20, 1812.

ELECTORAL VOTE.--For President, James Madison, 122; Geo. Clinton, 6; C.C. Pinckney, 47.--Total, 175. Seventeen States voting. For Vice-President, George Clinton, 113; James Madison, 3; James Monroe, Virginia, 3; John Langdon, New Hampshire, 9; Rufus King, New York, 47.

1813 to 1817.--James Madison, of Virginia, President, inaugurated March 4, 1813.

Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts, Vice-President, until his death, Nov. 23, 1814. He was born at Marblehead, Mass., July 17, 1744, and died at Washington, D.C.

ELECTORAL VOTE.--For President, James Madison, 128; De Witt Clinton, New York, 89.--Total, 217. Eighteen States voting. For Vice-President, Elbridge Gerry, 131; Jared Ingersoll, Pa., 86.

1817 to 1821.--James Monroe, of Virginia, President, inaugurated March 4, 1817. He was born in Westmoreland county, Va., 1759, and died in New York, July 4, 1831.

Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York, Vice-President. Born June 21, 1774, at Fox Meadows, N.Y., and died at Staten Island, June 11, 1825.

ELECTORAL VOTE.--For President, James Monroe, 183; Rufus King, 34.--Total, 221. Nineteen States voting. For Vice-President, Daniel D. Tompkins, 183; John Eager Howard, Maryland, 22; James Ross, Pennsylvania, 5; John Marshall, Virginia, 4; Robt. Goodloe Harper, Maryland, 3.

1821 to 1825.--James Monroe, President, inaugurated March 4, 1821.

Daniel D. Tompkins, Vice-President.

ELECTORAL VOTE.--For President, James Monroe, 231; John Quincy Adams, Massachusetts, 1.--Total, 232. Twenty-four States voting. For Vice-President, Daniel D. Tompkins, 218; Richard Stockton, New Jersey, 8; Robert G. Harper, 1; Richard Rush, Pennsylvania, 1; Daniel Rodney, Delaware, 1.

1825 to 1829.--John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, President, inaugurated March 4, 1825. He was born at Quincy, Massachusetts, July 11, 1767, and died at Washington City, Feb. 23, 1848.

John Caldwell Calhoun, of South Carolina, Vice-President. Born in Abbeville district, S.C., March 18, 1782, and died March 31, 1850, in Washington City.

POPULAR VOTE.--For President, John Quincy Adams, 105,321; Andrew Jackson, Tennessee, 152,899; Wm. H. Crawford, Georgia, 47,265; Henry Clay, Kentucky, 47,087.

ELECTORAL VOTE.--For President Andrew Jackson, 99; John Quincy Adams, 84; Wm, H. Crawford, 41; Henry Clay, 37.--Total, 261. Twenty-four States voting.

There being no choice by the Electoral colleges, the vote was taken into the House of Representatives. Adams received the votes of thirteen States, Jackson seven, and Crawford four. John Quincy Adams was therefore declared elected President.

For Vice-President, the Electoral vote was John C. Calhoun, South Carolina, 182; Nathan Sanford, New York, 30; Nathaniel Macon, Georgia, 24; Andrew Jackson, Tennessee, 13; Martin Van Buren, New York, 9; Henry Clay, Kentucky, 2.

1829 to 1833.--Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, President, inaugurated March 4, 1829. He was born in Mecklenburg county, N.C., March 15, 1767, and died at the Hermitage, Tenn., June 8, 1845.

John Caldwell Calhoun, Vice-President, until his resignation, Dec. 28, 1832.

POPULAR VOTE.--For President, Andrew Jackson, 650,028; John Quincy Adams, 512,158.

ELECTORAL VOTE.--For President, Andrew Jackson, 178; J.Q. Adams, 83.--Total, 261. Twenty-four States voting.

For Vice-President, John C. Calhoun, 171; Richard Rush, Pennsylvania, 83; Wm, Smith, South Carolina, 7.

1833 to 1837.--Andrew Jackson, President, inaugurated March 4, 1833.

Martin Van Buren, of New York, Vice-President. He was born at Kinderhook, N.Y., Dec. 5, 1782.

POPULAR VOTE.--For President, Andrew Jackson, 687,502; Henry Clay, 550,189; Opposition, (John Floyd, Virginia, and Wm. Wirt, Maryland,) 33,108.

ELECTORAL VOTE.--For President, Andrew Jackson, 219; Henry Clay, 49; John Floyd, 11; Wm. Wirt, 7.--Total 288. Twenty-four States voting.

For Vice-President, Martin Van Buren, 189; John Sergeant, Pennsylvania, 49; William Wilkins, Pennsylvania, 30; Henry Lee, Massachusetts, 11; Amos Ellmaker, Pennsylvania, 7.

1837 to 1841.--Martin Van Buren, President, inaugurated March 4, 1837.

Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, Vice-President. He was born in 1780, and died Nov. 19, 1850.

POPULAR VOTE.--For President, Martin Van Buren, 762,149; Opposition, (Wm. H. Harrison, Hugh L. White, Daniel Webster, W.P. Mangum,) 736,736.

ELECTORAL VOTE.--For President, Martin Van Buren, 170; Wm. H. Harrison, Ohio, 73; Hugh L. White, Tennessee, 26; Daniel Webster, Massachusetts, 14; W.P. Mangum, 11.--Total, 294. Twenty-six States voting.

For Vice-President, Richard M. Johnson, Kentucky, 147; Francis Granger, New York, 77; John Tyler, Virginia, 47; Wm. Smith, Alabama, 23.

1841 to 1845--Wm. Henry Harrison, of Ohio, President, until his death, at Washington, April 4, 1841. He was inaugurated March 4, 1841. He was born in Berkeley county, Va., Feb. 9, 1773.

John Tyler, of Virginia, Vice-President. He was born April, 1790, at Greenway, Charles City county, Va.

John Tyler, of Virginia, became President by the death of W.H. Harrison. He took the oath of office April 6, 1841.

POPULAR VOTE.--Nov. 1840.--For President, Wm. Henry Harrison, 1,274,783; Martin Van Buren, 1,128,702; James G. Birney, New York, (Abolition,) 7,609.

ELECTORAL VOTE.--For President, W.H. Harrison, 234; M. Van Buren, 60.--Total, 294. Twenty-six States voting.

For Vice-President, John Tyler, 234; Richard M. Johnson, 48; L.W. Tazewell, South Carolina, 11; James K. Polk, Tennessee, 1.

1845 to 1849.--James Knox Polk, of Tennessee, President, inaugurated March 4, 1845. He was born in Mecklenburg county, North Carolina, Nov. 2, 1795, and died at Nashville, Tennessee, June 15, 1849.

George Mifflin Dallas, of Pennsylvania, Vice-President. Born in Philadelphia, July 10, 1792.

POPULAR VOTE.--For President, James K. Polk, 1,335,834; Henry Clay, 1,297,033; James G. Birney, 62,290.

ELECTORAL VOTE.--For President, James K. Polk, 170; Henry Clay, 105.--Total, 275. Twenty-six States voting.

For Vice-President, George M. Dallas, 170; Theodore Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, 105.

1849 to 1853.--Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana, President, inaugurated March 4, 1849. Born in Virginia, 1784, died in Washington City, July 9, 1850.

Millard Fillmore, of New York, Vice-President. Born in Locke township, Cayuga county, N.Y., Jan. 7, 1800.

Millard Fillmore, President, after the death of Zachary Taylor, July 9, 1850. He took the oath of office, July 10, 1850.

POPULAR VOTE.--For President, Zachary Taylor, 1,362,031; Lewis Cass, of Michigan, 1,222,445; Martin Van Buren, (Free-Soil,) 291,455.

ELECTORAL VOTE.--For President, Zachary Taylor, 163; Lewis Cass, 127.--Total, 290. Thirty States voting.

For Vice-President, Millard Fillmore, 163; William O. Butler, Kentucky, 127.

1853 to 1857.--Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, President, inaugurated March 5, 1853. He was born at Hillsboro, N.H., Nov. 23, 1804.

William R. King, of Alabama, Vice-President. He was born in North Carolina, April 7, 1786, died at Cahawba, Ala., April 18, 1853.

POPULAR VOTE.--For President, Franklin Pierce, 1,590,490; Winfield Scott, 1,378,589; John P. Hale, New Hampshire, (Abolition,) 157,296.

ELECTORAL VOTE.--For President, Franklin Pierce, 254; Winfield Scott of New Jersey, 42.--Total, 296. Thirty-one States voting.

For Vice President, Wm. R. King, 254; Wm. A. Graham, North Carolina, 42.

1857 to 1861.--James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, President. He was born at Stony Batter, Franklin county, Penn., April 22, 1791.

John C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, Vice-President. Born near Lexington, Kentucky, Jan. 21, 1820.

POPULAR VOTE.--For President, James Buchanan, (Democratic.) 1,832,232; John C. Fremont, California, (Republican,) 1,341,514; Millard Fillmore, New York, (American,) 874,707.

ELECTORAL VOTE.--For President, James Buchanan, 174; John C. Fremont, 109; Millard Fillmore, 8.--Total, 291. Thirty-one States voting.

For Vice-President, John Breckenridge, 174; Wm. L. Dayton, New Jersey, 109; A.J. Donelson, Tennessee, 8.--Total, 291.

1861 to 1865.--Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, President, inaugurated March 4, 1861. He was born near Muldraugh's Hill, Hardin county, Ky., Feb. 1809.

Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, Vice-President. He was born at Paris, Oxford county, Me., Aug. 27, 1809.

POPULAR VOTE.--For President, Abraham Lincoln, (Republican,) 1,857,610; Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, (Democratic,) 1,365,976; John C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, (Democratic,) 847,953; John Bell, of Tennessee, (Constitutional Union,) 590,631.

ELECTORAL VOTE.--For President, Abraham Lincoln, 180; John C. Breckinridge, 72; John Bell, 39; Stephen A. Douglas, 12.--Total, 291. Thirty-three States voting.

For Vice-President, Hannibal Hamlin, Maine, 180; Joseph Lane, Oregon, 72; Edward Everett, Massachusetts, 39; Herschel V. Johnson, Georgia, 12.

1865 to 1869.--Abraham Lincoln, President, inaugurated March 4, 1865.

Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, Vice-President.

POPULAR VOTE.--For President, Abraham Lincoln, (Republican,) 3,213,035; George B. McClellan, (Democrat,) 1,811,754.

Upon the assassination of President Lincoln, April 14, 1865, Andrew Johnson, then Vice-President, assumed the Presidency, and Lafayette S. Foster, of Norwich, Conn., President of the Senate, became Vice-President.

POPULAR NAMES OF STATES.

Virginia, the Old Dominion. Massachusetts, the Bay State. Maine, the Border State. Rhode Island, Little Rhody. New York, the Empire State. New Hampshire, the Granite State. Vermont, the Green Mountain State. Connecticut, the Land of Steady Habits. Pennsylvania, the Keystone State. North Carolina, the Old North State. Ohio, the Buckeye State. South Carolina, the Palmetto State. Michigan, the Wolverine State. Kentucky, the Corn-Cracker. Delaware, the Blue Hen's Chicken. Missouri, the Puke State. Indiana, the Hoosier State. Illinois, the Sucker State. Iowa, the Hawkeye State. Wisconsin, the Badger State. Florida, the Peninsular State. Texas, the Lone Star State.

BATTLES OF THE REVOLUTION.

The following statistics show the losses of life in the various battles of the American Revolution, also the dates of the several battles:

British American
Loss. Loss.

Lexington, April 15, 1775 273 84 Bunker Hill, June 17, 1775 1054 456 Flatbush, August 12, 1776 400 200 White Plains, August 26, 1776 400 400 Trenton, December 25, 1776 1000 9 Princeton, January 5, 1777 400 100 Hubbardstown, August 17, 1777 800 800 Bennington, August 16, 1777 800 100 Brandywine, September 11, 1777 500 1100 Stillwater, September 17, 1777 600 350 Germantown, October 5, 1777 600 1250 Saratoga, October 17, 1777[A] 5752 .... Red Hook, October 22, 1777 500 32 Monmouth, June 25, 1778 400 130 Rhode Island, August 27, 1778 260 214 Briar Creek, March 30, 1779 13 400 Stony Point, July 15, 1779 600 100 Camden, August 16, 1779 375 610 King's Mountain, October 1, 1780 950 66 Cowpens, January 17, 1781 800 72 Guilford C.H., March 15, 1781 532 400 Hobkirk's Hill, April 25, 1781 400 460 Eutaw Springs, September, 1781 1000 550 Yorktown, October, 1781[A] 7072 ....

Total 25,481 7913

[A] Surrendered.

NEUTRALITY LAW OF THE UNITED STATES,

AS AMENDED AND APPROVED BY CONGRESS, JULY 26, 1866.

A Bill more effectually to preserve the neutral relations of the United States.

_Be it enacted, &c._, That if any citizen of the United States shall, within the territory or jurisdiction thereof, accept and exercise a commission to serve a foreign prince, State, colony, district, or people in war by land or by sea against any prince, State, colony, district or people with whom the United States are at peace, the person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall on conviction thereof be punished by a fine of not exceeding $2,000 and imprisonment not exceeding two years, or either, at the discretion of the Court in which such offender may be convicted.

SEC. 2. _And be it further enacted_, That if any person shall, within the territory or jurisdiction of the United States enlist, or enter himself, or hire or retain another person to enlist or enter himself, or to go beyond the limits or jurisdiction of the United States, with intent to be enlisted or entered into the service of any foreign prince, State, colony, district or people as a soldier, or as a marine or seaman on board of any vessel-of-war, letter-of-marque or privateer, every person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall upon conviction therefor be punished by fine not exceeding $1,000, and imprisonment not exceeding two years, or either of them, at the discretion of the Court, in case such offender shall be convicted; provided that this act shall not be construed to extend to any subject or citizen of any foreign prince, State, colony, district or people, who shall transiently be within the United States, and shall be on board of any vessel of war, letter-of-marque or privateer, which, at the time of its arrival within the United States, was fitted and equipped as such, enlist or enter himself, and hire or retain another subject or citizen of the same foreign prince, State, colony, district or people, who is transiently in the United States, to enlist or enter himself to serve such foreign prince, State, colony, district or people, on board such vessel of war, letter-of-marque or privateer, if the United States shall then be at peace with such foreign prince, State, colony, district or people.

SEC. 3. _And be it further enacted_, That if any person shall within the limits of the United States fit out and arm or attempt to fit out and arm, or procure to be fitted out and armed, or shall knowingly be concerned in the furnishing, fitting out and arming of any ship or vessel with intent that such ship or vessel shall be employed in the service of any foreign prince, State, colony, district or people, to cruise or commit hostilities against the subjects, citizens or property of any foreign prince, State, or any colony, district or people with whom the United States are at peace, or shall issue or deliver a commission within the territory or jurisdiction of the United States for any ship or vessel to the intent that she may be employed as aforesaid, or shall have on board any person or persons who shall have been enlisted, or shall have engaged to enlist or serve or shall be departing from the jurisdiction of the United States with intent to enlist or serve in contravention of the provisions of this act, every person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall, upon conviction thereof, be punished by a fine not exceeding $3,000, and imprisonment not exceeding three years, or either of them, at the discretion of the Court in which such offender shall be convicted; and every such ship and vessel, with her tackle, apparel and furniture, together with all materials, arms, ammunition and stores which may have been procured for the building and equipment thereof, shall be forfeited to the United States of America.

SEC. 4. _And be it further enacted_, That it shall be lawful for any Collector of the Customs who is by law empowered to make seizures for any forfeiture incurred under any of the laws of Customs, to seize such ships and vessels in such places and in such manner in which the officers of the Customs are empowered to make seizures under the law for the collection and protection of the revenue, and that every such ship and vessel, with the tackle, apparel and furniture, together with all the materials, arms, ammunition and stores which may belong to or be on board such ship or vessel, may be prosecuted or condemned for the violation of the provisions of this act in like manner as ships or vessels may be prosecuted and condemned for any breach of the laws made for the collection and protection of the revenue.

SEC. 5. _And be it further enacted_, That if any person shall within the territory or jurisdiction of the United States, increase or augment, or procure to be increased or augmented, or shall knowingly be concerned in increasing or augmenting the force of any ship of war, or cruiser, or other armed vessel, which at the time of her arrival within the United States was a ship of war, or cruiser, or armed vessel in the service of any foreign prince, State, colony, district or people, or belonged to the subjects or citizens of any such prince, State, colony, district or people, the same being at war with any foreign prince, State, colony, district or people with whom the United States are at peace, by adding to the number of guns of such vessel, or by changing those on board of her for guns of a larger calibre, or by addition thereto of any equipment solely applicable to war, or shall have on board any person or persons who shall have enlisted, or engaged to enlist or serve, or who shall be departing from the jurisdiction of the United States with intent to enlist or serve in contravention of the provisions of this act; every person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall upon conviction thereof be punished by fine or imprisonment, or either of them, at the discretion of the court in which such offender shall be convicted.

SEC. 6. _And be it further enacted_, That the District Courts shall take cognizance of all complaints, informations, indictments, or other prosecutions, by whomsoever instituted, in cases of captures made within the waters of the United States or within a marine league of the coasts or shores thereof.

SEC. 7. _And be it further enacted_, That in every case in which a vessel shall be fitted out and armed, or in which the force of any vessel of war, cruiser, or other armed vessel shall be increased or augmented, in every case of the capture of a ship or vessel within the jurisdiction or protection of the United States, as before defined, and in every case in which any process issuing out of any court of the United States shall be disobeyed or resisted by any person or persons having the custody of any vessel of war, cruiser or other, armed vessel of any prince or State, or of any colony, district or people, or of any subjects or citizens of any foreign prince, State, or of any colony, district or people in any such case, it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, or such other person as he shall have empowered for that purpose to employ such part of the land and naval forces of the United States or of the militia thereof, for the purpose of taking of and detaining any such ship or vessel with her prize or prizes, if any, in order to the execution of the prohibition or penalties of this act, and to the restoring the prize or prizes in the cases in which restoration shall have been adjudged.

SEC. 8. _And be it further enacted_, That it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, or such person as he shall empower for that purpose, to employ such part of the land and naval forces of the United States, or of the militia thereof, as shall be necessary to compel any foreign ship or vessel to depart the United States in all cases in which, by the laws of nations or the treaties of the United States they ought not to remain within the United States.

SEC. 9. _And be it further enacted_, That offences made punishable by the provisions of this act, committed by citizens of the United States, beyond the jurisdiction of the United States, may be prosecuted and tried before any court having jurisdiction of the offences prohibited by this act.

SEC. 10. _And be it further enacted_, That nothing in this act shall be so construed as to prohibit citizens of the United States from selling vessels, ships or steamers built within the limits thereof, or materials or munitions of war, the growth or product of the same, to inhabitants of other countries, or to Governments not at war with the United States: provided that the operation of this section of this act shall be suspended by the President of the United States with regard to any classes of purchases, whenever the United States shall be engaged in war, or whenever the maintenance of friendly relations with any foreign nation may in his judgment require it.

SEC. 11. _And be it further enacted_, That nothing in the foregoing act shall be construed to prevent the prosecution or punishment of treason, or any piracy or other felony defined by the laws of the United States.

SEC. 12. _And be it further enacted_, That all acts and parts of acts inconsistent with the provisions of this act or inflicting any further or other penalty or forfeiture than are hereinbefore provided for. The acts forbidden herein are hereby repealed.

POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES.

STATES. 1850. 1860.

Alabama 771,623 964,296 Arkansas 209,897 435,427 California 92,597 380,015 Connecticut 370,792 460,151 Delaware 91,532 112,218 Florida 87,445 140,439 Georgia 906,185 1,057,327 Illinois 851,470 1,711,753 Indiana 988,416 1,350,479 Iowa 192,214 674,948 Kansas ... 107,710 Kentucky 982,405 1,155,713 Louisiana 517,762 709,433 Maine 583,169 628,276 Maryland 583,034 687,034 Massachusetts 994,514 1,231,065 Michigan 397,654 749,112 Minnesota 6,077 162,022 Mississippi 606,026 791,395 Missouri 682,044 1,173,317 New Hampshire 317,976 326,072 New Jersey 489,555 672,031 New York 3,097,394 3,887,542 North Carolina 869,039 992,667 Ohio 1,980,329 2,339,599 Oregon 12,093 52,464 Pennsylvania 2,311,786 2,906,370 Rhode Island 147,545 174,621 South Carolina 668,507 703,812 Tennessee 1,002,717 1,109,847 Texas 212,592 601,039 Vermont 314,120 315,116 Virginia 1,421,661 1,596,083 Wisconsin 305,391 775,873

TERRITORIES, ETC.

Colorado .... 34,197 Dakotah .... 4,839 Nebraska .... 28,842 Nevada .... 6,857 New Mexico 61,547 93,541 Utah 11,380 40,295 Washington 1,201 11,578 District of Columbia 51,687 75,076

Total 23,191,876 31,429,891

SLAVE POPULATION IN THE U.S. IN 1860.

STATES. 1850. 1860.

Alabama 342,844 435,132 Arkansas 47,100 111,104 Delaware 2,290 1,798 Florida 39,310 61,753 Georgia 381,682 462,230 Kentucky 210,981 225,490 Louisiana 244,809 332,520 Maryland 90,368 87,188 Mississippi 309,878 436,696 Missouri 87,422 114,965 North Carolina 288,548 331,081 South Carolina 384,984 402,541 Tennessee 239,459 275,784 Texas 58,161 180,388 Virginia 472,528 490,887 Nebraska (Territory) .. 10 Utah " .. 29 New Mexico " 26 24 District of Columbia 3,687 3,181

Total 3,204,077 3,952,801

STATISTICS OF SLAVERY BEFORE THE REVOLUTION.

AMERICAN SLAVERY IN 1715.

In the reign of George I., the ascertained population of the Continental Colonies was as follows:

White Men. Negro Slaves. New Hampshire 9,500 150 Massachusetts 94,000 2,000 Rhode Island 7,500 500 Connecticut 46,000 1,500 New York 27,000 4,000 Pennsylvania 43,300 2,500 New Jersey 21,000 1,500 Maryland 40,700 9,400 Virginia 72,000 23,000 North Carolina 7,500 3,700 South Carolina 6,250 10,500

Total 375,000 58,550

SPEECH OF HON. STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS.

DELIVERED AT CHICAGO, MAY 1ST, 1861.

MR. CHAIRMAN: I thank you for the kind terms in which you have been pleased to welcome me. I thank the Committee and citizens of Chicago for this grand and imposing reception. I beg you to believe that I will not do you nor myself the injustice to believe this magnificent ovation is personal homage to myself. I rejoice to know that it expresses your devotion to the Constitution, the Union, and the flag of our country. (Cheers.)

I will not conceal gratification at the uncontrovertible test this vast audience presents--that what political differences or party questions may have divided us, yet you all had a conviction that when the country should be in danger, my loyalty could be relied on. That the present danger is imminent, no man can conceal. If war must come--if the bayonet must be used to maintain the Constitution--I can say before God my conscience is clean. I have struggled long for a peaceful solution of the difficulty. I have not only tendered those States what was theirs of right, but I have gone to the very extreme of magnanimity.

The return we receive is war, armies marched upon our capital, obstructions and dangers to our navigation, letters of marque to invite pirates to prey upon our commerce, a concerted movement to blot out the United States of America from the map of the globe. The question is, Are we to maintain the country of our fathers, or allow it to be stricken down by those who, when they can no longer govern, threaten to destroy?