Chapter VIII

1855

The debate upon Roebuck's motion of inquiry lasted two nights, and at its close the Aberdeen Ministry fell, beaten by a majority of 157. Historians have seen in this incident much more than the fall of a Ministry.

Behind the question whether the civil side of the Crimean campaign had been mismanaged lay the wider issue whether the Executive should allow its duties to be delegated to a committee of the House of Commons. "The question which had to be answered," says Mr. Bright in his "History of England," "was whether a great war could be carried to a successful conclusion under the blaze of publicity, when every action was exposed not only to the criticism and discussion of the Press, but also to the more formidable and dangerous demands of party warfare within the walls of Parliament."

After both Lord John and Lord Derby had failed to form a Government, the Queen sent for Lord Palmerston.

Lady John, when her husband was summoned to form a Government, wrote to him from Pembroke Lodge on February 3, 1855:

All the world must feel that the burden laid upon you, though a
very glorious, is a very heavy one.... Politics have never yet been
what they ought to be; men who would do nothing mean themselves do
not punish meanness in others when it can serve their party or
their country, and excuse their connivance on that ground. That
ground itself gives way when fairly tried. You are made for better
days than these. I know how much better you really are than me....
You have it in your power to purify and to reform much that is
morally wrong--much that you would not tolerate in your own
household.... "Whatsoever things are pure, whatsoever things are
lovely, whatsoever things are honest," on these things take your
stand--hold them fast, let them be your pride--let your Ministry,
as far as in you lies, be made of such men, that the more closely
its deeds are looked into, the more it will be admired.... Pray for
strength and wisdom from above, and God bless and prosper you,
dearest.

But Lord John failing to find sufficient support, Lord Palmerston became Prime Minister. His first Cabinet was a coalition. It included, besides some new Whig Ministers, all the members of the previous Cabinet with the exception of Lord John, Lord Aberdeen, and the Duke of Newcastle. But on Palmerston accepting the decision of the last Parliament in favour of a Committee of Inquiry, Gladstone, Sidney Herbert, and Sir James Graham resigned; their reason being that the admission of such a precedent for subordinating the Executive to a committee of the House was a grave danger to the Constitution.

It looked as though the Ministry would fall, when Lord John, who had previously refused office, to the surprise and delight of the Whigs, accepted the Colonies. His motives in taking office will be found in the following letters. He had already accepted a mission as British Plenipotentiary at the Conference of Vienna, summoned by Austria to conclude terms of peace between the Allies and Russia. He did not therefore return at once to take his place in the Cabinet, but continued on his mission. Its consequences were destined to bring down on him such a storm of abuse as the careers of statesmen seldom survive. When Gladstone and the Peelites resigned, Palmerston's Ministry ceased to be a coalition and became a Whig Cabinet. The fact that Lord John came to Palmerston's rescue, that he accepted without hesitation a subordinate office and served under Palmerston's leadership in the Commons, shows that Lord John's reluctance to serve in the first instance under Lord Aberdeen could not have been due to a scruple of pride; nor could his obstinate insistence upon his own way inside the Cabinet, of which the Peelites had complained in the early days of Lord Aberdeen's Ministry, have been caused by a desire to make the most of his own importance.

_Lord John to Lady John Russell_

PARIS, _February_ 23, 1855

I have accepted office in the present Ministry. Whatever objections
you may feel to this decision, I have taken it on the ground that
the country is in great difficulty, and that every personal
consideration ought to be waived. I am sure I give a Liberal
Government the best chance of continuing by so acting. When I come
home, I shall have weight enough in the Cabinet through my
experience and position. In the meantime I go on to Vienna.... I
shall ascertain whether peace can be made on honourable terms, and
having done this, shall return home.

The office I have accepted is the Colonial; but as I do _not_
lead in the Commons, it will not be at all too much for my health.

_Mr. John Abel Smith to Lady John Russell

February_ 24, 1855

I received this morning, to my great surprise, a letter from Lord
John announcing his acceptance of the Seals of the Colonial
Department.... I believe it to be unquestionably the fact that by
this remarkable act of self-sacrifice he has saved Lord
Palmerston's Government and preserved to the Liberal party the
tenure of power.... I never saw Brooks's more thoroughly excited
than this evening, and some old hard-hearted stagers talking of
Lord John's conduct with tears in their eyes.

_Lord John to Lady John Russell_

BRUSSELS, _February 25,_ 1855

The wish to support a Whig Government under difficulties, the
desire to be reunited to my friends, with whom when separated by
two benches I could have had no intimate alliance, the perilous
state of the country with none but a pure Derby Government in
prospect, have induced me to take this step. No doubt my own
position was better and safer as an independent man; but I have
thrown all such considerations to the winds.... I am very much
afraid of Vienna for the children; but if you can arrive and keep
well, it will be to me a great delight to see you all.... I have
just seen the King, who is very gracious and kind. He thinks I may
make peace.

_Lady John to Lord John Russell_

PEMBROKE LODGE, _February 26,_ 1855

Mr. West called yesterday, and was full of admiration of the
magnanimity of your conduct, but not of its wisdom. J.A. Smith
writes me a kind letter telling me of the delight of your late
calumniators at Brooks's. Frederick Romilly says London society is
charmed. He touched me very much. He spoke with tears in his eyes
of the generosity of your motives, and of the irreparable blow to
yourself and the country from your abandonment of an honourable and
independent position for a renewal of official ties.... Papa is
very grave and unhappy, doing justice of course to your motives,
but fearing that in sacrificing yourself you sacrifice the best
interests of the country.

_Lord John to Lady John Russell_

BERLIN, _March 1,_ 1855

It was necessary in order to have any effect to decide at once on
my acceptance or refusal of office. I considered the situation of
affairs to be a very serious one. I had hoped that Lord Palmerston,
with the assistance of the Peelites, might go through the session.
Suddenly the secession took place, producing a state of affairs
such as no man ever remembered. Confidence in the Government was
shaken to a very great extent by the mortality and misery of our
Army in the Crimea. I could not resist inquiry; but having yielded
that point, it seemed dastardly to leave men, who had nothing to do
with sending the expedition to the Crimea, charged with the duty of
getting the Army out of the difficulty. Yet it was clear that Lord
Palmerston's Government without my help could hardly stand, and
thus the Government of 1854 would have been convicted of deserting
the task they had undertaken to perform. There remained the
personal difficulty of my serving under Palmerston in the House of
Commons; for my going to the House of Lords would have been only a
personal distinction to me and would not have helped Palmerston in
his difficulty. In the circumstances of the case I thought it right
to throw aside every consideration of ease, dignity, and comfort.
If I had not been responsible for the original expedition to the
Crimea, I would certainly not have taken the office I have now
accepted. Still, it brings the scattered remnants of the Liberal
party together and enables them to try once more whether they can
govern with success.... Lord Minto is now satisfied that I have
followed a public call; for public men must sacrifice themselves in
a great emergency. It was not a time to think of self.... We had an
account of the serious illness of the Emperor of Russia. If he
should die, I should have good hopes of peace....

March 2nd. News come of the Emperor's death. I hope it may be a
good event for Europe, but it makes me sad at present. "What
shadows we are and what shadows we pursue" constantly occurs to my
mind.... My mission may perhaps be more successful in consequence,
but no one can say. At all events you will come to Vienna....

Poor little boys and poor little Agatha! I should feel more
responsible with those children on a journey than with my mission
and the Colonies to boot.

In Paris his conversations with the Emperor confirmed his previous opinion that the best hope of peace lay in winning Austria over to the policy of the Allies.

Lady John joined him at Vienna early in March. In order to understand the following extracts it is necessary to recall the history of the whole negotiation.

Lord John had been dispatched with vague general instructions, and it must not be forgotten that Palmerston was privately much more in favour of continuing the war than Lord John appears to have understood at the time. Palmerston, like Napoleon III, wished to take Sevastopol before making peace; Lord John did not therefore receive during his negotiations the backing he ought to have had from the Government at home. A hitch occurred at the outset of the negotiations owing to the delay of instructions from the Sultan. This delay was engineered by Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, who was determined that Russia should be still further humiliated, and felt sure of Palmerston's sympathy in doing everything that tended to prolong the war. Lord John might complain justly that he was being hindered; but the English Ambassador at Constantinople, who knew Palmerston's mind, felt safe in ignoring Lord John's remonstrances. The first two Articles which formed the subject of discussion dealt with the abolition of the Russian Protectorate over Servia and the Principalities, and with the question of the free navigation of the Danube. These Articles were accepted by Russia. On the third Article, which concerned the Russian power in the Black Sea, the representatives of the Western Powers could not agree. Gortschakoff, the Russian emissary, admitted that the Treaty of 1841 would have to be altered in such a way as would prevent the preponderance of the Russian power off the coast of Turkey. This could have been secured in two ways:

1. By excluding Russian vessels from the Black Sea altogether;
2. By limiting the number of warships Russia might be permitted to keep
there;

but to neither of these methods would Russia at first agree.

Two other alternative proposals were then made by the Austrian Minister, Count Buol. The first was based on the principle of counterpoise, which would give the Allies the right to keep as many ships as Russia in the Black Sea. The second was a stipulation that Russia should not increase her fleet there beyond the strength at which it then stood.

The representatives of the Allies were instructed from home not to accept the proposal of counterpoise. So the second alternative of the Austrian Chancellor was the last remaining chance of Austria and the Allies agreeing upon the terms to be offered to Russia. Lord John wrote to the Government urging them to accept this compromise; for in his opinion the only chance of peace lay in the Allies acting in concert with Austria. At this juncture he received a telegram from home saying that the Government were in favour of a proposal, which had reached them from Paris, for neutralizing the Black Sea.

Prince Gortschakoff at once pointed out that such a plan would leave Russia disarmed in the presence of Turkey armed. Lord John considered this a perfectly just objection on the part of Russia, while the proposal had the unfortunate effect of detaching Austria from the Allies, who considered neutralization to be out of the question. M. Drouyn de L'Huys, the French representative, held the same opinion as Lord John, and when his advice was not accepted by the Emperor, he sent in his resignation. Lord John likewise wrote to Lord Clarendon, then Foreign Secretary, tendering his own.

_March 31,_ 1855, VIENNA

Private letters from Lord Clarendon and Lord Lansdowne full of
distrust and disapprobation of the proceedings here, though not
openly finding fault with John. Lord Clarendon's more especially
warlike, and anti-Austrian and pro-French; the very reverse of
every letter he wrote in the days of Lord Aberdeen.

_April 1,_ 1855, VIENNA

More letters and dispatches making John's position still worse;
representing him as ready to consent to unworthy terms, whereas he
was endeavouring to carry out what had been agreed on by the
Government. No doubt Lord Clarendon's present tone is far better
than his former; but that is not the question. John naturally
indignant and talked of giving up mission and Colonies. This I
trust he will not do unless there is absolute loss of character in
remaining, for another breach with Lord Palmerston, who is far less
to blame than Lord Clarendon, would be a great misfortune--besides,
it might lead to the far greater evil of a breach with France. I
rejoice therefore that John has resolved to wait for Drouyn de
L'Huys and do his utmost to bring matters to a better state.

On April 5, at Vienna, when he wished to resign, she wrote: "Anxious he should delay this step till he hears again from home, as he might repent it, in which case either retracting or abiding by it would be bad. Having regretted his acceptance of office it seems inconsistent to discourage resignation, but is not really so. His reputation cannot afford a fresh storm, and he must show that he did not lightly consent to belong to a Ministry of which he knew the materials so well."

At the end of April they came back to England.

_May 5,_ 1855, LONDON

After all the Emperor rejects the plan [the proposal to limit the
Russian fleet in the Baltic to its strength at the close of the
war] on the plea that the army would not bear it. John disturbed
and perplexed.

_May 6,_ 1855, _Sunday_

John went to town for a meeting at Lord Panmure's on Army
Reform--found here on his return a letter from Lord Clarendon
telling him that the Emperor had sent a telegram through Lord
Cowley and the Foreign Office to Walewski, offering him Foreign
Affairs and asking whether the Queen would agree to Persigny as
French Ambassador. Thus the dismissal or resignation of Drouyn
obliged John to resolve on his own resignation unless the Cabinet
should accept his own view.

_Lord John Russell to Lord Clarendon_ [46]

PEMBROKE LODGE, _May_ 6, 1855

MY DEAR CLARENDON,--I was at Panmure's when your box arrived here,
and did not get back till past eight. I am very much concerned at
the removal or resignation of Drouyn. I cannot separate myself from
him; and, having taken at Vienna the same view which he did, his
resignation entails mine. I am very sorry for this, and wished to
avoid it. But I have in some measure got Drouyn into this scrape,
for at first he was disposed to advise the Emperor to insist on a
limitation of ships, and I induced him not to give any advice at
all to the Emperor. Afterwards we agreed very much; and, if he had
stayed in office there, I might have gulped, though with
difficulty, the rejection of my advice here. However, I shall wait
till Colloredo has made a definite proposal, and then make the
opinion I shall give upon it in the Cabinet a vital question with
me. It is painful to me to leave a second Cabinet, and will injure
my reputation--perhaps irretrievably. But I see no other course. Do
as you please about communicating to Palmerston what I have
written. I fear I must leave you and Hammond to judge of the papers
to be given.... But I hope you will not tie your hands or those of
the Government by giving arguments against what the nation may
ultimately accept. I hold that a simple provision, by which the
Sultan would reserve the power to admit the vessels of Powers not
having establishments in the Black Sea, through the Straits at his
own pleasure at all times, ... and a general treaty of European
alliance to defend Turkey against Russia, would be a good security
for peace. If the Emperor of the French were to declare that he
could not accept such a peace, of course we must stick by him, but
that does not prevent our declaring to him our opinion. Walewski
spoke to me very strongly at the Palace in favour of the Austrian
plan, but I suppose he has now made up his mind against it.

I remain, yours truly,

J. RUSSELL

[46] Spencer Walpole's "Life of Lord John Russell," chap, xxvi.

Lord Clarendon replied:

GROSVENOR CRESCENT, May 7, 1855

MY DEAR LORD JOHN,--... I am very sorry you did not come in just
now, as I wanted most particularly to see you. I now write this
_earnestly to entreat_ that you will say nothing to anybody at
present about your intended resignation. The public interests and
your own position are so involved in the question, and so much harm
of every kind may be done by a hasty decision, however honourable
and high-minded the motives may be, that I do beg of you well to
weigh _all_ the points of the case; and let me frankly add
that you will not act with fairness, and as I am sure you must wish
to act, towards your colleagues, if you do not hear what some of
them may have to say.

As you allowed me to do as I pleased about informing Palmerston, I
did not think it right to leave him in the dark upon a matter which
seems to me of vital importance. I need not tell you that your
intention causes him the deepest regret, and he feels, as I do, how
essential it is that nothing should be known of it at present. We
are not even in possession of the facts that led to Drouyn's
resignation.

Yours sincerely,

CLARENDON

"Moved by this appeal," says Sir Spencer Walpole, "and by Lord Palmerston's personal entreaties, thrice repeated, Lord John withdrew his resignation. Its withdrawal, however convenient it may have seemed to the Government at the time, was one of the most unfortunate circumstances of Lord John's political career. It directly led to misunderstandings and to obloquy, such as few public men have ever encountered."

LONDON, May 8, 1855

John given up thoughts of resignation. Glad of it, since he can
honourably remain. I know how his reputation would have
suffered--not as an honest man, but as a wise statesman.

This was the second time in Lord John's career that his loyalty to the Whig party involved him in a false position. On May 24th Disraeli proposed a vote of censure on the Government for their conduct of the war and condemning their part in the negotiations at Vienna. Lord John made, in reply to Gladstone and Disraeli, an extremely forcible speech, urging that the limitation of the number of Russian ships in the Black Sea did not give sufficient guarantee to the safety of Turkey. Shortly afterwards the Austrian Chancellor, Count Buol, published the fact that Lord John had been in favour of this very compromise, which Austria had proposed at the Congress. He was at once asked whether this was true, and he admitted that it was. He could not explain that he had taken a different line on his return because, had he stuck to his opinion, the French alliance would have been endangered. The Emperor was persuaded that the fall of Sevastopol was necessary to the safety of his throne. Marshal Vaillant had said to him, "I know the feelings of the Army. I am sure that if, after having spent months in the siege of Sevastopol, we return unsuccessful, the Army will not be satisfied." [47] Since this was the case, Lord John had had to choose between resigning on the strength of his own opinion that the Austrian terms were good enough, thus bringing about the fall of the Ministry and a possible breach with France, or relinquishing his own opinion and defending the view of the Government and the Emperor in order to preserve a good understanding with the French. Of course, to all the world it looked as though, for the sake of office, he had belied his own convictions. Seldom has any Minister of the Crown been placed in a more painful position. The Cabinet knew the true circumstances of the case, and the reason why he could give no explanation for his inconsistency: but many of his friends did not. A motion of censure was proposed against him, and now that his presence in the Ministry had ceased to be a support, and had actually become a source of weakness through the condemnation passed on him by the country at large, he offered to resign.

[47] Kinglake, "Invasion of the Crimea," vol. iii, p. 348.

_Lady John to Lord John Russell_

PEMBROKE LODGE, _June_ 8, 1855

All is more beautiful than ever this morning. I am on my pretty red
sofa looking out from my middle window in lazy luxury at oak, ivy,
hawthorn, laburnum, and blue sky; not very much to be pitied, am I?
except, my dearest, for the weary, weary separation that takes away
the life of life--and for my anxiety about what is to be the result
of all this, which, however, I do not allow to weigh upon me. We
are in wiser hands than our own, and I should be a bad woman indeed
if so much leisure did not give some good thoughts that I trust
nothing can disturb.... Pray tell dear Georgy not to think any but
cheerful thoughts of me, and that she can do a great deal for me by
asking my friends--Cabinet and ex-Cabinet and all sorts--to visit
me whenever they are inclined for a drive into the country and
luncheon or tea among its beauties.

PEMBROKE LODGE, _July_ 5, 1855

John to town and back. He is so much here now that my life is quite
different, and as I know he neglects no duty for the sake of
coming, I may also allow myself to enjoy it as he does.

PEMBROKE LODGE, _July_ 7

Read John's speech and the bitter comments of Cobden and Roebuck.
Whether he was right or wrong in his views of peace, or in not
resigning when they were rejected by the Cabinet, he has nobly told
the simple truth without gloss or extenuation.

PEMBROKE LODGE, _July_ 10

John writes that he saw Lord Palmerston and told him that he had
thought the Austrian proposals ought to be accepted at the time;
but that he did not think they ought now, after the late events of
the war. He proposed resignation if it would help the Government.
Lord Palmerston of course begged him to remain, which he will do.
The subject is more painful to me the more I think of it.

PEMBROKE LODGE, _July_ 12

An anxious parting with John. He was to go straight to Lord
Clarendon, to find out what portion of the dispatches Lord
Clarendon was prepared to give. His explanation to be made to-night
of a sentence in his Friday's speech, by which some of his
colleagues understood him to declare his opinion to be that he
thought the Austrian proposal ought _now_ to be accepted. He
did _not_ say so, and such an explanation is much to be
lamented. His position is very painful, and my thoughts about him
more so than they have ever been, because now many of his best and
truest friends grieve and are disappointed. God grant he may have
life, strength, and spirit to work on for his country till he has
risen again higher than ever in her trust, esteem, and love.

PEMBROKE LODGE, _July_ 13

A very anxious morning, thinking of my dear and noble husband,
doomed to suffer so much for no greater fault than having committed
himself too far without consultation with his colleagues to a
scheme which higher duties persuaded him not to abide by when he
failed to convince them. Anxiety to know his determination and the
state of his spirits made me send a note up to town early, to which
I received his answer about four, that he had written his
resignation last night and sent it to Lord Palmerston this morning.

_Lady John to Lord John Russell_

PEMBROKE LODGE, _July_ 13, 1855

We are all well, but I am too anxious to be all day without hearing
from you; besides, and chiefly, I want to cheer you up and beseech
you not to let all this depress you more than it ought. Don't
believe the _Daily News_ when it says you have committed
political suicide--that need not be a bit more true than that there
was _trickiness_ or _treachery_ in your course, which it
also asserts. Depend upon it, it is in your power and it is
therefore your duty to show that you can still be yourself. You
will rise again higher than ever if you will but think you can--if
you will but avoid for the future the rocks on which you have
sometimes split. There is plenty to do for your country, plenty
that you can do better than any other man, and _you must not
sink._ You made, I believe, a great mistake in surrendering your
own judgment to that of those who surrounded you at Vienna; but who
can dare to say you were favouring any interest of your own, or
what malice or ingenuity can pretend to find the shadow of a low or
unworthy motive? Remember Moore's lines:

"Never dream for a moment thy country can spare
Such a light from her darkening horizon as thou."

As to your immediate course, what have you resolved? Surely your
own resignation is the most natural--you might persuade your
colleagues, if they require persuasion, to let you go alone, as you
alone are responsible, that you think a change of Ministry would be
a misfortune, and that you would be unhappy to find that added to
your responsibility.... The feeling that the Ministry may be
sacrificed to you is a very painful one, and I earnestly hope your
wisdom may find some means of averting this.... Now, my dearest,
farewell--would that I could go to you myself. I am told that the
expectation of the Whips is that you will be beat. Tell me as much
as you can and God speed you.... Good-bye, and above all keep up a
good heart for your country's sake and mine.

Lord Palmerston replied to his offer to resign in the following terms [48]:

PICCADILLY, _July_ 13, 1855

MY DEAR LORD JOHN,--I have received, I need not say with how much
regret, your letter of this morning, and have sent it down to the
Queen. But, whatever pain I may feel at the step you have taken, I
must nevertheless own that as a public man, whose standing and
position are matters of public interest and public property, you
have judged rightly. The storm is too strong at this moment to be
resisted, and an attempt to withstand it would, while unsuccessful,
only increase irritation. But juster feelings will in due time
prevail. In the meantime I must thank you for the very friendly and
handsome terms in which you have announced to me your
determination.

Yours sincerely, PALMERSTON

[48] Spencer Walpole's "Life of Lord John Russell."

PEMBROKE LODGE, _July_ 15, 1855

John and I agreed that we felt almost unaccountably happy--there
is, however, much to account for it--much that cannot be taken from
us.

_Lady John Russell to the Duke of Bedford_

PEMBROKE LODGE, _July_ 16, 1855

MY DEAR DUKE,--You will like to hear how John has borne his new
trouble, and I am very glad to tell you that he is in good spirits,
and as calm as a clear conscience can make him. The week before his
resignation was a very anxious one, reminding me of that sad and
anxious day at Woburn when he determined to dismiss Lord
Palmerston, and of that other when he resolved not to speak to any
of his colleagues before sending his resignation to Lord Aberdeen.
Those occasions were so far like this that it was impossible even
for me, though unable to judge of the questions politically, not to
foresee painful consequences in the altered relations of old
friends, and therefore not to lament his decisions; though he had,
as he was sure to have, high and generous reasons in both cases.
Here again, there has been much to lament in all that led to his
resignation and fresh separation from many with whom he has acted
during half his political life, many so highly valued in public and
private. One cannot but feel all this, nor do I pretend
indifference to what is said of him, for I do think the next best
thing to deserving "spotless reputation" is possessing it. But
there are many comforts--first and foremost, a faith in him that
nothing can shake; then a firm hope that the country will one day
understand him better--besides, the relief was immense of finding
that he would be allowed to resign without breaking up the
Government. In short, we agreed yesterday that after all our pains
and anxieties we both felt strangely and almost unaccountably
happy. Of course, seeing him so was enough to make me so, and
perhaps there is something too in the unexpected freedom of body
and soul which loss of office has given him. This state of mind, in
which he has just left me for London, gives me good hope that he
will get well through his hard task to-night....

Ever yours affectionately,

FANNY RUSSELL

_Lady John Russell to Lord Minto_

PEMBROKE LODGE, _July_ 18, 1855

MY DEAREST PAPA,--I feel very guilty in not having written to you
since all these great events occurred, but you are pretty well able
to guess what I felt about them ... and the newspapers are much
better chroniclers of facts, though not of motives, than I can
be.... Of course, he proposed resignation immediately after he had
made his speech, but it was not then thought the Ministry would be
beat on Bulwer's motion, and Lord Palmerston and the rest begged
him to remain. Very soon, however, there was no doubt left as to
what would be the result of the motion, and as neither John nor
Doddy, the only other person I saw, had a hope that any fresh
resignation would be accepted, we had the painful prospect of the
destruction of the Ministry by his means.... But the surprise was
great as the relief when we found that not one man had the
slightest difficulty in making up his mind, ... and that one and
all felt it a paramount duty "not to shrink from the toils and
responsibilities of office." ... His _spirits_ have not sunk
and his _spirit_ has risen, and the feeling uppermost in his
mind is thankfulness that he is out of it all, and has regained his
freedom, body and soul.... There is plenty left for him to do, and
I trust he will do it as an independent member of Parliament, and
in that position regain his lost influence with the country. I am
most anxious he should not think his political life at an end,
though his official life may go forever without a sigh.... I ought
to add that he is on perfectly friendly terms with all his late
colleagues, ... anxious to help them when he can, but pledged to
nothing....

Ever, dearest Papa,

Your affectionate child,

F.R.

PEMBROKE LODGE, _July_ 23, 1855

Thunderstorm during which I sat in the Windsor summer-house writing
and thinking many sad thoughts; chiefly of my own ill-performance
of many duties on which my whole heart and soul were bent. Had I
but known when we married as much of the world as I know now,
though I should have been far, far less happy, I should have done
better in many ways.... Came in; went to my room with Georgy and
took Baby on my lap. Baby looked at me, saw I had been sad, and
said gravely, "Poor Mama," adding immediately, "Where is Papa?" as
if she thought my sadness must have to do with him. On my
answering, "He is gone to London," she put her dear little arms
round my neck and kissed and coaxed me, repeating over and over,
"Never mind, never mind, my dear Mama," and again, "Never mind, my
poor Mama."

The state of Lady John's health prevented her from leaving home, but Lord John left Pembroke Lodge with two of the children on August 9th, for a much needed holiday in Scotland.

_Lord John to Lady John Russell_

EDINBURGH, _August_ 10, 1855

We got here safely yesterday an hour after time, which made about
fourteen hours from Pembroke Lodge.... Dearest, it is a very
melancholy journey; without you to comfort me I take a very gloomy
view of everything; but I hope the Highland air will refresh me
with its briskness.... I have a letter from Lord Minto, disturbed
at my not coming sooner, and supposing I shall be abused for my
Italian speech, in which he is quite right; but I may save some
poor devil by my denunciation of his persecutors.

_Lady John to Lord John Russell_

PEMBROKE LODGE, _August_ 12, 1855

It grieves me to have to write what will grieve you, but it would
be wrong and useless to hide it from you--I was taken ill suddenly
yesterday.... What I bear least well is the thought of you. I did
so hope that after all your political troubles you might be spared
anxieties of a worse kind; but it was not to be.... I hope,
dearest, you will not hurry home immediately. I should be so sorry
to think you only had the fatigue of two long journeys, instead of
some weeks of Highland air. I know how sadly your enjoyment will be
damaged, but do not--I beg you, dearest--do not let your spirits
sink. Nothing would make your poor old wife so sad. Georgy is the
best and dearest of children and nurses; I am so sorry for her.
Yesterday she was quite upset, far more than I was, but to-day she
has taken heart. God bless you. Think what happy people we still
are--happy far beyond the common lot--in one another and all our
darlings.

When Lord John heard of her illness, he wrote that he could not be a moment easy away from her, and came home at once.

PEMBROKE LODGE, _September_ 8, 1855

Thank God! though in bed, I have generally been able to read and
talk, and for the last two days have given Johnny and the little
boys their lessons.... Cannot but hope I am a little less impatient
of illness, a little less unreasonably sorry to be debarred from
air and liberty and all I care for most in this world, than I used
to be.... I pray with my whole heart for the true faith and
patience that can never fail. I pray that, since I cannot teach my
children how to _do,_ I may teach them how to _bear,_ so
that even in illness I may not be wholly useless to them.