Chapter I: Part 1

LATIN AMERICA AND THE
UNITED STATES

ADDRESSES
BY
ELIHU ROOT

COLLECTED AND EDITED BY
ROBERT BACON
AND
JAMES BROWN SCOTT

CAMBRIDGE
HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
1917

COPYRIGHT, 1917
HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

CONTENTS

Page
INTRODUCTORY NOTE ix
FOREWORD xiii

SPEECHES IN BRAZIL

RIO DE JANEIRO
At the Third Conference of the American Republics:
HIS EXCELLENCY JOAQUIM NABUCO, President of the
Conference 3
MR. ROOT, Honorary President 6
MR. MARIANO CORNEJO, Delegate from Peru 11
HONORABLE A. J. MONTAGUE, Delegate from the
United States. 13
HIS EXCELLENCY BARON DO RIO BRANCO, Honorary
President 13

At the Banquet of the Minister for Foreign Affairs:
HIS EXCELLENCY BARON DO RIO BRANCO 14
MR. ROOT 15
DR. JAMES DARCY 16
MR. ROOT 17

In the Federal Senate:
SENATOR RUY BARBOSA 19
SENATOR ALFREDO ELLIS 28

In the Chamber of Deputies:
DR. PAULA GUIMARÃES 30
MR. ROOT 31

SÃO PAULO
At a Mass-Meeting of Law School Students:
MR. THEODOMIRO DE CAMARGO 35
MR. GALAOR NAZARETH DE ARUJO 36
MR. GAMA, JR 36
MR. ROOT 38

At a Football Game:
MR. ROOT 40

SANTOS
At the Commercial Association:
DR. REZENDE 41
MR. ROOT 42

PARÁ
At a Breakfast given by the Governor:
HIS EXCELLENCY AUGUSTO MONTENEGRO 45
MR. ROOT 45

PERNAMBUCO
At a Breakfast given by the Governor:
SUMMARY OF SPEECH OF HIS EXCELLENCY SIGISMUNDO GONÇALVEZ 47
MR. ROOT 47

BAHIA
At a Banquet given by the Governor:
HIS EXCELLENCY JOSÉ MARCELINO DE SOUZA 48
MR. ROOT 50
SENATOR RUY BARBOSA 52

SPEECHES IN URUGUAY

MONTEVIDEO
At a Banquet of the Minister for Foreign Affairs:
HIS EXCELLENCY JOSÉ ROMEU 55
MR. ROOT 58

At a Banquet given by the President of Uruguay:
HIS EXCELLENCY JOSÉ BATLLE Y ORDÓÑEZ 60
MR. ROOT 63

At a Breakfast by the Reception Committee:
DR. ZORRILLA DE SAN MARTÍN 65
MR. ROOT 69

SPEECHES IN ARGENTINA

BUENOS AYRES
In the Chamber of Deputies:
HONORABLE EMILIO MITRE 73

At a Banquet given by the President of Argentina:
HIS EXCELLENCY J. FIGUEROA ALCORTA 81
MR. ROOT 84

At a Reception by American and English Residents:
MR. FRANCIS B. PURDIE 86
MR. ROOT 90

At a Banquet at the Opera House:
DR. LUIS M. DRAGO 93
MR. ROOT 97

SPEECHES IN CHILE

SANTIAGO
At the Government House:
HIS EXCELLENCY JERMÁN RIESCO 103
MR. ROOT 103

At a Banquet given by the President of Chile:
HIS EXCELLENCY ANTONIO HUNEEUS 104
MR. ROOT 109

SPEECHES IN PERU

LIMA
At a Banquet given by the President of Peru:
HIS EXCELLENCY JOSÉ PARDO Y BARREDA 113
MR. ROOT 114

Banquet of the Minister for Foreign Affairs:
HIS EXCELLENCY JAVIER PRADO Y UGARTECHE 116
MR. ROOT 123

Reception at the Municipal Council:
DR. FEDERICO ELGUERA 127
MR. ROOT 129

At an Extraordinary Session of the Senate:
SENATOR BARRIOS 130
MR. ROOT 132

University of San Marcos:
DR. LUIS F. VILLARÁN 133
DR. RAMÓN RIBEYRO 136
MR. ROOT 140

SPEECHES IN PANAMA

PANAMA
In the National Assembly:
HIS EXCELLENCY RICARDO ARIAS 145
MR. ROOT 148

SPEECHES IN COLOMBIA

CARTAGENA
At a Breakfast by the Minister for Foreign Affairs:
HIS EXCELLENCY VÁSQUEZ-COBO 153
MR. ROOT 154

THE VISIT TO MEXICO

SAN ANTONIO, TEXAS
At a Banquet by the International Club:
MR. ROOT 159

NUEVO LAREDO
GENERAL PEDRO RINCÓN GALLARDO 161
MR. ROOT 162

CITY OF MEXICO
At a Banquet at the National Palace:
PRESIDENT DÍAZ 162
MR. ROOT 164

At a Reception at the Municipal Palace:
GOVERNOR GUILLERMO DE LANDA Y ESCANDÓN 165
MR. ROOT 167

Reception by the Chamber of Deputies:
LICENTIATE MANUEL CALERO 168
MR. ROOT 174

Luncheon by the American Colony:
GENERAL C. H. M. Y AGRAMONTE 177
MR. ROOT 179

Mexican Academy of Legislation and Jurisprudence:
LICENTIATE LUIS MÉNDEZ 181
LICENTIATE JOAQUÍN D. CASASUS 184
MR. ROOT 188

Banquet of the American Ambassador:
AMBASSADOR THOMPSON 192
VICE-PRESIDENT CORRAL 192
MR. ROOT 193
LICENCIADO DON JOSÉ IVES LIMANTOUR 195

Banquet of the Minister for Foreign Affairs:
LICENTIATE IGNACIO MARISCAL 198
MR. ROOT 199

Farewell Supper given by Mr. Root:
MR. ROOT 202
VICE-PRESIDENT CORRAL 203

PUEBLA
At the Governor's Banquet at the Municipal Palace:
GENERAL MUCIO P. MARTÍNEZ 204
MR. ROOT 205

ORIZABA
Luncheon at the Cocolopan Factory:
GOVERNOR D. TEODORO A. DEHESA 206
MR. ROOT 206

GUADALAJARA
GOVERNOR AHUMADA 208
MR. ROOT 209

ADDRESSES IN THE UNITED STATES ON LATIN AMERICAN RELATIONS

THE CENTRAL AMERICAN PEACE CONFERENCE 213
Opening Address, Washington, D. C., December 13, 1907 214
Closing Address, Washington, December 20, 1907 217

THE PAN AMERICAN CAUSE 219
Response to the Toast of the Ambassador of Brazil at a
dinner in honor of the Rear-Admiral and Captains of
visiting Brazilian ships, Washington, D. C., May 18,
1907

THE PAN AMERICAN UNION 223
Address at the laying of the corner stone of the
building for the Pan American Union, Washington, D. C.,
May 11, 1908 228

Address at the dedication of the building, Washington,
D. C., April 26, 1910 231

OUR SISTER REPUBLIC--ARGENTINA 235
Address at a Banquet of the Chamber of Commerce, New York,
April 28, 1893

OUR SISTER REPUBLIC--BRAZIL 239
Address at a Banquet of the Chamber of Commerce, New York,
June 18, 1913

HOW TO DEVELOP SOUTH AMERICAN COMMERCE 245
Address before the Trans-Mississippi Commercial Congress,
Kansas City, Missouri, November 20, 1906

SOUTH AMERICAN COMMERCE 269
Address at the National Convention for the Extension of
the Foreign Commerce of the United States, Washington,
D. C., January 14, 1907

INDIVIDUAL EFFORT IN TRADE EXPANSION 283
Address at the Pan American Commercial Conference,
Washington, D. C., February 17, 1911

THE SECOND PAN AMERICAN SCIENTIFIC CONGRESS 291
Address of Welcome, Washington, D. C., December 30, 1915

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

The collected addresses and state papers of Elihu Root, of which this is one of several volumes, cover the period of his service as Secretary of War, as Secretary of State, and as Senator of the United States, during which time, to use his own expression, his only client was his country.

The many formal and occasional addresses and speeches, which will be found to be of a remarkably wide range, are followed by his state papers, such as the instructions to the American delegates to the Second Hague Peace Conference and other diplomatic notes and documents, prepared by him as Secretary of State in the performance of his duties as an executive officer of the United States. Although the official documents have been kept separate from the other papers, this plan has been slightly modified in the volume devoted to the military and colonial policy of the United States, which includes those portions of his official reports as Secretary of War throwing light upon his public addresses and his general military policy.

The addresses and speeches selected for publication are not arranged chronologically, but are classified in such a way that each volume contains addresses and speeches relating to a general subject and a common purpose. The addresses as president of the American Society of International Law show his treatment of international questions from the theoretical standpoint, and in the light of his experience as Secretary of War and as Secretary of State, unrestrained and uncontrolled by the limitations of official position, whereas his addresses on foreign affairs, delivered while Secretary of State or as United States Senator, discuss these questions under the reserve of official responsibility.

Mr. Root's addresses on government, citizenship, and legal procedure are a masterly exposition of the principles of the Constitution and of the government established by it; of the duty of the citizen to understand the Constitution and to conform his conduct to its requirements; and of the right of the people to reform or to amend the Constitution in order to make representative government more effective and responsive to their present and future needs. The addresses on law and its administration state how legal procedure should be modified and simplified in the interest of justice rather than in the supposed interest of the legal profession.

The addresses delivered during the trip to South America and Mexico in 1906, and in the United States after his return, with their message of good will, proclaim a new doctrine--the Root doctrine--of kindly consideration and of honorable obligation, and make clear the destiny common to the peoples of the Western World.

The addresses and the reports on military and colonial policy made by Mr. Root as Secretary of War explain the reorganization of the army after the Spanish-American War, the creation of the General Staff, and the establishment of the Army War College. They trace the origin of and give the reason for the policy of this country in Cuba, the Philippines, and Porto Rico, devised and inaugurated by him. It is not generally known that the so-called Platt Amendment, defining our relations to Cuba, was drafted by Mr. Root, and that the Organic Act of the Philippines was likewise the work of Mr. Root as Secretary of War.

The argument before The Hague Tribunal in the North Atlantic Fisheries Case is a rare if not the only instance of a statesman appearing as chief counsel in an international arbitration, which, as Secretary of State, he had prepared and submitted.

The political, educational, historical, and commemorative speeches and addresses should make known to future generations the literary, artistic, and emotional side of a statesman of our time, and the publication of these collected addresses and state papers will, it is believed, enable the American people better to understand the generation in which Mr. Root has been a commanding figure and better to appreciate during his lifetime the services which he has rendered to his country.

ROBERT BACON.
JAMES BROWN SCOTT.
APRIL 15, 1916.

FOREWORD

The visit of the Secretary of State to South America in 1906 was not a summer outing. It was not an ordinary event; it was and it was intended to be a matter of international importance. It was the first time that a Secretary of State had visited South America during the tenure of his office, and the visit was designed to show the importance which the United States attaches to the Pan American conferences, and by personal contact to learn the aims and views of our southern friends, and to show also, by personal intercourse, the kindly consideration and the sense of honorable obligation which the Government of the United States cherishes for its neighbors to the south without discriminating among them, and to make clear the destiny common to the peoples of the western world. These were the reasons which prompted Mr. Root to undertake this message of good will and of frank explanation, and these were also the reasons which caused the President of the United States in his message to Congress to dwell upon the visit, its incidents and its consequences. Thus President Roosevelt said in his message of December 3, 1906:

The Second International Conference of American Republics,
held in Mexico in the years 1901-02, provided for the
holding of the third conference within five years, and
committed the fixing of the time and place and the
arrangements for the conference to the governing board of
the Bureau of American Republics, composed of the
representatives of all the American nations in Washington.
That board discharged the duty imposed upon it with marked
fidelity and painstaking care, and upon the courteous
invitation of the United States of Brazil, the conference
was held at Rio de Janeiro, continuing from the twenty-third
of July to the twenty-ninth of August last. Many subjects of
common interest to all the American nations were discussed
by the conference, and the conclusions reached, embodied in
a series of resolutions and proposed conventions, will be
laid before you upon the coming-in of the final report of
the American delegates. They contain many matters of
importance relating to the extension of trade, the increase
of communication, the smoothing away of barriers to free
intercourse, and the promotion of a better knowledge and
good understanding between the different countries
represented. The meetings of the conference were harmonious
and the conclusions were reached with substantial unanimity.
It is interesting to observe that in the successive
conferences which have been held the representatives of the
different American nations have been learning to work
together effectively, for, while the First Conference in
Washington in 1889, and the Second Conference in Mexico in
1901-02, occupied many months, with much time wasted in an
unregulated and fruitless discussion, the Third Conference
at Rio exhibited much of the facility in the practical
dispatch of business which characterizes permanent
deliberative bodies, and completed its labors within the
period of six weeks originally allotted for its sessions.

Quite apart from the specific value of the conclusions
reached by the conference, the example of the
representatives of all the American nations engaging in
harmonious and kindly consideration and discussion of
subjects of common interest is itself of great and
substantial value for the promotion of reasonable and
considerate treatment of all international questions. The
thanks of this country are due to the Government of Brazil
and to the people of Rio de Janeiro for the generous
hospitality with which our delegates, in common with the
others, were received, entertained, and facilitated in their
work.

Incidentally to the meeting of the conference, the Secretary
of State visited the city of Rio de Janeiro and was
cordially received by the conference, of which he was made
an honorary president. The announcement of his intention to
make this visit was followed by most courteous and urgent
invitations from nearly all the countries of South America
to visit them as the guest of their Governments. It was
deemed that by the acceptance of these invitations we might
appropriately express the real respect and friendship in
which we hold our sister republics of the southern
continent, and the Secretary, accordingly, visited Brazil,
Uruguay, Argentina, Chile, Peru, Panama, and Colombia. He
refrained from visiting Paraguay, Bolivia, and Ecuador only
because the distance of their capitals from the seaboard
made it impracticable with the time at his disposal. He
carried with him a message of peace and friendship, and of
strong desire for good understanding and mutual helpfulness;
and he was everywhere received in the spirit of his message.
The members of government, the press, the learned
professions, the men of business, and the great masses of
the people united everywhere in emphatic response to his
friendly expressions and in doing honor to the country and
cause which he represented.

In many parts of South America there has been much
misunderstanding of the attitude and purposes of the United
States toward the other American republics. An idea had
become prevalent that our assertion of the Monroe Doctrine
implied, or carried with it, an assumption of superiority,
and of a right to exercise some kind of protectorate over
the countries to whose territory that doctrine applies.
Nothing could be farther from the truth. Yet that impression
continued to be a serious barrier to good understanding, to
friendly intercourse, to the introduction of American
capital and the extension of American trade. The impression
was so widespread that apparently it could not be reached by
any ordinary means.

It was part of Secretary Root's mission to dispel this unfounded impression, and there is just cause to believe that he has succeeded. In an address to the Third Conference at Rio on the thirty-first of July--an address of such note that I send it in, together with this message--he said:

We wish for no victories but those of peace; for no
territory except our own; for no sovereignty except the
sovereignty over ourselves. We deem the independence and
equal rights of the smallest and weakest member of the
family of nations entitled to as much respect as those of
the greatest empire, and we deem the observance of that
respect the chief guaranty of the weak against the
oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor desire any
rights or privileges or powers that we do not freely concede
to every American republic.

These words appear to have been received with acclaim in every part of South America. They have my hearty approval, as I am sure they will have yours, and I cannot be wrong in the conviction that they correctly represent the sentiments of the whole American people. I cannot better characterize the true attitude of the United States in its assertion of the Monroe Doctrine than in the words of the distinguished former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Argentina, Doctor Drago, in his speech welcoming Mr. Root at Buenos Ayres. He spoke of--

the traditional policy of the United States, which, without
accentuating superiority or seeking preponderance, condemned
the oppression of the nations of this part of the world and
the control of their destinies by the Great Powers of
Europe.

It is gratifying to know that in the great city of Buenos
Ayres, upon the arches which spanned the streets, entwined
with Argentine and American flags for the reception of our
representative, there were emblazoned not only the names of
Washington and Jefferson and Marshall, but also, in
appreciative recognition of their services to the cause of
South American independence, the names of James Monroe, John
Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, and Richard Rush. We take especial
pleasure in the graceful courtesy of the Government of
Brazil, which has given to the beautiful and stately
building first used for the meeting of the conference the
name of "Palacio Monroe." Our grateful acknowledgments are
due to the Governments and the people of all the countries
visited by the Secretary of State, for the courtesy, the
friendship, and the honor shown to our country in their
generous hospitality to him.

In view of the statements made by Mr. Root himself in his various addresses, and in view of President Roosevelt's statement of them, and of the results of the visit, it does not seem necessary further to detain the reader. It is, however, proper to call attention to the fact that, in addition to the speeches delivered by Mr. Root in South America, which were published by the Government of the United States in an official volume, the reader will find Mr. Root's addresses during a visit to Mexico which he made in 1906, upon his return from South America; Mr. Root's addresses before the Central American Peace Conference, which met in Washington in the fall of 1907; and the various addresses which Mr. Root made in the United States in his official and unofficial capacity, explaining to his countrymen the aims and aspirations of the American peoples to the south of our own Republic, the progress they have made since their emancipation from European tutelage, and the future before them which, like ripening fruits, they need only stretch forth the hand to pluck. The undiscovered land--for to many of us it is unknown--is a land of exquisite beauty, grace and courtesy, which the reader may here visit, if he choose, in company with Mr. Root.

* * * * *

Mr. Root's addresses on his South American trip were all in English. The addresses of welcome and congratulation were in the language of the country in which they were delivered. They appear in translated form in the present volume, and attention is called to the fact that they are translations, in order to relieve the speakers of responsibility for any infelicities of expression in their English form.

LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

BRAZIL

THE THIRD CONFERENCE OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS RIO DE JANEIRO, JULY 31, 1906

As Secretary of State Mr. Root was _ex-officio_ chairman of
the Governing Board of the Bureau of American Republics, now
called the Pan American Union. As chairman, he took a very
great interest in considering and arranging the program of
the third conference which was to meet in Rio de Janeiro on
July 23, 1906. Indeed, he was so deeply interested in the
conference of the American republics upon the eve of the
meeting of the Second Hague Peace Conference, that he
decided to visit Rio de Janeiro during the meeting of the
conference. The American republics welcomed this decision as
soon as it was made known and urged him to visit them, and
it was with great regret that Mr. Root found himself unable
to visit all of the republics. He was made honorary
president of the conference and in that capacity delivered
the following address.

It is proper to state, in this connection, that all the
American republics were invited to attend and to participate
in the Second Hague Peace Conference and that the Conference
was set for 1906. Mr. Root was unwilling that either
conference should interfere with the other, and through his
intervention with the European Powers the Second Hague Peace
Conference was postponed to the summer of 1907, in order not
to interfere with the Pan American Conference held at Rio de
Janeiro in the summer of 1906, and the participation of the
American republics in that conference. Only three American
republics were invited to the First Hague Peace Conference,
namely, Brazil, Mexico, and the United States. Through the
efforts of the United States, and particularly through Mr.
Root's efforts as Secretary of State, all of the American
republics were invited to the Second Hague Peace Conference.

The noble passage in Mr. Root's address as honorary
president of the conference, proclaiming the equality of
American states, and quoted by President Roosevelt in his
message to Congress, reproduced in the preface to this
volume, was constantly referred to by Latin American
delegates in the Hague Peace Conference, and was quoted by
Mr. Ruy Barbosa, the Brazilian delegate, who added, "These
words reverberated through the length and the breadth of our
continent, as the American evangel of peace and of
justice."[1]

SPEECH OF HIS EXCELLENCY JOAQUIM NABUCO

AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY FROM THE UNITED STATES OF BRAZIL TO THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, PRESIDENT OF THE CONFERENCE

You do not come here tonight as a stranger to take your place as an honorary president of this conference. You were the first to express a desire that the conference should meet this year; it was you who, in Washington, brought to a happy conclusion the difficult elaboration of its program and of its rules. Neither can we forget that at one time you expected to be one of us, a plan you abandoned in order that you might divide your time among all the republics that claimed the honor of your visit. The meeting of this conference is thus to a great extent your own work. In nothing else since you came to your high post have you taken a more direct and personal interest. You seem to divine in the spirit that animates you with regard to our continent the mark that your name will leave in history.

I believe that you and the conference understand each other fully. The periodical meeting of this body, exclusively composed of American nations, assuredly means that America forms a political system separate from that of Europe--a constellation with its own distinct orbit.

By aiming, however, at a common civilization and by trying to make of the space we occupy on the globe a vast neutral zone of peace, we are working for the benefit of the whole world. In this way we offer to the population, to the wealth, and to the genius of Europe a much wider and safer field of action in our hemisphere than if we formed a disunited continent, or if we belonged to the belligerent camps into which the Old World may become divided. One point specially will be of great interest for you, who so heartily desire the success of this work. The conference is convinced that its mission is not to force any nation belonging to it to do anything she would not be freely prepared to do upon her own initiative; we all recognize that its sole function is to impart our collective sanction to what has already become unanimous in the opinion of the whole continent.

This is the first time, sir, that an American Secretary of State officially visits a foreign nation, and we all feel happy that the first visit was to Latin America. You will find everywhere the same admiration for your great country, whose influence in the advance of moral culture, of political liberty, and of international law has begun already to counterbalance that of the rest of the world. Mingled with that admiration you will also find the sentiment that you could not rise without raising with you our whole continent; that in everything you achieve we shall have our share of progress.

There are few rolls of honor so brilliant in history as that of men who have occupied your high position. Among them any distinction on the ground of their merits would be fated to be unjust; a few names, however, that shine more vividly in history, such as those of Jefferson, Monroe, Webster, Clay, Seward, and Blaine--the latter the creator of these conferences--suffice to show abroad that the United States have always been as proud of the perfection of the mould in which their Secretaries of State have been cast and as zealous in this respect as they have been in the case of their Presidents. We fully appreciate the luster added to this conference by the part you take in it tonight. It is with sincere gratification that we welcome you. Here, you may be sure, you are surrounded by the respect of our whole continent for your great nation; for President Roosevelt, who has shown himself during his term of office, and will ever remain, whatever position he may choose to occupy in public life, one of the leaders of mankind; and for yourself, whose sound sense of justice and whose sincere interest in the welfare of all American nations reflect the noblest inspiration that animated the greatest of your predecessors.

This voyage of yours demonstrates practically to the whole world your good faith as a statesman and your broad sympathy as an American; it shows the conscientiousness and the care with which you wish to place before the President and the country the fundamental points of your national external policy.

You are now exploring political seas never navigated before, lands not yet revealed to the genius of your statesmen and toward which they were attracted, as we are all attracted one to another, by an irresistible continental gravitation. We feel certain, however, that at the end of your long journey you will feel that, in their ideals and in their hearts, the American republics form already a great political unit in the world.

SPEECH OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE

HONORARY PRESIDENT OF THE CONFERENCE

I beg you to believe that I highly appreciate and thank you for the honor you do me.

I bring from my country a special greeting to her elder sisters in the civilization of America.

Unlike as we are in many respects, we are alike in this, that we are all engaged under new conditions, and free from the traditional forms and limitations of the Old World in working out the same problem of popular self-government.

It is a difficult and laborious task for each of us. Not in one generation nor in one century can the effective control of a superior sovereign, so long deemed necessary to government, be rejected, and effective self-control by the governed be perfected in its place. The first fruits of democracy are many of them crude and unlovely; its mistakes are many, its partial failures many, its sins not few. Capacity for self-government does not come to man by nature. It is an art to be learned, and it is also an expression of character to be developed among all the thousands of men who exercise popular sovereignty.

To reach the goal toward which we are pressing forward, the governing multitude must first acquire knowledge that comes from universal education; wisdom that follows practical experience; personal independence and self-respect befitting men who acknowledge no superior; self-control to replace that external control which a democracy rejects; respect for law; obedience to the lawful expressions of the public will; consideration for the opinions and interests of others equally entitled to a voice in the state; loyalty to that abstract conception--one's country--as inspiring as that loyalty to personal sovereigns which has so illumined the pages of history; subordination of personal interests to the public good; love of justice and mercy, of liberty and order. All these we must seek by slow and patient effort; and of how many shortcomings in his own land and among his own people each one of us is conscious!

Yet no student of our times can fail to see that not America alone but the whole civilized world is swinging away from its old governmental moorings and intrusting the fate of its civilization to the capacity of the popular mass to govern. By this pathway mankind is to travel, whithersoever it leads. Upon the success of this our great undertaking the hope of humanity depends.

Nor can we fail to see that the world makes substantial progress toward more perfect popular self-government.

I believe it to be true that, viewed against the background of conditions a century, a generation, a decade ago, government in my own country has advanced, in the intelligent participation of the great mass of the people, in the fidelity and honesty with which they are represented, in respect for law, in obedience to the dictates of a sound morality, and in effectiveness and purity of administration.

Nowhere in the world has this progress been more marked than in Latin America. Out of the wrack of Indian fighting and race conflicts and civil wars, strong and stable governments have arisen. Peaceful succession in accord with the people's will has replaced the forcible seizure of power permitted by the people's indifference. Loyalty to country, its peace, its dignity, its honor, has risen above partisanship for individual leaders. The rule of law supersedes the rule of man. Property is protected and the fruits of enterprise are secure. Individual liberty is respected. Continuous public policies are followed; national faith is held sacred. Progress has not been equal everywhere, but there has been progress everywhere. The movement in the right direction is general. The right tendency is not exceptional; it is continental. The present affords just cause for satisfaction; the future is bright with hope.

It is not by national isolation that these results have been accomplished, or that this progress can be continued. No nation can live unto itself alone and continue to live. Each nation's growth is a part of the development of the race. There may be leaders and there may be laggards; but no nation can long continue very far in advance of the general progress of mankind, and no nation that is not doomed to extinction can remain very far behind. It is with nations as it is with individual men; intercourse, association, correction of egotism by the influence of others' judgment; broadening of views by the experience and thought of equals; acceptance of the moral standards of a community, the desire for whose good opinion lends a sanction to the rules of right conduct--these are the conditions of growth in civilization. A people whose minds are not open to the lessons of the world's progress, whose spirits are not stirred by the aspirations and the achievements of humanity struggling the world over for liberty and justice, must be left behind by civilization in its steady and beneficent advance.

To promote this mutual interchange and assistance between the American republics, engaged in the same great task, inspired by the same purpose, and professing the same principles, I understand to be the function of the American Conference now in session. There is not one of all our countries that cannot benefit the others; there is not one that cannot receive benefit from the others; there is not one that will not gain by the prosperity, the peace, the happiness of all.

According to your program, no great and impressive single thing is to be done by you; no political questions are to be discussed; no controversies are to be settled; no judgment is to be passed upon the conduct of any state, but many subjects are to be considered which afford the possibility of removing barriers to intercourse; of ascertaining for the common benefit what advances have been made by each nation in knowledge, in experience, in enterprise, in the solution of difficult questions of government, and in ethical standards; of perfecting our knowledge of each other; and of doing away with the misconceptions, the misunderstandings, and the resultant prejudices that are such fruitful sources of controversy.

And some subjects in the program invite discussion that may lead the American republics toward an agreement upon principles, the general practical application of which can come only in the future through long and patient effort. Some advances at least may be made here toward the complete rule of justice and peace among nations, in lieu of force and war.

The association of so many eminent men from all the republics, leaders of opinion in their own homes; the friendships that will arise among you; the habit of temperate and kindly discussion of matters of common interest; the ascertainment of common sympathies and aims; the dissipation of misunderstandings; the exhibition to all the American peoples of this peaceful and considerate method of conferring upon international questions--this alone, quite irrespective of the resolutions you may adopt and the conventions you may sign, will mark a substantial advance in the direction of international good understanding.

These beneficent results the Government and the people of the United States of America greatly desire.

We wish for no victories but those of peace; for no territory except our own; for no sovereignty except sovereignty over ourselves. We deem the independence and equal rights of the smallest and weakest member of the family of nations entitled to as much respect as those of the greatest empire; and we deem the observance of that respect the chief guaranty of the weak against the oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor desire any rights or privileges or powers that we do not freely concede to every American republic. We wish to increase our prosperity, to expand our trade, to grow in wealth, in wisdom, and in spirit; but our conception of the true way to accomplish this is not to pull down others and profit by their ruin, but to help all friends to a common prosperity and a common growth, that we may all become greater and stronger together.

Within a few months, for the first time, the recognized possessors of every foot of soil upon the American continents can be and I hope will be represented with the acknowledged rights of equal sovereign states in the great World Congress at The Hague. This will be the world's formal and final acceptance of the declaration that no part of the American continents is to be deemed subject to colonization. Let us pledge ourselves to aid each other in the full performance of the duty to humanity which that accepted declaration implies; so that in time the weakest and most unfortunate of our republics may come to march with equal step by the side of the stronger and more fortunate. Let us help each other to show that for all the races of men the liberty for which we have fought and labored is the twin sister of justice and peace. Let us unite in creating and maintaining and making effective an all-American public opinion, whose power shall influence international conduct and prevent international wrong, and narrow the causes of war, and forever preserve our free lands from the burden of such armaments as are massed behind the frontiers of Europe, and bring us ever nearer to the perfection of ordered liberty. So shall come security and prosperity, production and trade, wealth, learning, the arts, and happiness for us all.

Not in a single conference, nor by a single effort, can very much be done. You labor more for the future than for the present; but if the right impulse be given, if the right tendency be established, the work you do here will go on among all the millions of people in the American continents long after your final adjournment, long after your lives, with incalculable benefit to all our beloved countries, which may it please God to continue free and independent and happy for ages to come.

SPEECH OF MR. MARIANO CORNEJO

ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY AND MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY FROM THE REPUBLIC OF PERU TO THE KINGDOM OF SPAIN, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES, DELEGATE FROM PERU

[The President. There is before me a motion presented by the
Peruvian delegation.

The motion was then read:

"The Peruvian delegation moves that the minutes of the grand
session of today, signed by all the delegates, be presented
to the Department of State at Washington as an expression of
the great pleasure with which the Pan American Conference
has received its honorary president, the Honorable Elihu
Root."]

The delegation from Peru desires that there may remain a mark of this solemn session, in which all America has saluted as a link of union the eminent statesman who has honored us with his presence, and, in his person, the great American who, for the elevation of his ideas and for the nobleness of his sentiments, is the worthy chief magistrate of the powerful republic which serves as an example, as a stimulus, and a center of gravitation for the political and social systems of America.

Honorable Minister, your country sheds its light over all the countries of the continent, which in their turn, advancing at different rates of velocity, but in the same direction, along the line of progress, form in the landscape of American history a beautiful perspective of the future, reaching to a horizon where the real and the ideal are mingled, and on whose blue field the great nationality that fills all the present stands out in bold relief.

These congresses, gentlemen, are the symbol of that solidarity which, notwithstanding the ephemeral passions of men, constitutes, by the invincible force of circumstances, the essence of our continental system. They were conceived by the organizing genius of the statesmen of Washington, in order that the American sentiment of patriotism might be therein exalted, freeing it from that national egotism which may be justified in the difficult moments of the formation of states, but which would be today an impediment to the development of the American idea, destined to demonstrate that just as the democratic principle has been to combine liberty and order in the constitution of states, it will likewise combine the self-government of the nations and fraternity in the relations of the peoples.

Honorable Minister, your visit has given impulse to this undertaking. The ideas you have presented have not only defined the interests, but have also stirred in the soul of America all her memories, all her dreams, and all her ideals.

It is as if the centuries had awakened in their tombs to hail the dawn of a hope that fills them with new vigor and light.

It is the wish of Peru that this hope may never be extinguished in the heart of America, and that the illustrious delegates who will sign these minutes may remember that they are entering into a solemn engagement to strive for the cause of American solidarity.

SPEECH OF HONORABLE A. J. MONTAGUE

FORMER GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA, DELEGATE FROM THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

If in disparagement of our modesty, yet in recognition of our gratitude, the delegates from the United States have just requested me to express our profound appreciation of the extraordinary courtesy you have extended to our country in the person of her distinguished and able Secretary of State, whose wise and exalted address we have all heard with delight and satisfaction.

However, the honors you have paid him, and which come so graciously from a polite and hospitable people, convey a deeper meaning, for in them we must see a gratifying evidence of that American solidarity which unites our republics in the common development of popular government, energized by liberty, illumined by intelligence, steadied by order, and sustained by virtue. The liberty of law, and the opportunity for duty, and the dignity of responsibility come to us by the very genius of our institutions. Therefore, in recognition of the fraternity which inspires the greatest tasks which have yet fallen to the lot of so many peoples, working together for a common end, we receive your compliment to our country, and for this purpose I have thus detained you to hear this imperfect expression of our thanks.

SPEECH OF HIS EXCELLENCY BARON DO RIO BRANCO

MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE UNITED STATES OF BRAZIL HONORARY PRESIDENT OF THE CONFERENCE

I have risen merely to make a statement which I am sure will be received with pleasure by this illustrious assembly.

His Excellency the President of the Republic, in remembrance of the visit paid by His Excellency President Roosevelt to this building in St. Louis, and in order to perpetuate the memory of the coming of the distinguished Secretary Elihu Root to this country, has resolved by a decree bearing today's date to give to this edifice in which the International Pan American Conference is now in session the name of Palacio Monroe.

[The Conference then adjourned.]

BANQUET OF THE MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS

SPEECH OF HIS EXCELLENCY BARON DO RIO BRANCO

MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS

Rio de Janeiro, July 28, 1906

The enthusiastic and cordial welcome you have received in Brazil must certainly have convinced you that this country is a true friend of yours.

This friendship is of long standing. It dates from the first days of our independence, which the Government of the United States was the first to recognize, as the Government of Brazil was the first to applaud the terms and spirit of the declarations contained in the famous message of President Monroe. Time has but increased, in the minds and hearts of successive generations of Brazilians, the sympathy and admiration which the founders of our nationality felt for the United States of America.

The manifestations of friendship for the United States which you have witnessed come from all the Brazilian people, and not from the official world alone, and it is our earnest desire that this friendship, which has never been disturbed in the past, may continue forever and grow constantly closer and stronger.

Gentlemen, I drink to the health of the distinguished Secretary of State of the United States of America, Mr. Elihu Root, who has so brilliantly and effectively aided President Roosevelt in the great work of the political _rapprochement_ of the American nations.

REPLY OF MR. ROOT

I thank you again and still again for the generous hospitality which is making my reception in Brazil so charming.

Coming here as head of the department of foreign affairs of my country and seated at the table of the minister of foreign affairs of the great Republic of Brazil, where I am your guest, I am forcibly reminded of the change which, within the last few years, has taken place in the diplomacy of the world, leading to a modern diplomacy that consists of telling the truth, a result of the government of the people by the people, which is in our days taking the place of personal government by sovereigns. It is the people who make peace or war; their desires, their sentiments, affections, and prejudices are the great and important factors which diplomacy has to consult, which diplomats have to interpret, and which they have to obey. Modern diplomacy is frank, because modern democracies have no secrets; they endeavor not only to know the truth, but also to express it.

And in this way I have come here as your guest; not because the fertile or ingenious mind of some ruler has deemed it judicious or convenient, but because my visit naturally represents the friendship which the eighty million inhabitants of the great Republic of the North have for the twenty million people of Brazil; and it is a just interpretation of that friendship. The depth of sentiment which in me corresponds to your kind reception results from the knowledge I have that the cordiality which I find here represents in reality the friendship that Brazilians entertain for my dear country. Not in my personal name or as representative of an isolated individual, but in the name of all the people of my country and in the spirit of the great declaration mentioned by you, Mr. Minister, the declaration known by the name of Monroe, and which was the bulwark and safeguard of Latin America from the dawn of its independence, I raise my glass, certain that all present will unite with me in a toast to the progress, prosperity, and happiness of the Brazilian Republic.

SPEECH OF DR. JAMES DARCY

The same deep and profound emotion which I, as a Brazilian and an American, feel in this hour is undoubtedly felt by all here on the floor--representatives of the nation, and identical with the nation itself. When the Chamber of Deputies sees the Secretary of State of the United States of America in the gallery it cannot go on with its regular work even for a minute longer. So great and extraordinary have been the demonstrations occasioned by the presence in our country of the eminent envoy of the great republic of the United States that it is necessary that the Chamber, in this hour unequaled in the whole life of the American Continent, manifest without delay its feelings of sympathy with the work for the closer _rapprochement_ of the American nations.

In Scandinavia, the land of almost perpetual fogs and mists, there died not long ago an extraordinary man. Ibsen, by some called revolutionary, by others evolutionary, dreamed in all his works of a new day of peace and concord for all mankind. This dream did not exist in the poet's brain alone, for it has imbedded itself in the mind and heart of a great American politician--Elihu Root.

From the moment he set foot on Brazilian soil he has been received with loud acclamations of joy, in which all Brazilians have joined. The demonstration which the student-body of Brazil made a short time ago, which for enthusiasm and spontaneity of feeling has never been equaled, manifested our feeling toward Mr. Root.

In his speech at the third Conference of the American Republics, the statesman, the philosopher, the sociologist, the great humanitarian that Elihu Root is, opened up a new era for the countries of the continent of such an order that the old standard of morality has fallen to the ground in ruins. On the public buildings, on the fortresses and masts of war vessels, waves the same flag--a white flag, reminding the American people that a new epoch of fraternity has risen for them.

Nothing has ever done so much for peace as this visit of Elihu Root among us. It forms a spectacle that must mark an epoch in our national life. The Chamber of Deputies, interpreting the unanimous sentiment of the nation, from north to south, of old and young alike, has suggested that I offer a motion, which is already approved in advance, and make the request that Mr. Elihu Root be invited to take a seat on the floor of the Chamber, as a mark of homage in return for the honor he has done us in making a visit to this House.

The memory of this visit will live forever in our hearts. He who bestows all favors will undoubtedly reward those who have done so much for American peace and fraternity by setting them up as models for the whole world.

REPLY OF MR. ROOT

I thank you sincerely for the flattering expressions which, through your able and happy spokesmen, you have made regarding myself. I thank you still more deeply for the expressions of friendship for my country. I beg you to permit me in my turn to make acknowledgment to you, the representatives of the people of Brazil--acknowledgment which I can make to the President of the Republic, which I can make personally to your distinguished and most able Secretary for Foreign Affairs, but which I wish to make on this public occasion to the people of Brazil. I wish to thank the Brazilian people for sending to my country a man so able and so successful in interpreting his people to us as my good friend Mr. Nabuco. I wish to thank the people of Brazil--its legislators, its educated men of literature and of science, its students in their generous and delightful enthusiasm, and its laboring people in their simple and honest appreciation--for the reception which they have given me, overwhelming in its hospitality and friendship; for the courtesy, the careful attention to every detail that could affect the comfort, the convenience, and the pleasure of myself and my family; for the abundant expressions of friendship which I have found in your streets and in your homes; for the bountiful repasts; for the clouds of beautiful flowers with which you have surrounded us; and, more than all, for the deep sense of sincerity in your friendship which has been carried to my heart. I wish to make this acknowledgment directly to you, the direct and immediate representatives of the people.

We, who in official life have our short day, are of little consequence. You and I, Mr. President, Baron Rio Branco, the President of the Republic himself--we are of little consequence. We come and go. We cannot alter the course of nations or the fate of mankind; but the people, the great mass of humanity, are moving up or down. They are marching on, keeping step with civilization and human progress; or they are lapsing back toward barbarism and darkness. The people today make peace and make war--not a sovereign, not the whim of an individual, not the ambition of a single man; but the sentiment, the friendship, the affection, the feelings of this great throbbing mass of humanity, determine peace or war, progress or retrogression. And coming to a self-governing people from a self-governing people, I would interpret my fellow-citizens--the great mass of plain people--to the great mass of the plain people of Brazil. No longer the aristocratic selfishness, which gathers into a few hands all the goods of life, rules mankind. Under our free republics our conception of human duty is to spread the goods of life as widely as possible; to bring the humblest and the weakest up into a better, a brighter, a happier existence; to lay deep the foundations of government, so that government shall be built up from below, rather than brought down from above. These are the conceptions in which we believe. True, our languages are different; true, we draw from our parent countries many different customs, different ways of acting and of thinking; but, after all, the great, substantial, underlying facts are the same, humanity is the same. We live, we learn, we labor, and we struggle up to a higher life the same--you of Brazil and we of the United States of the North. In the great struggle of humanity our interests are alike, and I hold out to you the hands of the American people, asking your help and offering you ours in this great struggle of humanity for a better, a nobler, and a happier life. You will make mistakes in your council, that is the lot of humanity; no government can be perfect--till the millennium comes; but year by year and generation by generation substantial advance toward more perfect government, more complete order, more exact justice, and more lofty conceptions of human duty will be made.

God be with you in your struggle as He has been with us. May your deliberations ever be ruled by patriotism, by unselfishness, by love of country, and by wisdom for the blessing of your whole people, and may universal prosperity and growth in wisdom and righteousness of all the American republics act and react throughout the continents of America for all time to come.

SPEECH OF SENATOR RUY BARBOSA

In the Federal Senate of Brazil, at Rio de Janeiro, August 2, 1906

If your excellency will permit me, Mr. President, I will call your attention and that of the Senate to the fact that at this moment this House is honored by the presence of Mr. Elihu Root, Secretary of State of the United States.

For a week his stay among us has been spreading interest throughout the country and filling the capital with joy, causing excitement among the neighboring nations, and fixing the eyes of Europe on this obscure part of the world. The fact is that we are not only in the presence of an individual of great renown, who is one of the highest personages among contemporaneous statesmen, with a reputation which is dear to the western hemisphere, but we are experiencing an event of the most far-reaching international importance, in the sense in which this word corresponds to the common interests of the human race.