Chapter M: Blair to Tilden (2)

"I have this day sold to Samuel J. Tilden a bay horse gelding called Topic, six years old, for fifteen hundred dollars; and I hereby warrant the said horse to be sound and serviceable in every particular, and to be kind and gentle in use under the saddle and in single and double harness; and I do further agree that such sale is made on the following special conditions: _first_, I agree that if the said horse, after he shall have been used, shall not in all respects suit the said Tilden, I will, upon notice at any time within one year from this date, take back the said horse Topic, and return the said purchase money, but without interest; _secondly_, if the said Tilden shall prefer I will give to him in exchange for Topic any horse which I may bring to New York for market within the year, on fair and reasonable terms of exchange, provided that the said horse Topic shall be fairly treated by the said Tilden in the mean time, and shall be also at the risk of the said Tilden in respect to accidental injuries, and that the delivery of the said horse Topic, in return or exchange, shall not be required before April first, 1871. In witness whereof I have set my hand and seal this 10th of June, 1870.

"LOGAN RAILEY.

"_Witness, Geo. W. Smith._"

SAML. G. COURTNEY TO S. J. TILDEN

"_Strictly private._

"SUNDAY, 5-1/2 P.M.

"MY DEAR TILDEN,--I regret to inform you that there is a great deal of bad feeling abroad among _our_ friends respecting the arrest of Connolly,[55] and _you_ and Mr. Havemeyer are blamed and denounced for it, and for deserting him in the hour of his need.

_Of course, as far as you are concerned_, the sentiment I speak of is baseless and unfounded, and I have endeavored to set you right, and I think have succeeded; but as to Mr.

H., there is but one feeling, and that of universal condemnation.

Mr. Connolly is still in duress, and I am afraid he cannot get the required bail. What's to be done?

I mean to stand by him and sustain him now, for under my advice (together with the urgent appeals of Mr. H.) he resigned, and the result is imprisonment; and as Mr. Peckham says on his affidavit, they were awaiting only his resignation to accomplish what has been done.

"I write this to you in strict confidence.

"I think you ought to know what is going on. I am your true friend, and do not intend to have you placed in a false position.

"I am going to New York Hotel (room 131), where Connolly is. Unless you see some insuperable objection, I think you ought to call this morning and see him.

"Truly yours,
SAML. G. COURTNEY."

"_Hon. S. J. Tilden._"

EVILS OF OUR TIMES

(ENDORSED "DRAFT OF CIRCULAR," ALL IN TILDEN'S SCRIPT)

"_Centralism_ in the _government_, and _corruption_ in _administration_ are the twin evils of our times. They threaten with swift destruction civil liberty and the whole fabric of our free institutions.

"_National Government._

"The Democratic party was originally organized by Jefferson to oppose these evils. It ruled the country for fifty of the seventy years of the present century, and protected us from disunion on the one hand and from centralism on the other, and from corruption. Under twelve years of rule of the Republican party, the Federal government is rapidly usurping power from the localities and from individuals, and has become more corrupt than was ever imagined possible. The masses of the Republicans, like the masses of all parties, are honest. No doubt some allowance ought to be made for the effect of a great war. But the system of false finance which has corrupted us into a nation of gamblers was as unnecessary as corrupting. And the principle and measures of the Republican party, their centralism, tariffs not for revenue but to control the labor and capital of the people, legislative grants and jobs of all kinds tend to corruption. And the ideal standard of their statesmen is lower than any ever held by the followers of Jefferson and Jackson.

"_State Government._

"In 1846, twenty-five years ago, I went to the Assembly to sustain the administration of Silas Wright. Not a man in either House was even suspected of corruption. The Democracy under Martin Van Buren, Silas Wright, William L. Marcy, and Azariah C. Flagg had ruled the State during the life of the old Constitution from 1821 to 1846. They were all men not only of transcendent ability, but of personal purity. They gathered around them men of like character in all the counties. They wielded party power not only in favor of good measures, but in favor of good men. No corrupt Senator or Assemblyman could live in their atmosphere. The race ran out.

"From 1846 to 1870--23 years--the Democracy never had a majority in the Senate, and but twice a small majority in the Assembly. Those bodies became what the Republicans, and the party from which they sprang, have made them. When William H. Seward and Thurlow Weed came into power the character of the legislative bodies fell in an instant, and during all the 23 years of Republican ascendancy it continued to fall."

FOOTNOTES:

[42] A James Gordon Bennett, Senior, the founder of the New York _Herald_.

[43] A fellow-citizen of Governor Seymour in Oneida County. Later an unsuccessful candidate for attorney-general, and subsequent successful candidate and member of the United States Senate.

[44] Governor of Pennsylvania.

[45] For this speech delivered in the Democratic State convention assembled in Albany on the 11th March, 1868, to select delegates to the convention which was to nominate candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency at the ensuing election in November, see _Writings and Speeches of Tilden_, Vol. 1, p. 394.

[46] General Dix had been appointed by President Johnson Minister to France in 1866.

[47] Mr. Loomis was best known in his day as an associate with David D. Field in drafting the Civil Code for this State. He had no sympathy, however, with the Lincoln government, its origin or conduct. He was a man deservedly of much influence by virtue of his sterling character and good-sense. He exerted no inconsiderable influence in shaping the revised Constitution of the State of New York in 1866.

[48] Mr. Allen was a kinsman of Sandford E. Church; had been a Collector of Internal Revenue; was Comptroller of the State at the date of this letter, and subsequently became a judge of the Court of Appeals.

[49] Frank P. Blair was a son of the former editor of the Washington Globe; he had been a Member of Congress from Missouri; he served in the Union Army during the Civil War, and attained the rank of brigadier-general. He was nominated in the fall of 1868 as Vice-President on the Democratic ticket which selected Horatio Seymour, of New York, for President. General Grant was selected by the Republican party as its candidate for President, with Colfax, of New York, for Vice-President. The Republican ticket was successful.

[50] Mr. Walker had been a Senator from the State of Mississippi, and subsequently Secretary of the Treasury under President Polk.

[51] A member of Congress from California.

[52] Atlantic & Great Western Railroad.

[53] Hon. Azariah C. Flagg, former comptroller both of the State and late of the city of New York.

[54] James McHenry, the promoter of the Atlantic & Great Western.

[55] For an account of this grievance of Mr. Connolly and his relations with the Tweed ring and with Mr. Tilden, see Bigelow's _Life of Tilden_, Vol. I., pp. 182-210.

1871-1872

TILDEN TO W. CASSIDY

"_Confidential._

"NEW LEBANON, _Aug. 1871_.

"MY DEAR CASSIDY,--I think you had better note the tone of the 30 or 40 extracts which the _Times_ daily publishes from journals of all parts of the United States--nearly all administration, but a few Democratic. It indicates the _mode_ of using the exposures of the _Times_ which are employed throughout the country.

"Two ideas are sufficiently apparent now:

"1. That the evils and abuses in the local government of the city of New York are general characteristics of the Democratic party, and would occur in the Federal government if that party should come into power at Washington.

"This argument, fallacious though it be, is likely to satisfy the Republican mind and to animate it to effectiveness; and to confuse and embarrass the Democratic mind, and render it ineffective, if not irresolute. The immense preponderance of the Republicans in journalism, and the situation of this local cancer, directly under the focus of that journalism, which makes it more conspicuous to the eye of the country than a hundred such would be if existing in remote or obscure parts--the peculiar and remarkable clearness and certainty of the proofs compared with the inferential and argumentative nature of the evidence in such cases usually, are circumstances which go far to enable the Republicans to succeed in propagating this idea. We are out. Our case requires not merely firmness in holding our position by our veterans, but affirmative, aggressive action, resulting in accessions from the hostile or neutral, captures from the enemy. If the higher _morale_--the better weapons, the stronger ammunition--are not _with_ us, but _against_ us, how are we to be capable of the kind of warfare necessary to the situation?

"2. The second idea is that the leading Democratic journals _defend_ the wrongs alleged, thus impliedly adopting them or admitting a responsibility for them, which does not allow of disavowal and condemnation.

"A mode of discussion which countenances such a construction is not only wrong but foolish, both in respect to the party and the journal. All that can be conceded to the accused is the benefit of whatever doubts may exist as to their guilt. It will not do to set off similar wrongs alleged against the other party, for that, if frequently repeated, will gradually foster in the public mind the conclusion that we admit these wrongs to be properly carried to our side of the account. The idea should be kept _all the while_ before the public mind that the Democratic party is not responsible for these wrongs; that it will be foremost in punishing the authors and foremost in adopting all measures necessary to prevent their recurrence. The _first_ impression is important, and persistent repetitions of that impression are necessary to affect the public mind. The point of the article which was commended by Mr. Kernan, Gov. Beach, and myself needs to be presented again and again--perhaps with even more distinctness--until it attracts more public attention than it seems to have done. This is especially necessary in view of the articles in the _World_."

S. E. CHURCH TO TILDEN

"ALBION, _Aug. 1, 1871_.

"HON. SAML. J. TILDEN.

"MY DEAR SIR,--The ticket this fall must be made up of sound men who will inspire confidence, or we shall be beaten. I think the party in the interior are all right if properly attended to. The awful 'botch' made in suppressing the riot, and the ventilation of financial matters in N. Y., are calculated to weaken our strength in the country, and something must be done to counteract their influence. Is it not a good time to dismember the New York ring? How does Hall relish the position in which he has been forced? It is so long since I have heard from you that I almost think you have forgotten me. Are you not coming West before the State convention? I have got to living now, and shall be glad to see you. At any rate, write me.

"Truly yours,
"S. E. CHURCH."

"_Confidential._"

HORATIO SEYMOUR TO TILDEN

"UTICA, _Aug. 12, 1871_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--In the matter of the 'caucus,' do nothing until you are called in. In the mean time let the Republican surgeons hack and cut away. There can be no better time. When the public mind is turned to the question of frauds, etc., etc., there will be a call for the books at Washington as well as in the city of New York. I think a spasm of virtue will run through the body politic. Business is dull. The farmers are getting poor, with no look ahead of better times. Immigration, railroads, and machinery are crowding the markets with provisions and breadstuffs. Taxes are now felt as they have not been since 1860. The corruption in our party is local. In the Republican party it is pervading. We can lose nothing by stirring up questions of frauds. I hope I shall meet you soon. In the mean time see more 'devil opements, and can judge better of the course to be taken.

"Truly yours,
"HORATIO SEYMOUR."

TILDEN TO MR. PURCELL

"NEW YORK, _August 12, 1871_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--Returning to the city two days ago, I found your note.

"The better way to see me would be to meet me at Saratoga. When can you be there? Communicate with me by telegraph, if necessary.

"I am not unobservant of the situation. The question is what are our people morally able to do? Would you allow your opinion to be public, and attend at the place where a convention should be held? What would Jarvis Lord do? What DeWolf?

"Some of our people from the interior think the recent exposures will not hurt us much in the country districts. That is not my opinion. I should be sorry to think the demoralization is so great that such things would not hurt us.

"We have to face the question, whether we will fall with the wrongdoers or whether we will separate from them and take our chances of possible defeat now, with resurrection hereafter; possible chances, I say, for if the party could act _unitedly_ I do not despair that we could save it now.

"I have not time to write now, but I hasten to acknowledge your note.

"The best immediate thing for you to do is to have the _Union_[56] begin at once prudently to disavow and denounce the wrongdoers, and educate our people.

"In haste,
"Very truly Yours,
"S. J. TILDEN."

JOHN A. DIX TO TILDEN

"3 WEST 21ST ST., _2 Sept., 1871_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I am just going to my country-place at Westhampton, Long Island, and am sorry that I cannot have a few minutes with you to talk about city affairs. It seems to me that every honest man must be sincerely desirous of a thorough investigation; for, independently of the wrong to the taxpayers, it must be evident that popular government cannot be maintained unless the authors and sharers of the plunder, of which we have unquestionable evidence, can be discovered and disgraced. I earnestly hope that you, who stand before the community with as enviable a reputation for integrity as any man in it, and who can do so much to effect the object in view, will take an active part in the movement which is in progress.

"I wished to see you on another matter. I have looked for two years in vain for my war-horse. He has disappeared. I have, therefore, got another horse--not a war-horse, I hope. If you have not parted with my saddle and bridle, are you willing to let me have them? As my seat was molded to the saddle by six years of daily use, I should not probably find another so well fitted to it. If you will do so, and at the same time let me know their value, you will greatly oblige me.[57]

"Yours very truly,
"JOHN A. DIX."

"_Hon. Saml. J. Tilden._

"My address is 3 W. 21st St. My son forwards my letters when I am out of town."

S. J. TILDEN (CIRCULAR LETTER AS CHAIRMAN OF THE DEMOCRATIC STATE COMMITTEE)

"NEW YORK, _Sept. 11, 1871_.

"DEAR SIR,--The time between the meeting of the State convention and the election being a little shorter than usual, it has been deemed advisable to begin preparations for the canvass _at once_, so that even more than the ordinary period for organization will be afforded. The poll-book for your district has been already sent to the chairman of your county committee, and may be had on application to him.

"The Democracy have never been called on to act when _wisdom_ and _courage_, and _devotion_ to _principle_ and to _right_ were more needed than at the State convention about to be held.

"I appeal to you, therefore, to attend the primary meeting which will choose delegates to your Assembly district or county convention, and to send to that convention your most discreet and best citizens, in order that they in turn may choose as delegates to the State convention men _eminent_ for _judgment_, _integrity_, and _honor_, and who have, in the largest degree, the trust and confidence of their fellow-citizens.

"_Centralism_ in _government_ and _corruption_ in _administration_ are the twin evils of our times. They threaten with swift destruction not only civil liberty, but the whole fabric of our free institutions.

"The Democratic party was organized by Jefferson to oppose these identical evils. It conducted the national government for fifty of the seventy years of the present century, and gave the people safety, prosperity, and happiness.

"The present demoralization has happened under the ascendency of the Republican party; and though the mass of them, like the mass of all parties, are honest in their intentions, and some allowance ought to be made for the demoralizing influence of a great civil war, more of these results are to be ascribed to the utterly false and corrupting system of finance unnecessarily adopted by these Republican administrations; and there is no doubt the tendency of the principles and measures of the Republican party is unfavorable to purity in government.

"In the State, the Democracy ruled for twenty-five years--from 1821 to 1846--under Van Buren, Wright, Marcy, and Flagg; and corruption, always condemned and punished by them, was almost unknown.

"In the 24 years from 1847 to 1870 the Democracy never had a majority in the Senate. Twice only did it have a slender majority in the Assembly.

"The Republicans had the legislative power of the State, and that is now the government both at Washington and at Albany.

"The Republicans made the morals of the legislative bodies what they have recently been. When Seward and Weed took the place of Wright, Marcy, and Flagg, public and official morality fell in the twinkling of an eye.

"Even as to the city government of New York, until 1870, it was exactly what the Republican legislatures made it. The Republican party was born in 1855. In 1856 it swept the State by 80,000. In the Senate of 1857 the Democrats had but 4 out of 32 members; in the Assembly, but 37 out of 128.

"Then the Republicans made the city charter under which we have lived until 1870. At the same session the same hand which created the Republican party created also the supervisor's board, which has been the source of all the corruptions in our city government.

"The league between corrupt Republicans and corrupt Democrats which was formed during Republican ascendency was too strong for honest men in 1870. The charter of that year had the votes of nearly all the Republicans. I denounced it in a public speech.

"Wherever the gangrene of corruption has reached the Democratic party we must take a knife and cut it out by the roots.

"S. J. TILDEN."

W. F. HAVEMEYER TO R. B. CONNOLLY

"NEW YORK, _September 16, 1871_.

"RICHARD B. CONNOLLY, ESQ.

"SIR,--I have considered the question which you have submitted to me; and, to prevent the possibility of misapprehension, reduce my advice to writing.

"1. On the assumption of your innocence of the charges made against you, I do not consider resignation of your office as your proper course. Your duty is to give every facility to the fullest investigation, and to abide the result.

"2. In your answer to the request of Mayor Hall for your resignation, you have stated that your official acts which have been impeached were 'supervised and approved by the superior vigilance' of Mayor Hall; that equal responsibility for them attaches to him, and that, in his affidavits in the pending litigation, those acts were adopted and vindicated by him.

"Even if you are conscious of having done wrong in your trust, you owe it to the community not to commit another wrong, but to make every reparation within your power.

"To surrender your office into the hands of a confederate would be a fresh betrayal of your trust; and, while it might damage yourself, would fail of doing justice to the community. You practically make your own successor. As the law now stands, he can assume your office only by an arrangement to which you are a party to create a vacancy for him. The man you give place to ought not to be the tool of those implicated in the transactions which excite the public distrust and alarm. He should be the nominee of the citizens now seeking to protect the people. In that way alone can he have the confidence of the public, or sustain the credit of the city.

"No man selected by Mayor Hall can, without some other moral support from the community, have the public confidence. He will be compromised by a previous understanding with the Rodin of the 'ring' or by the acceptance of the favor.

"Fortunately, the law affords a perfect solution of the case. By sec. 3, chap. 574 of the laws of 1871, you are authorized to appoint a deputy comptroller who, in addition to his other powers, possesses every power and shall perform every duty belonging to the office of comptroller whenever the said comptroller shall by due written authority, and during a period to be specified in such authority, 'designate and authorize the said deputy comptroller to possess the power and perform the duty aforesaid.'

"My advice to you is to forthwith appoint Andrew H. Green as such deputy comptroller; to leave him to exercise the full powers of your office without conditions and without interference; with complete custody of all books and papers belonging to your office; with the appointment of all persons whom he may think necessary to protect the public property and interests, and to enable him to carry out the most searching investigations, and to aid the committees appointed for that purpose.

"I have carefully considered the selection I recommend. Mr. Green has knowledge and experience in the affairs of the city; has the most reliable character for integrity; has no relations which could mislead him by bad influences, and is strong in the public confidence. If you adopt my advice I shall insist on his accepting the disagreeable duty for the sake of the public interest."

W. F. HAVEMEYER TO A. H. GREEN

"_Sept. 16, 1871._

"MY DEAR SIR,--In advising the comptroller as to certain questions which he has submitted to me, I have deemed it best to adopt the shortest and most direct way to get at the condition of affairs in the comptroller's office and of the city government, in order that the public may have the earliest information relating [thereto]. To this end, I have advised the comptroller to appoint you his deputy, and to commit to you all the powers of his office without conditions or restrictions. This he has consented to do, and I enclose his appointment without conditions. I have no doubt that this position in the present condition of affairs will be most distasteful to you, but I deem it your duty promptly to accept its duties, and to do what you can to aid in restoring order and system in the financial affairs of the city. I have advised him not to resign, but as the best thing that can be done, under the circumstances, to appoint a deputy in whom the public has confidence. Of course you cannot accept the position with any restrictions as to the future or the past.

"Yours truly,
"W. F. HAVEMEYER."

R. B. CONNOLLY TO A. H. GREEN

"COMPTROLLER'S OFFICE OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK,
"_Sept. 16, 1871_.

"MR. ANDREW H. GREEN.

"MY DEAR SIR,--The office of deputy comptroller of this city having become vacant by the removal of Mr. Richard A. Storrs, I hereby designate and appoint you, Andrew H. Green, for that office, deputy comptroller of the city of New York, and earnestly press upon you the acceptance of this position. The critical juncture in the affairs of the city and the condition of public sentiment seem to demand that the important transactions of my department should be conducted by one possessing the unlimited confidence of the public. In determining upon the action required by the present exigency, I have been guided by the advice of gentlemen whose respectability and prominence elevate them above all suspicion of unfair or interested motive. I am endeavoring to act with sincere regard to the public interest and to insure it against possible sacrifice, and pursuing the authority and phraseology of the statute I hereby designate and authorize you to possess the power and perform all and every duty belonging to the office of comptroller of the city of New York from the time of this appointment to the first day of January, 1872.

"Very Respectfully."

CHARLES O'CONOR TO S. J. TILDEN

"N. Y., _Sept. 29, 1871_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I have given the best attention in my power to the matters mentioned yesterday.

"1. My mind is fully and conclusively made up as to the convention. I will not attend it for this single reason. The post of duty on these occasions is _that_ in which one can be most useful. In my opinion this little use of my nativity is the proper _venue_ for my action. Appoint me, if you like, give me a respectable alternate, and I will write _him_ a letter.

"2. I think it would be very inexpedient to take Mr. Green out of the city for 24 hours. He ought _not_ to go to Rochester.

"3. I have little knowledge of Connolly, and no access to him, nor would I be willing to have any. Consider:

"1. Must you not in resolutions, etc., body forth the determination to compel robbers to disgorge and even to inflict punishment, etc.?

"2. Will 'Slippery Dick' stick to his integrity steadily for weeks, in the face of a hazard like this?

"Therefore,

"3. Is it not desirable to strike whilst the iron is hot, get a resignation and the appointment of 'Handy Andy,' as I perceive the slow wits of the opposition begin to call him? It is not a bad name, and might do a man good who sought preferment, if he could get it to stick. Handy Andy blundered, to be sure, but he was faithful and honest in the last degree, and his blunders were true Irish bulls; they excited merriment, thus doing good to the souls and bodies of the observers; a certain _naïve_ wit hung around each erroneous conception that evinced a good motive; besides, there was in each a singular approximation to cleverness and a kind Providence always effectively gainsaid any actual evil in the results.

"Yrs. truly,
"CH. O'CONOR."

"_Mr. Tilden._"

S. J. TILDEN TO FRANCIS KERNAN (TELEGRAM)

"(_Sept. 30, 1871._)

"TO HON. FRANCIS KERNAN, Utica:

"Anti-Tammany organizations letter received. All have united on delegation headed by Charles O'Conor and Oswald Ottendorfer, and filled by our strongest representative citizens. Nearly all will personally attend. O'Conor gives his soul to the movement, and considers compromise as equivalent to ruin in State and nation. That is also my opinion. Action and not words can save us, but it must be complete and decisive action, and must fully satisfy the public opinion and the immense masses who now accept our lead and are strong enough to carry us through to success. We have no danger except in half-measured and half-hearted counsels."

CH. O'CONOR TO TILDEN

"_Oct. 2, 1871._

"DEAR SIR,--I have not time to call upon you this morning, although I wish to see you very much.

"If you should be in Wall St. early, perhaps you will step in.

"I wish to show you my letter. It may not be altogether satisfactory to you, and, if not, perhaps it should not be sent.

"I stated to you that I had some invincible scruples concerning the men, or rather the organizations who, acting as reformers, should be admitted as anti-ring representatives.

"Suddenly and without my consent my name appeared in the papers in a certain association not satisfactory. I have had great difficulty in reaching a satisfactory conclusion as to my course, increased by the circumstance that I have not had a single human being to consult with, and, in such things, one does not like to be alone. But my mind is now fully made up, and my action will be decisive, accordingly. I shall regret if in your eagerness to fix and announce my enlistment any laudable design on your part shall be injuriously affected. But for such a result, if it ensues, I shall feel blameless.

"I am, Dear Sir,
"Yrs. truly,
"CH. O'CONOR."

HORATIO SEYMOUR TO TILDEN

"UTICA, _October 8, 1871_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I have not been well since I got back from Rochester, but I have turned over the state of things in my mind, and I now sit down to give you the ends I have reached. When I left home I thought our friends had made up their minds to take high ground. When I met Lord and others at your room I saw at once 'the switch had been changed.' When Lord asked about the ticket I knew that a party had been made up to which you and Kernan and myself were not to be invited. Of that I am proud. All of the officeholders, the canal contractors, etc., are in it. Warren, DeWolf, and Cassidy lead the move. It is not in my heart to say an unkind word of Cassidy. In many ways he has had a hard time. His fine mind has been used by others while he was left poor. It was the strange policy of the Central Railroad men to give wealth to Weed and others, who fought them if they did not, while Cassidy was helped to live by loans and in other ways which kept him poor. When Tweed went to Albany he turned a stream of patronage into the _Argus_ office which made it strong and rich. I think Cassidy means, in the main, to stand up for the right, but it is hard for him to strike men who have lifted him into wealth and when all about him shrink back. Now what are we to do? A new party is made up, and we are outside of it. For this I am glad. But this is not all. We may forgive others, but the men who have left us will not forgive us. The old ties are broken. They have yielded to temptation, and now they are like church members who have fallen from grace; they not only hate to meet their minister, but they learn to hate him. This feeling cropped out at Rochester. They were glad to hit us, and the young men would have done more if the wiser ones had not held them back. You would have been put off the State committee and McQuade would have had the seat of Kernan if they had thought it wise. All things were made ready to do both of these acts. While Kernan was thrown off of his guard by Van Buren's assurances that his seat would not be contested, the committee on credentials was made up; their names were known to McQuade's friends, and an active canvass was made in his behalf. The plan was either to reject Kernan or to keep him out until the Tammany men were made sure that their seats would not be filled. I made up my mind to go home. I told Mr. Warren I would not act as president of the convention. In the evening I was very ill, and when the committee called upon me I said I was not well enough to go into convention. This was true, but I am sorry I put that reason out. I was in so much pain that I had not my wits about me. I should have said to them, as I did to Warren, simply that I would not preside.

"Now what are we to do? You know that I hold that all that a man does about politics after he is sixty years old is only meddling with other people's business. But duty may force us to act, and then how do we stand? The Democratic leaders and organization are dead against us. The members of the convention went home pleased with the diplomacy of their leaders, but with lower tone of morality than they had when they left home. The young men we looked to with hope in the future are debauched. They were willing to have Tammany coaxed out of the convention and then to slam the door in the face of the honest men who had unearthed crime in New York. When the leaders had done their work on Thursday noon the Tammany men stood in the light of having acted in a high-toned, generous way. The convention was grateful to them for allowing it to say stealing was wrong in a way that should hurt no one's feelings. The anti-Tammany men were in disgrace and disfavor. The majority of convention wanted to leave matters in that shape, and they were angry when you and Kernan and West and others forced them to do a few decent acts. I think you saved the ticket by this. I know you saved your honor. You must now count upon the hostility of old supporters and of all State officials. You are in the way. If you mean to fight you can do so by means of the new parties in New York. You must hold them up to the highest tone and to untiring activity. You must put yourself at the head of the reformers and use your list of correspondents for any papers you wish to send out to enlist the country against frauds. I have stated all the odds against you, but you can whip the party back to right grounds if you wish to do so. It is on the defensive now.

"Truly yours, &c.,
"HORATIO SEYMOUR."

WM. PURCELL TO TILDEN

"ROCHESTER, N. Y., _Oct. 25, 1871_.

"_Private._

"DEAR SIR,--No single incident of the war against the machine has given the people everywhere so much joy as the announcement yesterday by telegraph that Charles O'Conor had been tendered an Assembly nomination and had not declined, but justified the hope of his acceptance. The acceptance and election to the Assembly of O'Conor would, in my judgment, aside from what he might be able to accomplish by official action, be productive of a good moral effect that is incalculable. He occupies a position to-day prouder than that of any President or crowned head. Universally recognized as the foremost man of the bar, and unreservedly trusted as a guardian of the people's rights and interests in a time of great peril, all eyes are turned towards him as a sort of savior in this era of corruption in governmental administration. His declination now, after giving ground for hope, would be disheartening. I earnestly trust that the pressure will be brought to bear upon him so strongly that he will not disappoint the people.

"You yourself ought by all means to go to the Assembly also. While your position differs in some respects from that of Mr. O'Conor, your presence at Albany this winter would be no less important. You have led, are the leaders of, the fight against the machine, and, of course, have incurred the hostility and hatred of the machine men and their henchmen in different parts of the State. The fight will be continued in various forms at Albany during the session of the Legislature, and you ought to be there to direct it, as well as to do service on the floor of the Assembly. Our Democratic press, that is heartily in the good work, must speak out fully and boldly of all proceedings this winter, and not leave iniquity to be cloaked and public sentiment to be formed by subsidized newspapers and newspaper correspondents at Albany. I have never given Albany matters during the session much attention heretofore, but next winter it will not be my fault if the public of western New York do not learn through the _Union_ what is going on, and all that is going on.

"Everything here looks well. I think we will elect Lord Senator.

"Yours, &c.,
"WM. PURCELL."

"P. S.--It would amuse you to see some of the written suggestions I have received since the fight was won at the State convention from those who condemned my article of the 3rd on the 'Paramount Duty,' and who wanted to 'fix things up in some way with Tammany.' One of these, in particular, is cool--suggesting to _me_ that 'the true policy _now_ is to cut loose from Tammany Hall'!"

CHARLES O'CONOR TO TILDEN

"_Oct. 28, 1871._

"DEAR SIR,--I answered, declining, and they have determined to run Horatio Seymour without asking his consent.

"My letter, very full and condemnatory, is ready for the press. I don't much like to print it without consultation, especially as to one point. But later than Monday morning would be too late. What shall I do?

"Y'rs, &c.,
"CH. O'CONOR."

CHARLES O'CONOR TO TILDEN

"N. Y., _Oct. 29, 1871_.

"DEAR SIR,--There are [no] Sundays in revolutionary times. So I am at work. The declinature is corrected and all ready. I am to have copies this afternoon for my intended constituents; it will be out in all the morning papers.

"But the greatest of the great productions of the day has just passed under my eager eyes. The speech of Frederick A. Conkling, a conspicuous Republican, is the true touchstone. Surely every honest heart in the land will be thrilled with patriotic emotion by its stirring tones.

"What do you say to this?

"Beginning to-night, let us print at once in the large octave called royal, on good paper, in large type, easily read and every way in good typography, my poor effort in the declinature and this glorious Conkling speech. Thus the views of Democrat and Republican may go side by side. It should be added that a member of the Legislature need not reside in the district that elects him. Every one don't know this. By making it known we might yet have, in the Legislature, not only yourself, but Seymour and Kernan and Minturn and others that I cannot now think of. Conkling, too, of course.

"Kernan would be a grand candidate for the Senate against Tweed or _Norton_.

"Yours truly,
O'CONOR."

"P. S.--Conkling's speech was in _Herald_ of 27th. I send it to you. Don't lose it. Speed and vigor for God's sake and the Republic's.

"Yours,
O'CONOR."

ROYAL PHELPS TO S. J. TILDEN

"_Private._

"22 EAST 16TH ST., SATURDAY EVENING, _Nov. 4, 1871_.

"MY DEAR MR. TILDEN,--_You_ must not be allowed to spend any money for your election. Your noble conduct has made all honest Democrats your debtors. I have just sent my subscription to Mr. Cooper, but there must be many expenses which the committee cannot provide for, and on Monday I will send _you_ a check for $250 to aid in your personal expenses.

"It has only just occurred to me that we should all strengthen your hands, or I should have done this before.

"Very truly Your friend, & proud of your political course,

"ROYAL PHELPS."

HAMILTON FISH TO TILDEN (ENDORSING MR. TILDEN'S COURSE)

"NEW YORK, _Novr. 8, 1871_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--An old personal friend, whose views on political questions have generally differed from yours, thanks you from the bottom of his heart for your noble work, your manly, honest exposure of wrongs.

"On your election I do not congratulate you, but the public.

"There is light ahead!

"In haste, very truly y'r friend,
"HAMILTON FISH."

HENRY ADAMS TO TILDEN

"HARV. COLL., CAMBRIDGE, MASS., _9 November, 1871_.

"DEAR SIR,--Now that the struggle in New York is over and the political labor, I presume, at an end, I venture to approach you with a request to which I earnestly hope you will find yourself able to accede.

"You are probably aware that the _North American Review_ has taken occasion, from time to time, to follow up the history of the great scandals which have made New York so unpleasantly famous, especially the Erie troubles. I am desirous of placing on record, by the side of the 'Chapter of Erie,' an account of the Tammany frauds and their history, given by a person whose authority is decisive. In view of the further questions relating to New York government, likely to come up before your legislature and in the press, it seems probable that a clear and a non-partisan (that is, not Republican) statement of the case may be of political value as well as of historical interest.

"An account, therefore, of the Tammany frauds and their occasion, of the struggle of Tammany to maintain itself after the discovery, and of the means by which it was overthrown, and, finally, an expression of opinion as to the proper means of preventing such evils in the future, seems to me to be required.

"I know of no one except yourself who is capable of doing this properly. You alone know the private history of the affair, and have the means of estimating the actors at their proper value. I venture, therefore, to ask you to do it. If, as I believe, this story is to become historical, I am anxious that historians should be rightly informed as to the facts.

"In case there is any chance of your undertaking the task, I shall hope to hear from you shortly.

"I am, y'r obt. Servt.,
"HENRY ADAMS."

FRANCIS LYNDE STETSON TO TILDEN

"120 BROADWAY, N. Y., _Nov. 22d, 1871_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--Having attended at your office a number of times for the purpose of delivering the enclosed lists, and not being able to find the time when your many and diverse engagements permit you to be at your office, I have concluded (as perhaps would have been best at first) to send to you, instead of personally delivering, the lists which you requested.

"The manuscript roll, which I enclose herewith, presents, in classes corresponding to the Assembly districts from which they are drawn, the names of young men of Democratic principles and good character, who, so far as I can learn, are willing and prepared to participate in the duties of active political life. Almost all the names submitted are those of young lawyers, though I have not hesitated to include the names of gentlemen pursuing other avocations when I have learned of their personal qualifications for the task contemplated.

"Almost, though not all, of the names are taken from the roll of the Young Men's Democratic Reform Club, of which I send you a printed copy.

"In the collection and classification of these names I have taken from my professional duties more time and attention than would seem to me justifiable, were it not that I have been acting at the request of one who has himself spared neither time nor attention in the public service, and the purity of whose motives I have from childhood been taught to respect.

"Trusting that my labors may not be entirely irresponsive to your request, I remain,

"Very truly yours,
"FRANCIS LYNDE STETSON."

WILLIAM CASSIDY TO TILDEN

"THE ARGUS, ALBANY, _Nov. 24, 1871_.

"DEAR TILDEN,--I find the Washington St. suite of rooms most cheerful and accessible. The bedroom and bathroom are separated by the parlor, which is an objection, and the noise of the street may be objectionable. The suite at the south end--the new building--is free from these objections, and will prove, on the whole, most satisfactory.

"But it appears from the following that some one else is to be consulted. What profound dissimulation you have exhibited! If true, it is your greatest reform government. Give my love to Emily Josephine. My wife sends congratulations, and will give a bridal party when you both come up.

"Yours,
"WILLIAM CASSIDY."

This letter was accompanied by the following clipping from the _Sunday Albany Press_:

"A grand wedding will take place in Washington County on
Wednesday next: Miss Emily Josephine Smith to the Hon. S. J.
Tilden, of New York city. Many Albanians are invited. Our
friend, Hon. Chas. Hughes, formerly member of Congress, will
be the principal groomsman. The wedding-cards are models of
neatness."

J. W. EDMONDS TO TILDEN

"NEW YORK, _Dec. 12, 1871_.

"DEAR TILDEN,--As my journey to Washington is postponed indefinitely, I shall be at home this evening, which has been set apart for an _interview_ with the reporter of the _Times_ on the subject of the charter. I shall want to use, on the occasion, the papers I let you have on Sunday. If you will send them to me by the bearer I will return them to you to-morrow.

"Subsequent reflection has rather convinced me that I ought not to have declined answering your question as to what I received for my work on the charter.

"I declined as I did simply because I do so in all my professional business. Such is my _general_ practice, but there are exceptions, and I see no good reason why this should not be one of them.

"What I received was $10,000.

"Yours, &c.,
"J. W. EDMONDS."

T. F. BAYARD TO S. J. TILDEN

"UNITED STATES SENATE CHAMBER, WASHINGTON, _Dec. 21,
1871_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--The Senate committee of investigation and retrenchment have resolved to meet in New York on Wednesday, January 3rd, and take testimony in relation to the abuses alleged to exist in the Custom House in that city.

"Mr. Casserly and I are desirous the investigation should not be fruitless or superficial. To prevent its being either we must rely on the friends of honest government and reform in _both_ political parties to place us on the track of these abuses that we may unkennel them.

"If the utterances of the _Tribune_, the _Evening Post_, the _Sun_ and other organs are meant in earnest, they must now prove it by admitting us to their sources of information. If they rely upon their party friends in the committee, then, I fear, _our_ hopes in the question will be blighted.

"I write you, knowing the grand service you have done and are doing, and because I believe your position and relation to the _honest_ Republican leaders in the desired reforms will give you influence with them.

"Very truly and respectfully yours,
"T. F. BAYARD."

TILDEN TO HON. HAMILTON FISH

"NEW YORK, _Dec. 29, 1871_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--The rush of events, in which I have been and am, has given me no opportunity earlier to acknowledge, as I intended to do, your note of congratulation and sympathy in respect to the recent municipal controversies. I beg you to believe that, among the many which events have brought to me, none is more appreciated than yours, not only because of the many years of personal friendship which have subsisted between us, but--and more--because I think it was prompted by your feelings as a citizen of this great metropolis, closely and long identified with its interests and its renown.

"Accept my thanks for the books you were kind enough to send me, and believe me,

"Very truly yours,
"S. J. TILDEN."

CHARLES O'CONOR TO TILDEN

"FORT WASHINGTON, _Dec. 22, 1871_.

"DEAR SIR,--I can do nothing in Wall St. So I mean, if possible, to stay here until the 26th inst. This will afford an opportunity to put some matters in shape for the operations required after Jany. 1.

"There will be such a pressure of the _outs_ to get _in_, and of the jobbers to stick a project here and a plan there that no reform charter can possibly be framed and accepted on Gov. Church's instantaneous plan.

"A few very brief enactments can be framed which will meet every public necessity, and thro' a commission a really good charter may be framed. The lean corruptionists, who see a prospect of pasture, will, of course, try to control the appointment and the action of the commission, but the faces which have been set like flint against the _fat_ sharpers must also present a stern front to the lean. If the Legislature is to fail in its duty, perhaps so much the better. What his lazy Majesty the People has long needed was a sharp prick of the corruptionist's spear. It may be that he is not yet sufficiently aroused. Fainting in the legislature may be an absolute necessity.

"The _present_ pressing needs of legislation can easily be supplied. The muddle about the Aldermen is as easily disposed of as the Mayor, Tweed, and Fields. Luckily, the law point is manifestly against the recently elected Republican Aldermen. We can show how to _give_ them their seats.

"Y'rs,
"CH. O'CONOR."

H. F. TAINTOR[58] TO TILDEN

"N. Y., _24th Feby., 1872_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--Mr. Palmer, prest. Broadway Bank, gives me permission to attend at his bank only from 3 to 6 o'clock P.M. each day, except Wednesdays.

"With this gracious promise on his part I have twice to-day applied to Mr. Green for two or three men to assist me during these three hours, but can get nothing from him. When I asked him to allow me to employ outsiders (after he had informed me that he had no men to furnish me) he refused, stating that if once men were on his hands he couldn't shake them off.

"For myself to go there alone each day to examine these old books and papers will be merely child's play, and I am much disappointed at Mr. Green's action. Palmer's concessions amount to but little, and I fear our chances of getting what we desire are but slim.

"Permit me respectfully to again call your attention to the necessity of some legislation touching upon this point, whereby some person or persons can have the authority to not only call for the information necessary, but also to incur the expense necessary to a full examination.

"As the matter now stands it amounts to nothing.

"Respectfully, &c.,
"H. F. TAINTOR."

The following circular from the Grand Jury room gives the names of the parties then under suspicion:

"COURT OF GENERAL SESSIONS, GRAND JURY ROOM,
"NEW YORK, _January 11, 1872_.

"_To..._

"_Cashier._

"SIR,--We regret to trouble you again, but from our present researches we find it necessary to extend our inquiries to 1868 and 1869; and, in order to save the inconvenience of calling you before the Grand Jury by a subpoena for the purpose of answering the following interrogatories (in case the Grand Jury should be willing to waive that right), I would thank you to state in a note to me whether an account was kept during those two years with your bank by either of the following persons, and if yes, by which of them, viz.:

"James M. Sweeny,
Peter B. Sweeny,
Hugh Smith,
A. Oakey Hall,
J. H. Ingersoll,
N. Y. Printing Co.,
A. J. Smith,
Conrad Boller,
J. McB. Davidson,
J. W. Smith,
Joel A. Fithian,
Wm. M. Tweed,
James Watson,
R. B. Connolly,
C. E. Wilbour,
Cornelius Corson,
A. D. Barber & Co.,
J. A. Smith,
Geo. S. Miller,
A. G. Miller,
Mrs. R. B. Connolly.

"I will submit your answer, and take the further order of the Grand Jury.

"Yours, &c.,
"LUCIUS S. COMSTOCK,
"_Foreman Grand Jury, Court of General Sessions._"

CHARLES O'CONOR TO TILDEN

"_Feb. 3, 1872._

"MY DEAR SIR,--G. wrote me a note last night, stating that from haste, etc., he omitted many things, especially facts relative to the transaction of 1869.

"He is doubtless growing fidgety and impatient in consequence of his privacy and solitude and the delay.

"I wrote him a reassuring letter, and suggested quiet on his part until the close of the Jumel trial. I promised then to take up the business and put things on a definite footing.

"Once that trial is over I shall be free; and if great and controlling reasons do not oppose, I will proceed at once to deal with the questions and the _persons_ of the hour as public necessity shall, in my judgment, seem to demand.

"Fidelity to a cause once espoused is the first law of my nature. This alone has tied me to these troublesome and engrossing Jumel law suits. They will be over when the corrupt gang of villains engaged in the present enterprise shall have got their _quietus_. This can hardly fail to happen within a fortnight; and thenceforth no private person's affairs shall prevent the entire devotion of all my time and power to the good cause in which you have so faithfully toiled and of which you have been the most efficient as well as the foremost champion.

"I am, Dear Sir,
"Yours truly,
"CH. O'CONOR."

TILDEN TO CHARLES O'CONOR

"_Jan. 28, 1872._