Chapter I: Introduction

In the issue of the PENNSYLVANIA CHRONICLE AND UNIVERSAL ADVERTISER of November 30th-December 3d, 1767, appeared the first of twelve successive weekly "_Letters from a_ FARMER _in_ Pennsylvania _to the Inhabitants of the_ British _Colonies_," in which the attitude assumed by the British Parliament towards the American Colonies was exhaustively discussed. So extensive was their popularity that they were immediately reprinted in almost all our Colonial newspapers.

The outbursts of joy throughout America occasioned by the repeal of the Stamp Act had scarcely subsided when, the protracted illness of Lord Chatham having left the Ministry without a head, the indomitable Charles Townsend, to the amazement of his colleagues and unfeigned delight of his King, introduced measure after measure under the pretence that they were demanded by the necessities of the Exchequer; but in reality for the purpose of demonstrating the supremacy of the power of the Parliament of Great Britain over her colonies in America. Among these Acts were those which provided for the billeting of troops in the various colonies; others called for duties upon glass, lead, paint, oil, tea, etc. Of dire portent was the provision therein, that the revenues thus obtained be used for the maintenance of a Civil List in America, and for the payment of the salaries of the Royal Governors and Justices, salaries which had hitherto been voted by the various Assemblies. The Assembly of New York, having failed to comply strictly with the letter of the law in regard to the billeting of the King's troops, was punished by having its legislative powers suspended.

This action boded ill for the future of any law-making body in America which should fail to carry out strictly any measure upon which the British Parliament might agree. The Colonies needed a common ground on which to meet in their opposition to these arbitrary Acts of Parliament. The deeds of violence and the tumultuous and passionate harangues in the northern colonies met with little sympathy among a large class in the middle and southern colonies, who, while chafing under the attacks upon their liberties, hesitated to favor resistance to the home government because of their unswerving loyalty to their King and their love for the country to whom and to which they owed allegiance. To these "The Farmer" appealed when he wrote, "The cause of liberty is a cause of too much dignity to be slighted by turbulence and tumult. It ought to be maintained in a manner suitable to her nature, those who engage in it should breathe a sedate yet fervent spirit animating them to actions of prudence, justice, modesty, bravery, humanity and magnanimity." The convincing logic of these letters clearly proved that the constitutional rights belonging to Englishmen were being trampled upon in the colonies, and furnished a platform upon which all those who feared their liberties were endangered could unite.

Under the date of the fifth of November, 1767, the seventy-ninth anniversary of the day on which the landing of William the Third at Torbay gave constitutional liberty to all Englishmen, John Dickinson, of Pennsylvania (for before long it became known that he was the illustrious author), in a letter addressed to his "beloved countrymen," called attention to the lack of interest shown by the Colonies in the act suspending the legislative powers of New York, and logically pointed out that the precedent thereby established was a blow at the liberty of all the other Colonies, laying particular emphasis upon the danger of mutual inattention by the Colonies to the interests of one another.

The education and training of the author well qualified him to handle his subject. Born in 1732 on his ancestral plantation on the eastern shore of Maryland, from early youth John Dickinson had had the advantages of a classical education.[1] His nineteenth year found him reading law in a lawyer's office in Philadelphia. Three years later, he sailed for England, where he devoted four important years to study at the Middle Temple, and then and there obtained that knowledge of English common law and constitutional history, and imbibed the traditions of liberty belonging to Englishmen on which he later founded his plea for the resistance of the Colonies to the ministerial attacks upon their liberty. On his return home he took up the practice of his profession at Philadelphia, and immediately won for himself a high place at the Bar. Elected in 1760 a member of the Assembly of Delaware, his reputation for ability and political discernment gained him its speakership. In 1762 he became a member of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, where he acquired great prominence and unpopularity, which later cost him his seat in that body, on account of his opposition to the Assembly's sending a petition to the King praying that the latter "would _resume_ the government of the province, making such compensation to the proprietaries as would be equitable, and permitting the inhabitants to enjoy under the new government the privileges that have been granted to them by and under your Royal ministries."

[1] "The Life and Times of John Dickinson," by Charles J. Stillé.

Possibly Dickinson's knowledge of the personality of the Ministry and the dominant spirits in English political circles gained while abroad, led him bitterly to attack this measure, fathered and supported by Franklin, for subsequent events soon showed the far-sightedness which led him to distrust the wisdom of a demand for the revoking of the Proprietary Charter, even though it were a bad one. His part in the controversy forced even his bitterest opponents to admire his ability. The enormous debt incurred by Great Britain during the then recent war with France led the Ministry to look for some way of lightening taxation at home. It was decided that America must pay a share toward lifting the burden resting heavily on those in England, caused by the financing of the expenses of a war which drove France from North America. The fact that the colonies had furnished, equipped and maintained in the field twenty-five thousand troops and had incurred debts far heavier in proportion than those at home was forgotten. In 1764 was passed the "Sugar Act," which extended and enlarged the Navigation Acts and made England the channel through which not only all European, but also all Asiatic trade to and from the colonies must flow. At the same time an announcement was made that "Stamp Duties" would be added later on. The next year from Dickinson's pen appeared a pamphlet entitled "THE LATE REGULATIONS RESPECTING THE BRITISH COLONIES ON THE CONTINENT OF AMERICA CONSIDERED, in a Letter from a Gentleman in PHILADELPHIA to his Friend in LONDON," in which these late regulations and proposed measures were discussed entirely from an economic standpoint. In it was clearly shown how dependent were the manufacturers and traders in England for their prosperity upon the trade of the colonies and that any restraint of American trade would naturally curtail the ability of those in the colonies to purchase from the home market. The Stamp Act was opposed on the ground that the already impoverished colonies would be drained of all their gold and silver which necessarily would have to go abroad in the payment for the stamps. This letter was conciliatory and persuasive, yet in the closing pages Dickinson asked:

"What then can we do? Which way shall we turn ourselves? How may we mitigate the miseries of our country? _Great Britain_ gives us an example to guide us? SHE TEACHES US TO MAKE A DISTINCTION BETWEEN HER INTERESTS AND OUR OWN.

"Teaches! She requires--commands--insists upon it--threatens--compels--and even distresses us into it.

"We have our choice of these two things--to continue our present limited and disadvantageous commerce--or to promote manufactures among ourselves, with a habit of economy, and thereby remove the necessity we are now under of being supplied by _Great Britain_.

"It is not difficult to determine which of these things is most eligible. Could the last of them be only so far executed as to bring our demand for British manufactures below the profits of our foreign trade, and the amount of our commodities immediately remitted home, these colonies might revive and flourish. States and families are enriched by the same means; that is, by being so industrious and frugal as to spend less than what they raise can pay for."

The various Non-Importation Agreements signed during the next ten years, bear testimony to the popularity of the proposed plan.

This pamphlet circulated freely and increased Dickinson's reputation as that of a man capable of thoroughly discussing public measures; it also brought his name to the attention of the British public for whom the "Letter" was especially written.

At the call of Massachusetts, representatives of nine of the colonies met in New York in October, 1764, and after a long discussion (in which Dickinson's knowledge of constitutional law and English colonial policy enabled him to assume the leadership) issued a "Declaration of Rights," in which it was asserted that the inhabitants of the Colonies, standing on their rights as Englishmen, could not be taxed by the House of Commons while unrepresented in that body. Memorials were sent abroad protesting against the proposed acts, expressing, however, their willingness to meet loyally as in the past any properly accredited requisitions for funds sent to the various Assemblies. Notwithstanding this opposition, and the protests of all friends of America in England, the Stamp Act was passed. A year later it was repealed.

_JUST PUBLISHED._

_Printed on a large Type, and fine Paper_,
And to be sold at the _LONDON BOOK STORE_
North Side of King-street

_LETTERS_
FROM
A FARMER in _PENNSYLVANIA_

To the INHABITANTS of the
BRITISH COLONIES.

(_Price two Pistareens_)

Among all the WRITERS in favor of the COLONIES,
the FARMER shines unrivalled, for _strength_ of _Argument_,
_Elegance_ of _Diction_, _Knowledge_ in the _Laws_ of _Great Britain_,
and _the true interest_ of the COLONIES: A _pathetic_
and _persuasive eloquence_ runs thro the whole of these
Letters: They have been printed in every _Colony_ from _Florida_
to _Nova Scotia_; and the _universal applause_ so justly
bestowed on the _AUTHOR_, hath fully testified the GRATITUDE
of the PEOPLE OF AMERICA, for such an
_able Adviser_ and _affectionate Friend_.

Written in a plain, pure style, with illustrations and arguments drawn from ecclesiastical, classical and English history, each point proven with telling accuracy and convincing logic, conciliatory to the English people, and filled with expressions of loyalty to the King, these essays, popularly known as the "Farmer's Letters," furnished the basis on which all those who resented the attacks on their liberty were able to unite. Town meetings[2] and Assemblies vied with each other in their resolutions of thanks. The "Letters" were published immediately in book form in Philadelphia (three different editions), New York, Boston (two different editions), Williamsburgh, London (with a preface written by Franklin), and Dublin. Franklin was influential, also, in having them translated into French, and published on the Continent. Owing to the beauty of its typography and the excellence of its book-making, the Boston edition, published by Messrs. Mein & Fleeming, has been selected for republication, and has been reprinted line for line and page for page, in a type varying but slightly from that used by Mein & Fleeming. A few typographical errors have been corrected, but the irregularities in spelling, wherever they exist throughout the various editions, have been retained. The binding also is a reproduction of that of the original. Its publication[3] was announced in the "Boston Chronicle," March 14-21, 1768, by the advertisement reprinted on the preceding page.

[2] The "Address from the Town of Providence," printed from the
original manuscript, is to be found in the Notes, page li.

[3] Two weeks later a letter of thanks voted by the town of Boston
was added to this edition.

Valuable as these "Letters" were at home in uniting all factions in their measures of resistance, yet their influence abroad was of even more far-reaching effect. Reprinted in London in June, 1768, this two-shilling pamphlet quickly circulated through coffee-house and drawing-room. In ministerial circles the "Farmer" caused great indignation. In a letter from Franklin, addressed to his son, dated London, 13th of March, 1768, appears the following: "My Lord Hillsborough mentioned the 'Farmer's Letters' to me, said that he had read them, that they were well written, and he believed he could guess who was the author, looking in my face at the same time, as if he thought it was me. He censured the doctrines as extremely wild. I have read them as far as Number 8. I know not if any more have been published. I should, however, think they had been written by Mr. Delancey, not having heard any mention of the others you point out as joint authors."

Groaning under their own heavy taxation, the troubles of America had hitherto appealed but slightly to the average Englishman and the sympathies of the English people had become involved in the long-drawn-out struggles of Wilkes to obtain his constitutional rights. The press published little American news. America was little discussed; conditions there were practically unknown to all but the trading class, whose members had prospered through the monopoly of the constantly increasing commerce with the growing colonies. This class, naturally fearing the loss of the magnificent trade which had been built up, had long bemoaned the constantly increasing friction between the two factions on each side of the water. Englishmen in general had hitherto paid little attention to the debates over the various acts raising revenue from the colonies. From the time the "Farmer's Letters" were published in England the differences between Parliament and colonies were better understood there. Untouched and yet alarmed by the political corruption so prevalent at the time, thinking men saw in these "Letters" a warning that if their Sovereign was successful in his attempt to take away constitutional liberty from their fellow Englishmen across the sea, their own prized liberty at home was in danger. "American" news became more frequent in the newspapers, "Letters to the Printer," the form of editorials of the day, discussed and criticised the measures of Parliament with great freedom. To the masses, John Dickinson's name soon became very familiar through the agency of the press, which under date of June 26-28, 1768, freely noted Isaac Barré's characterization in the House of Commons of Dickinson as "a man who was not only an ornament to his country but an honor to human nature." Almost immediately after the publication of the London edition, the Monthly Review of July, 1768, forcibly called the attention of the literary world to the "Farmer's Letters" in an exhaustive review which is reprinted in the Notes, page liii, for the purpose of showing the view held by the English Whigs regarding the doctrines laid down and arguments used by Dickinson in defence of his position.

The "London Chronicle," under date of September 1st, 1768, printed the popular Liberty song, written by Mr. Dickinson, and which, set to the inspiring air of "Hearts of Oak," was being sung throughout the colonies. In order to give the accompanying letter of request for the republication of the song, a request which, from its wording demonstrates the enthusiasm which the song aroused, the latter is here reprinted from the issue of the Boston "Evening Post" of August 22, 1768.

MESSIRS FLEETS

The following SONG being now much in Vogue and of late is heard resounding in almost all Companies in Town, and by way of eminence called "The Liberty Song," _you are desired to republish in your_ 'circulating' Paper for the Benefit of the whole Continent of America.

[To the Tune of Hearts of Oak.]

Come, join Hand in Hand, brave Americans all,
And rouse your bold Hearts at fair _Liberty's_ Call,
No _tyrannous Acts_ shall suppress your _just Claim_,
Or stain with _dishonor_ America's Name.

In Freedom we're _born_, & in Freedom we'll _live_,
Our Purses are ready,
Steady, Friends, Steady,
Not as _Slaves_ but as _Freemen_ our money we'll give.

Our worthy Forefathers--let's give them a Cheer--
To _Climates unknown_ did courageously steer;
Thro' _Oceans_ to _Deserts_ for _Freedom_ they came,
And dying bequeath'd us their _Freedom_ & _Fame_.

In Freedom we're _born_, &c.

Their generous Bosoms all Dangers despis'd,
So _highly_, so _wisely_, their _Birthrights_ they priz'd;
We'll keep what they gave--we will piously keep,
Nor frustrate their Toils on the Land or the Deep.

In Freedom we're _born_, &c.

The Tree their own Hands had to _Liberty_ rear'd,
They liv'd to behold growing strong and rever'd;
With Transport then cry'd, 'now our Wishes we gain,
For our Children shall gather the Fruits of our Pain.'

In Freedom we're _born_, &c.

Swarms of _Placemen_ and _Pensioners_ soon will appear,
Like Locusts deforming the Charms of the Year;
Suns vainly will rise, Showers vainly descend,
If _we_ are to _drudge for_ what _others_ shall _spend_.

In Freedom we're _born_, &c.

Then join Hand in Hand brave Americans all,
By _uniting_ we stand, by _dividing_ we fall;
_In so righteous a Cause_ let us hope to succeed,
For Heaven approves of each generous Deed.

In Freedom we're _born_, &c.

All Ages shall speak with _amaze_ and _applause_,
Of the _courage_ we'll shew _in support of our laws_;
To die we can _bear_--but to serve we _disdain_--
For _Shame_ is to _Freemen_ more dreadful than _Pain_.

In freedom we're _born_, &c.

This Bumper I crown for our _Sovereign's_ Health,
And this for _Britannia's_ Glory and Wealth;
That Wealth and that Glory immortal may be,
If _She_ is but _just_--and if _we_ are but _free_.

In Freedom we're _born_, & in Freedom we'll _live_,
Our Purses are ready,
Steady, Friends, Steady,
Not as _Slaves_, but as _Freemen_ our Money we'll give.

The following extract from the London "Chronicle" of October 4, 1768, demonstrates how completely the arguments and logic of the "Farmer's Letters" gained popular approval; how constantly Dickinson's name was kept before the public, both at home and abroad; how his fame was toasted; how he was recognized as the leader of political thought in the colonies. It shows also the constantly increasing interest in American matters taken by the press of England since the advent of the "Farmer's Letters," for the "American News," published in this and other London papers, was extensively reprinted in the local journals throughout the kingdom.

_Taken from the Boston, in New England, Evening Post of August 22,
1768_

On Monday the fifteenth instant, the anniversary of the ever
memorable _Fourteenth of August_, was celebrated by the Sons
of Liberty in this Town, with extraordinary festivity. At this
Dawn, the British Flag was displayed on the _Tree of Liberty_,
and a Discharge of _Fourteen_ Cannon, ranged under the venerable
Elm, saluted the joyous Day. At eleven o'clock, a very large
Company of the principal Gentlemen and respectable Inhabitants
of the Town, met at the Hall under the Tree, while the Streets
were crowded with a Concourse of People of all Ranks, public
Notice having been given of the intended Celebration. The
Musick began at high Noon, performed on various Instruments,
joined with Voices; and concluding with the universally admired
_American_ Song of Liberty,[4] the Grandeur of its Sentiment,
and the easy Flow of its Numbers, together with an exquisite
Harmony of Sound, afforded sublime Entertainment to a numerous
Audience, fraught with a noble Ardour in the cause of Freedom:
The Song was clos'd with the Discharge of Cannon and a Shout of
Joy; at the same time the Windows of the Neighbouring Houses,
were adorned with a brilliant appearance of the fair Daughters
of Liberty, who testified their Approbation by Smiles of
Satisfaction. The following Toasts succeeded, viz.

[4] The Song has been given already in our Chronicle.

The following toasts may need brief explanation.--R. T. H. H.:

_1._ _Our rightful Sovereign George the Third._

_2._ _The Queen, Prince of Wales, and the rest of the Royal Family._

_3._ _The Sons of Liberty throughout the World._

_4._ _The glorious Administration of 1766._

4. The Rockingham Ministry which repealed the Stamp Act.

_5._ _A perpetual Union of Great Britain and her Colonies, upon
the immutable Principles of Justice and Equity._

_6._ _May the sinister Designs of Oppressors, both in Great
Britain and America, be for ever defeated._

_7._ _May the common Rights of Mankind be established on the Ruin
of all their Enemies._

_8._ _Paschal Paoli and his brave Corsicans. May they never want
the Support of the Friends of Liberty._

8. The struggles of Paoli and the Corsicans excited great
interest both in Great Britain and America. Constant references
are made to these in the "Letters."

_9._ _The memorable 14th of August, 1765._

9. The day of the demonstration in Boston against the Stamp
Officers. Daybreak disclosed hanging on a tree an effigy of the
Stamp Officer Oliver. After hanging all day, at nightfall it was
taken down by the Sons of Liberty, who placed it on a bier and
escorted it through the principal streets in Boston to the home
of Oliver, where, in the presence of a large number of people,
it was burned.

_10._ _Magna Charta, and the Bill of Rights._

_11._ _A speedy Repeal of unconstitutional Acts of Parliament, and
a final Removal of illegal and oppressive Officers._

_12._ _The Farmer._

12. John Dickinson.

_13._ _John Wilkes, _Esq.; and all independent Members of the
British Parliament_.

_14._ _The glorious Ninety-Two who defended the Rights of America,
uninfluenced by the Mandates of a Minister, and undaunted by the
threats of a Governor._

14. On the 11th day of February, 1768, the Assembly of
Massachusetts adopted and sent to the various Colonial
Assemblies a circular letter drawn up by Samuel Adams, informing
them of the contents of a petition which the Massachusetts
Assembly had sent to the King. This letter also urged united
action against the oppressive measures of the Ministry, and
gave great offense to the King and Ministry. The Secretary for
the Colonies, Lord Hillsborough, instructed Governor Bernard
of Massachusetts to order the Assembly to rescind this letter,
and in case of refusal to dissolve this body. After a thorough
discussion this request was refused by a vote of "ninety-two" to
"seventeen."

Which being finished, the French horns sounded; and after
another discharge of the cannon, compleating the number
Ninety-Two, the gentlemen in their carriages repaired to the
Greyhound Tavern in Roxbury, where a _frugal_ and _elegant_
entertainment was provided. The music played during the repast:
After which the following toasts were given out, and the
repeated discharge of cannon spoke the general assent.

_1._ _The King._ _2._ _Queen and Royal Family._ _3._ _Lord_ Cambden.

3. A strenuous upholder of the Constitutional rights of the
Colonies and a strong defender in the House of Lords of the
doctrine, "No taxation without representation." Contemporary
writers frequently spelt Camden's name as above.

_4._ _Lord_ Chatham. _5._ _Duke of_ Richmond.

5. Another friend of America in the same body.

_6._ _Marquis of_ Rockingham.

6. Under whose ministry the Stamp Act was repealed.

_7._ _General_ Conway.

7. The leader in the House of Commons during the Rockingham
Ministry.

_8._ _Lord_ Dartmouth.

8. President of the Board of Trade in the Rockingham Ministry,
much loved in the Colonies. Dartmouth College bears his name.

_9._ _Earl of_ Chesterfield.

9. A warm adherent of America.

_10._ _Colonel_ Barre.

10. The companion of Wolfe at Quebec; in replying to Townsend
during one of the debates over the passage of the Stamp Acts
he characterized the Americans as "Sons of Liberty," a term
which immediately was applied throughout the Colonies to those
who were resenting the interference of Parliament with their home
government.

_11._ _General_ Howard.

11. A member of Parliament from Stamford who was active in
obtaining the repeal of the Stamp Act.

_12._ _Sir_ George Saville.

12. Represented Yorkshire in the House of Commons; a strong
supporter of the Rockingham Ministry.

_13._ _Sir_ William Meredith.

13. Member of Parliament from Liverpool. Lord of the Admiralty
during the Rockingham Administration.

_14._ _Sir_ William Baker.

14. Also energetic in securing the repeal of the Stamp Act.

_15._ _John_ Wilkes, _Esq., and a Speedy Reversal of
his outlawry_.

15. The struggles of Wilkes excited keen interest in America.

_16._ _The Farmer of_ Pennsylvania.

16. It is noted that this was the second time Dickinson's health
was drunk that day. No other American residing in this country
was toasted.

_17._ _The Massachusetts_ Ninety-Two.

_18._ _Prosperity and Perpetuity to the_ British Empire,
_on Constitutional Principles_.

_19_. North America: _And her fair Daughters of
Liberty_.

_20._ _The illustrious Patriots of the Kingdom of Ireland._

20. In Letter X Dickinson warns against the fate of Ireland.

_21._ _The truly heroic_ Paschal Paoli, _and all the
brave Corsicans_.

_22._ _The downfall of_ arbitrary _and_ despotic Power
_in all Parts of the Earth; and Liberty without_
Licentiousness _to all mankind_.

_23._ _A perpetual Union and Harmony between_ Great
Britain _and the Colonies, on the Principles
of the Original Compact_.

_24._ _To the immortal Memory of that_ Hero _of_
Heroes _William the Third_.

_25._ _The speedy Establishment of a_ wise _and_ permanent
administration.

_26._ _The_ right _noble Lords, and_ very worthy _Commoners,
who voted for the Repeal of the_ stamp
Act _from_ Principle.

_27._ Dennis De Berdt, _Esq; and all the true
Friends of_ America _in Great Britain, and
those of Great Britain in America_.

27. The agent of Massachusetts in London.

_28._ _The_ respectable _Towns of_ Salem, Ipswich _and_
Marblehead, _with all the Absentees from the
late Assembly, and their_ constituents, _who
have publickly approved of the Vote against_
Rescinding.

28. Representatives of these towns voted in favor of rescinding.
Town meetings, however, were held, and the citizens of these
places recorded themselves as endorsing the action of the majority
in refusing the "Ministerial Mandates" and condemned the
position assumed by their own representatives. In letters which
appeared in the press a number of absentees from the Assembly
boldly endorsed the action of the majority.

_29._ _May all_ Patriots _be as wise as Serpents, and
as harmless as Doves_.

_30._ _The_ Manufactories _of_ North America, _and
the_ Banishment _of Luxury_, Dissipation and
_other Vices, Foreign and Domestic_.

30. Referring to the proposal of Dickinson quoted on page xxiii
of the Introduction.

_31._ _The removal of all Task-Masters, and an effectual
Redress of all other Grievances._

_32._ _The_ Militia _of_ Great Britain _and of the_ Colonies.

_33._ _As_ Iron _sharpeneth_ Iron, _so may the Countenance
of every good and virtuous Son and
Daughter of Liberty, that of his or her
Friend_.

_34._ _The Assemblies on this vast and rapidly populating
Continent, who have treated a late
haughty and "merely ministerial" Mandate
"with all that Contempt it so justly deserves."_

34. Referring to the replies of the various Assemblies to the circular
letter and endorsements of the action of the Massachusetts
Assembly.

_35._ Strong Halters _and_ sharp axes _to all such as
respectively deserve them_.

_36._ Scalping Savages _let loose in_ Tribes, _rather
than_ Legions of Placemen, Pensioners, _and_
Walkerizing Dragoons.

_37._ _The Amputation of any_ Limb, _if it be necessary
to preserve the Body_ Politic _from_ Perdition.

_38._ _The oppressed and distressed foreign Protestants._

_39._ _The free and independent Cantons of Switzerland._

_40._ _Their_ High Mightinesses _the States General
of_ Seven _United Provinces_.

_41._ _The King of_ Prussia.

_42._ _The_ Republic _of_ Letters.

_43._ _The_ Liberty _of the Press_.

_44._ Spartan, Roman, British Virtue, _and_ Christian
Graces joined.

_45._ _Every man under his own Vine! under his
own Fig-Tree! None to make us afraid!
And let all the People say, Amen!_

45. See page 51.

Upon this happy occasion, the whole company
with the approbation of their brethren in Roxbury,
consecrated a tree in the vicinity; under the shade
of which, on some future anniversary, they say they
shall commemorate the day, which shall liberate
America from her present oppression! Then
making an agreeable excursion round Jamaica
Pond, in which excursion they received the kind
salutation of a Friend to the cause by the discharge
of cannon at six o'clock they returned to Town;
and passing in slow and orderly procession
through the principal streets, and the State-House,
they retired to their respective dwellings. It is
allowed that this cavalcade surpassed all that has
ever been seen in America. The joy of the day
was manly, and an uninterrupted regularity presided
through the whole.

The two illustrations in this volume were
selected for the purpose of recording prevalent
contemporary opinions of Dickinson.

The frontispiece is a reproduction (slightly
reduced in size)[5] of the very scarce
print in which John Dickinson is crudely
portrayed as the author of the "Farmer's
Letters." It was first advertised for sale in
the Pennsylvania "Chronicle" under date
of October 12-17, 1768, as follows:

Lately published and sold by R. Bell
at JAMES EMERSON'S, in Market-street,
near the river, and at JOHN
HART'S vendue store, in Southward
(Price One Shilling)

an elegant engraved COPPER PLATE PRINT
of the PATRIOTIC AMERICAN FARMER;
The same glazed and framed, price Five Shillings.

[5] Reproduced through the courtesy of the Library Company of
Philadelphia. I wish also to express my obligation to my friends
Messrs. Wilberforce Eames of the Lenox Library and Robert H.
Kelby of the New York Historical Society for repeated access to
the volumes of Colonial Newspapers, etc., in the collections
under their charge.

This specimen of early American engraving, the work of some
unknown artist and engraver, was undoubtedly inspired by the
following article which appeared in the Pennsylvania "Chronicle"
for May, 9-16, 1768, as well as the many other newspapers in
the colonies, so eager was the press to publish any information
concerning the author of the "Farmer's Letters." The inscription
is thus explained as well as the elimination of the vowels from
Dickinson's name.

PHILADELPHIA

On Tuesday last, by order of the Governor and Society of Fort
St. David's, fourteen Gentlemen, members of that Company, waited
upon J-n D-ck-nson Esq; and presented the following address, in
a Box of Heart of Oak.

RESPECTED SIR,

When a Man of Abilities, prompted by Love of his Country, exerts
them in her Cause, and renders her the most eminent Services,
_not to be sensible_, of the Benefits received, is Stupidity;
_not to be grateful for them_, is Baseness.

Influenced by this Sentiment, we, the Governor and Company
of Fort St. David's, who among other Inhabitants of _British
America_, are indebted to you for your most excellent and
generous Vindication of Liberties dearer to us than our Lives,
beg Leave to return you our heartiest Thanks, and offer to you
the greatest Mark of Esteem, that, as a Body, it is in our Power
to bestow, by admitting you, as we hereby do, a Member of our
Society.

When that destructive Project of _Taxation_, which your
Integrity and Knowledge so signally contributed to baffle
about two years ago, was lately renewed under a _Disguise_ so
_artfully contrived_ as to delude Millions, You, sir, _watchful_
for the Interests of Your Country, _perfectly_ acquainted with
them, and _undaunted_ in asserting them, ALONE detected the
Monster concealed from others by an altered Appearance, exposed
it, stripped of its insidious covering, in its own horrid Shape,
and, we firmly trust by the Blessing of God on Your Wisdom and
Virtue, will again extricate the _British_ Colonies on this
Continent from the cruel Snares of Oppression; for we already
perceive these Colonies ROUSED _by your strong and seasonable_
Call, pursuing the salutary Measures advised by You for
obtaining Redress.

Nor is this all that you have performed for Your NATIVE LAND.
_Animated by a sacred_ Zeal, _guided by Truth and supported
by Justice_, YOU _have penetrated to the Foundations of the
Constitution_, have _poured_ the clearest Light on the important
_Points_, hitherto involved in a Darkness bewildering even
the Learned, and have _established_ with an amazing Force
and Plainness of Argument, the TRUE DISTINCTIONS and GRAND
PRINCIPLES, that will _fully instruct Ages_ YET UNBORN, what
Rights belong to them, and the best Methods of defending them.

To Merit far less distinguished, ancient _Greece_ or _Rome_
would have decreed Statues and Honours without Number: But it is
_Your Fortune_ and _your Glory_, Sir, that You live in _such_
Times, and possess _such exalted Worth_, that the _Envy_ of
those, whose _Duty_ it is to applaud You, can conceive no other
Consolation, than by withholding those Praises in Public, which
all honest Men acknowledge in Private that you have deserved.

We present to you, sir, a small gift of a Society not dignified
by any legal authority; But when you consider this gift as
expressive of the _sincere Affection_ of many of your Fellow
Citizens for Your Person, and of their _unlimited Approbation_
of the noble Principles maintained in your unequalled Labours,
we hope this Testimony of our Sentiments will be acceptable to
you.

May that all-gracious Being, which in kindness to these colonies
gave your valuable Life Existence _at the critical Period_ when
it will be most wanted, grant it a long Continuance, filled with
every Felicity; and when your Country sustains its dreadful
loss, may you enjoy the Happiness of Heaven, and on Earth may
your Memory be cherished, as we doubt not it will be, to the
latest Posterity.

_Signed by the Order of the Society_,
JOHN BAYARD, Secretary.

The box was finely decorated, and the Inscription neatly done in
Letters of Gold. On the Top was represented the Cap of Liberty
on a Spear, resting on a Cypher of the Letters I. D. Underneath
the Cypher in a semicircular Label----Pro Patria----Around the
whole the following words:

THE GIFT OF THE GOVERNOR AND SOCIETY OF FORT ST. DAVID'S TO THE
AUTHOR OF THE FARMER'S LETTERS, IN GRATEFUL TESTIMONY OF THE
VERY EMINENT SERVICES THEREBY RENDERED TO THIS COUNTRY, 1768.

On the Inside of the Top--

THE LIBERTIES OF
THE BRITISH COLONIES IN AMERICA
ASSERTED
WITH ATTIC ELOQUENCE,
AND ROMAN SPIRIT,
BY
J-N D-K-NS-N[6] ESQR.;
BARRISTER AT LAW.

[6] The Name at length.

On the Inside of the Bottom--

ITA CUIQUE EVENIAT
UT DE REPUBLICA MERUIT.

On the Outside of the Bottom--A sketch of
_Fort St. David's_.

_To which the following Answer was returned._

GENTLEMEN,

I very gratefully receive the Favour you have been pleased to
bestow upon me, in admitting me a Member of your Company; and I
return you my heartiest Thanks for your Kindness.

The "Esteem" of worthy Fellow Citizens is a Treasure of greatest
Price; and as no man can more highly value it than I do, Your
Society in "expressing the Affection" of so many respectable
Persons for me, affords Me the sincerest Pleasure.

Nor will this Pleasure be lessened by reflecting, that you
may have regarded with a generous _Partiality_ my Attempts to
promote the Welfare of our Country; for the Warmth of your
Praises in commending a Conduct you _suppose_ to deserve them,
gives Worth to these Praises, by proving _your_ Merit, while you
attribute Merit to _another_.

Your Characters, gentlemen, did not need this Evidence to
convince Me, how much I ought to prize Your "Esteem" or how much
You deserved _Mine_.

I think myself extremely fortunate, in having obtained your
favorable Opinion, which I shall constantly and carefully
endeavor to preserve.

I most heartily wish you every Kind of Happiness, and
particularly that you may enjoy the comfortable Prospect of
transmitting to your Posterity those "Liberties" dearer to You
than your Lives, "which God gave to you, and which no _inferior
Power_ has a Right to take away."

The potter's art, which from time immemorial has been the means of transmitting history, furnishes the other illustration and also perpetuates the estimate of Dickinson's character held by William Duesbury, England's greatest manufacturer of porcelain. It pictures a porcelain statuette of Mrs. Catherine Macaulay, a well-known historian, whose "History of England from the Accession of James the First to that of the Brunswick Line" and other historical writings met with great approval among the Whig party in England and whose decided approval of the stand taken by the colonies, gave her great popularity in America. This statuette, measuring 13½ inches in height, is modeled to a certain extent after the statue of this lady which was erected in 1777 in the Church of St. Stephen, Walbrook, London. Mrs. Macaulay appears leaning upon her "Histories of England," which rest on the top of a pedestal, on the front of which is the inscription, "Government a Power Delegated for the Happiness of Mankind conducted by Wisdom, Justice and Mercy." Beneath are the words, "_American Congress_." On the side of the pedestal the name of _Dickinson_ appears, preceded by the names of those noble writers, England's great advocates and expounders of Constitutional liberty, Sydney, Hampden, Milton, Locke, Harrington, Ludlow and Marvel. This beautiful porcelain statuette was moulded at the Chelsea factory in 1777, the same year in which Boswell chronicles Dr. Johnson's visit there, noting, "The china was beautiful, but Dr. Johnson justly observed it was too dear, for he could have vessels of silver as cheap as were here made of porcelain."

The space at my disposal prevents my quoting many a "Letter to the Printer" appealing for justice for the Colonials as well as numerous contributed articles which appeared during the next few years in the English press, the contents of which clearly show how strongly Dickinson's arguments had influenced their respective authors. While it is true that these sentiments were attacked both at home and abroad, the attacks soon lost their vehemence. Strange as it may seem, more protests against the course of the ministry than denunciations of the doings of the colonial Assemblies are found in the columns of the English press of the period. The demand for the arguments contained in the "Farmer's Letters" was not lessened by subsequent events as their popularity demanded the publishing of another London edition in 1774.

Certainly to John Dickinson for his masterly defence of the rights of the Colonies America owes an everlasting debt of gratitude. The logic of his claims and his warnings as to what must be the ultimate result of the ministerial encroachments upon the liberties of Englishmen did much to win over to the American cause in England that strong ally, the support of a large body of thoughtful Englishmen. These men actively condemned the ministerial actions and during the war which followed caused the course of the government to be bitterly opposed by an influential and constantly growing minority in Parliament. Through their efforts was fostered a public sentiment which caused the war to be prosecuted in a half-hearted manner and obliged a power-loving King to fill the depleted ranks of his army with German mercenaries, so impossible was it to force a sufficient number of his own liberty-loving subjects to fight against their kindred living in the land so happily alluded to by a contributor to the London "Chronicle" (June 3-6, 1769), in the following poem:

_The Genius of_ America _to her Sons_

Who'd know the sweets of Liberty?
'Tis to climbe the mountain's brow,
Thence to discern rough industry,
At the harrow or the plough;
'Tis where my sons their crops have sown,
Calling the harvest all their own;
'Tis where the heart to truth allied,
Never felt unmanly fear;
'Tis where the eye with milder pride,
Nobly sheds sweet pity's tear;
Such as America yet shall see,
These are the sweets of Liberty.

NOTES.

I.

An address from the Moderator and Freemen of the Town of Providence in the Colony of Rhode-Island, and Providence Plantation convened in open Meeting the 20th day of June, 1768, to the Author of a Series of Letters signed

A FARMER.

_Sir_,

In your Retirement, "near the Banks of the River Delaware,"
where you are compleating, in a rational way, the Number of Days
allotted to you by Divine Goodness, the consciousness of having
employed those Talents which God hath bestowed upon You, for the
Support of our Rights, must afford you a Satisfaction vastly
exceeding that, which is derived to you from the universal
Approbation of Your Letters,--However amidst the general
Acclamation of your Praise, we the Moderator and Freemen of the
ancient Town of Providence cannot be silent; although we would
not offend your Delicacy, or incur the Imputation of Flattery in
expressing our Gratitude to you.

Your Benevolence to Mankind, fully discoverable from your
Writings, doubtless caused you to address your countrymen, whom
you tenderly call _Dear_ and _Beloved_, in a Series of Letters,
wherein you have with a great Judgment, and in the most spirited
and forcible Manner explained their Rights and Privileges; and
vindicated them against such as would reduce these extensive
Dominions of His Majesty to Poverty, Misery, and Slavery. This
Your patriotic Exertion in our Cause and indeed in the Cause of
all the human Race in some Degree, hath rendered you very dear
to us, although we know not your Person.

We deplore the Frailty of human Nature, in that it is necessary
that we should be frequently awakened into Attention to our
Duty in Matters very plain and incontrovertible, if we would
suffer ourselves to consider them. From this Inattention to
Things evidently the Duty and Interest of the World, we suppose
despotic Rule to have originated, and all the Train of Miseries
consequent thereupon.

The virtuous and good Man, who rouses an injured Country from
their Lethargy, and animates them into active and successful
Endeavours for casting off the Burdens imposed on them, and
effecting a full Enjoyment of the Rights of Men, which no Human
Creature ought to violate, will merit the warmest Expressions of
Gratitude from his Countrymen, for his Instrumentality in saving
them and their Posterity.

As the very Design of instituting civil Government in the World
was to secure to Individuals a quiet Enjoyment of their native
Rights, wherever there is a Departure from this great and only
End, impious Force succeeds. The Blessings of a just Government,
and the Horror of brutal Violence are both inexpressible. As
the latter is generally brought upon People by Degrees, it will
be their Duty to watch against even the smallest attempt to
"innovate a single Iota" in their Privilege.

With Hearts truly loyal to the King, we feel the greatest
concern at divers Acts of the British Parliament, relative to
these colonies. We are clear and unanimous in Sentiment that
they are subversive of our Liberties, and derogatory to the
Power and Dignity of the several Legislatures established in
America.

Permit us, Sir, to assure you that we feel an ineffable
Gratitude to you, for sending forth your Letters at a Time when
the Exercise of great Abilities was necessary. We sincerely wish
that You may see the Fruit of your Labours. We on our parts
shall be ready at all Times to evince to the World that we will
not surrender our privileges to any of our Fellow Subjects, but
will earnestly contend for them, hoping that the "Almighty will
look upon our righteous contest with gracious approbation." We
hope that the Conduct of the Colonies on this Occasion will be
"peaceable, prudent, firm, and joint; and such as will show
their Loyalty to the best of Sovereigns, and that they know what
they owe to themselves as well as to Great-Britain."

Signed by Order

JAMES ANGELL, Town Clerk.

II.

FROM THE MONTHLY REVIEW. LONDON, JULY, 1768.

"_Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania, to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies. 8vo. 2s. Almon. 1768._

"We have, in the Letters now before us, a calm yet full inquiry into the right of the British parliament, lately assumed, to tax the American colonies; the unconstitutional nature of which attempt is maintained in a well-connected chain of close and manly reasoning; and though from this character, it is evident that detached passages must appear to a disadvantage, yet it is but just to give our Readers some specimens of the manner in which the author asserts the rights of his American brethren; subjects of the British government, as he pleads, carrying their birthrights with them wherever they settle as such.

'Colonies, says he, were formerly planted by warlike nations,
to keep their enemies in awe; to relieve their country
overburthened with inhabitants; or to discharge a number of
discontented and troublesome citizens. But in more modern ages,
the spirit of violence being, in some measure, if the expression
may be allowed, sheathed in commerce, colonies have been settled
by the nations of Europe for the purposes of trade. These
purposes were to be attained, by the colonies raising for their
mother country those things which she did not produce herself;
and by supplying themselves from her with things they wanted.
These were the _national_ objects in the commencement of our
colonies, and have been uniformly so in their promotion.

'To answer these grand purposes, perfect liberty was known to
be necessary; all history proving, that trade and freedom are
nearly related to each other. By a due regard to this wise and
just plan, the infant colonies, exposed in the unknown climates
and unexplored wildernesses of this new world, lived, grew, and
flourished.

'The parent country, with undeviating prudence and virtue,
attentive to the first principles of colonization, drew to
herself the benefits she might reasonably expect, and preserved
to her children the blessings, upon which those benefits were
founded. She made laws, obliging her colonies to carry to her
all those products which she wanted for her own use; and all
those raw materials which she chose herself to work up. Besides
this restriction, she forbade them to procure _manufactures_
from any other part of the globe, or even the _products_ of
_European_ countries, which alone could rival her, without
being first brought to her. In short, by a variety of laws,
she regulated their trade in such a manner as she thought most
conducive to their mutual advantage and her own welfare. A power
was reserved to the crown of _repealing_ any laws that should be
enacted: the executive authority of government was also lodged
in the crown, and its representatives; and an _appeal_ was
secured to the crown from all judgments in the administration of
justice.

'For all these powers, established by the mother country over
the colonies; for all these immense emoluments derived by her
from them; for all their difficulties and distresses in fixing
themselves, what was the recompense made them? A communication
of her rights in general, and particularly of that great one,
the foundation of all the rest--that their property, acquired
with so much pain and hazard, should be disposed of by none
but themselves--or, to use beautiful and emphatic language of
the sacred scriptures, "that they should sit _every man_ under
his vine, and under his fig-tree, and _none should make them
afraid_."

'Can any man of candour and knowledge deny that these
institutions form an affinity between Great Britain and her
colonies, that sufficiently secures their dependence upon her?
Or that for her to levy taxes upon them is to reverse the
nature of things? Or that she can pursue such a measure without
reducing them to a state of vassalage?

'If any person cannot conceive the supremacy of Great Britain
to exist, without the power of laying taxes to levy money upon
us, the history of the colonies, and of Great Britain, since
their settlement, will prove the contrary. He will there find
the amazing advantages arising to her from them--the constant
exercise of her supremacy--and their filial submission to it,
without a single rebellion, or even the thought of one, from
their first emigration to this moment--and all these things have
happened, without one instance of Great Britain's laying taxes
to levy money upon them.

'How many British authors have demonstrated, that the present
wealth, power and glory of their country, are founded upon
these colonies? As constantly as streams tend to the ocean have
they been pouring the fruits of all their labours into their
mother's lap. Good heaven! and shall a total oblivion of former
tendernesses and blessings, be spread over the minds of a good
and wise nation by the sordid arts of intriguing men, who,
covering their selfish projects under pretences of public good,
first enrage their countrymen into a frenzy of passion, and then
advance their own influence and interest, by gratifying the
passion, which they themselves have basely excited.

'Hitherto Great Britain has been contented with her prosperity,
moderation has been the rule of her conduct. But now, a
generous, humane people, that so often have protected the
liberty of _strangers_, is inflamed into an attempt to tear a
privilege from her own children, which if executed, must, in
their opinion, sink them into slaves: _and for what_? for a
pernicious power, not necessary to her as her own experience may
convince her; but horribly dreadful and detestable to her.

'It seems extremely probable, that when cool, dispassionate
prosperity, shall consider the affectionate intercourse, the
reciprocal benefits, and the unsuspecting confidence, that have
subsisted between these colonies and their parent country, for
such a length of time, they will execrate, with the bitterest
curses, the infamous memory of those men, whose pestilential
ambition unnecessarily, wantonly, first opened the sources
of civil discord between them; first turned their love into
jealousy; and first taught these provinces, filled with grief
and anxiety, to enquire.'

"As every community possessed of valuable privileges, and desirous to preserve the enjoyment of them, ought to be very cautious of admitting innovations from their established forms of political administration, our Author does not confine his views to the immediate effects of the laws lately passed regarding America; but considers the necessary tendency of the precedents; thus he says,

'I have looked over every _statute_ relating to these colonies,
from their first settlement to this time; and I find everyone
of them founded on this principle, till the _stamp-act_
administration. _All before_, are calculated to regulate trade,
and preserve or promote a mutually beneficial intercourse
between the several constituent parts of the empire; and
though many of them imposed duties on trade, yet those duties
were always imposed _with design_ to restrain the commerce of
one part, that was injurious to another, and thus to promote
the general welfare. The raising a revenue thereby was never
intended. Thus, the king by his judges in his courts of justice,
impose fines, which altogether amount to a very considerable
sum, and contribute to the support of government; but this is
merely a consequence arising from restrictions, that only meant
to keep peace, and prevent confusion; and surely a man would
argue very loosely, who should conclude from hence, that the
king has a right to levy money in general upon his subjects.
Never did the British parliament, till the period above
mentioned, think of imposing duties in America, _for the purpose
of raising a revenue_. Mr. Grenville first introduced this
language, in the preamble to the fourth of George III. chap. 15,
which has these words--"and whereas it is just and necessary
that _a revenue be raised in your majesty's said dominions in
America, for defraying the expenses of defending, protecting
and securing the same_: We your majesty's most dutiful and
loyal subjects, _the commons of Great Britain_, in Parliament
assembled, being desirous to make some provisions in this
present session of parliament, _towards raising the said revenue
in America_, have resolved to _give_ and _grant_ unto your
majesty the several rates and duties hereinafter mentioned,"
etc.

'A few months after came the _stamp-act_, which reciting this,
proceeds in the same strange mode of expression, thus--"And
whereas it is just and necessary, that provision be made _for
raising a further revenue within your majesty's dominions in
America, towards defraying the said expenses_, we your majesty's
most dutiful and loyal subjects, the _commons_ of _Great
Britain, etc., give and grant_," etc., as before.

'The last act, granting duties upon paper, etc., carefully
pursues these modern precedents. The preamble is, "Whereas it is
expedient, _that a revenue should be raised in your majesty's
dominions in America for making a more certain and adequate
provision for defraying the charge of the administration of
justice, and the support of civil government in such provinces,
where it shall be found necessary; and towards the further
defraying of the expences of defending, protecting, and securing
the said dominions_, we your majesty's most dutiful and loyal
subjects, the _commons of Great Britain_, etc. give _and
grant_," etc. as before.

'Here we may observe an authority expresly claimed and exerted
to impose duties on these colonies; not for the regulation of
trade; not for the preservation or promotion of a mutually
beneficial intercourse between the several constituent parts
of the empire, heretofore the _sole objects_ of parliamentary
institutions; _but for the single purpose of levying money upon
us_.'

"Again in another place,

'What but the indisputable, the acknowledged exclusive right
of the colonies to tax themselves, could be the reason, that
in this long period of more than one hundred and fifty years,
no statute was ever passed for the sole purpose of raising a
revenue from the colonies? And how clear, how cogent must that
reason be, to which every parliament, and every ministry for so
long a time submitted, without a single attempt to innovate?

'England, in part of that course of years, and Great Britain,
in other parts, was engaged in several fierce and expensive
wars; troubled with some tumultuous and bold parliaments;
governed by many daring and wicked ministers; yet none of them
ever ventured to touch the Palladium of American liberty.
Ambition, avarice, faction, tyranny, all revered it. Whenever it
was necessary to raise money on the colonies, the requisitions
of the crown were made, and dutifully complied with. The
parliament, from time to time, regulated their trade, and that
of the rest of the empire, to preserve their dependence and the
connections of the whole in good order.'

"The amount of present duties exacted in an unusual way is no part of the object in question; for our Pennsylvanian Farmer observes:

'Some persons may think this act of no consequence, because
the duties are so _small_. A fatal error. _That_ is the very
circumstance most alarming to me. For I am convinced, that the
authors of this law would never have obtained an act to raise
so trifling a sum as it must do, had they not intended by it to
establish a _precedent_ for future use. To console ourselves
with the _smallness_ of the duties, is to walk deliberately into
the snare that is set for us, praising the _neatness_ of the
workmanship. Suppose the duties imposed by the late act could
be paid by these distressed colonies with the utmost ease, and
that the purposes to which they are to be applied, were the most
reasonable and equitable that can be conceived, the contrary of
which I hope to demonstrate before these letters are concluded;
yet even in such a supposed case, these colonies ought to regard
the act with abhorrence. For who are a free people? Not those,
over whom government is reasonably and equitably exercised, but
those, who live under a government so _constitutionally checked_
and controuled, that proper provision is made against its being
otherwise exercised.

'The late act is founded on the destruction of this
constitutional security. If the parliament have a right to lay
a duty of four shillings and eight pence on a hundred weight
of glass, or a ream of paper, they have a right to lay a duty
of any other sum on either. They may raise the duty, as the
author before quoted says has been done in some countries,
till it "exceeds seventeen or eighteen times the value of the
commodity." In short, if they have a right to levy a tax of
_one penny_ upon us, they have a right to levy a _million_ upon
us; for where does their right stop? At any given number of
pence, shillings or pounds? To attempt to limit their right,
after granting it to exist at all, is as contrary to reason--as
granting it to exist at all, is contrary to justice. If they
have any right to tax us--then, whether our own money shall
continue in our pockets or not, depends no longer on _us_, but
on _them_, "There is nothing which "we" can call our own; or,
to use the words of Mr. Locke--_what property have "we" in that
which another may, by right, take, when he pleases, to himself_?"

'These duties which will inevitably be levied upon us--which are
now levying upon us--are _expresly laid for the sole purpose of
taking money_. This is the true definition of "taxes." They are
therefore _taxes_. This money is to be taken from _us_. We are
therefore _taxed_. _Those_ who are _taxed_ without their own
consent, expressed by themselves or their representatives are
_slaves_. _We are taxed_ without our own consent, expressed by
ourselves or representatives. _We_ are therefore slaves.'

"Further,

'Indeed nations in general are more apt to _feel_ than to
_think_; and therefore nations in general have lost their
liberty: for as the violation of the rights of the governed are
commonly not only _specious_, but _small_ at the beginning,
they spread over the multitude in such a manner, as to touch
individuals but slightly; thus they are disregarded. The
power or profit that arises from these violations, _centering
in a few persons_, is to them considerable. For this reason,
the _Governors_ having in view their particular purposes,
successively preserve an uniformity of conduct for attaining
them: they regularly increase and multiply the first injuries,
till at length the inattentive people are compelled to perceive
the heaviness of their burthen. They begin to complain
and inquire--but too late. They find their oppressions so
strengthened by success, and themselves so entangled in examples
of express authority on the part of their rulers, and of tacit
recognition on their own part, that they are quite confounded:
for millions entertain no other idea of the _legality_ of power,
than that it is founded on the exercise of power. They then
voluntarily fasten their chains by adopting a pusillanimous
opinion "that there will be too much danger in attempting a
remedy"--or another opinion no less fatal, "that the government
has a _right_ to treat them as it does." They then seek a
wretched relief for their minds, by persuading themselves, that
to yield their _obedience_, is to discharge their _duty_. The
_deplorable_ poverty of spirit, that prostrates all the dignity
bestowed by Divine Providence on our nature--of course succeeds.'

"With regard to the proper conduct of the colonies on this occasion he premises the following questions:

'Has not the parliament _expressly avowed_ their _intention_
of raising money from us for _certain_ purposes? Is not this
scheme _popular_ in Great Britain? Will the taxes imposed by
the late act, _answer_ those purposes? If it will, must it
not take an immense sum from us? If it will not, is it to be
_expected_, that the parliament will not _fully execute_ their
_intention_, when it is pleasing at home, _and not opposed_
here? Must not this be done by imposing _new taxes_? Will not
every addition thus made to our taxes, be an addition to the
power of the British legislature, _by increasing the number of
officers_ employed in the collection? Will not every additional
tax therefore render it _more difficult_ to abrogate any of
them? When a branch of revenue is once established, does it not
appear to many people _invidious_ and undutiful, to attempt to
abolish it? If taxes sufficient to _accomplish_ the intention of
the parliament, are imposed by the parliament, what taxes will
remain to be imposed by our assemblies? If _no material_ taxes
remain to be imposed by them, what must become of _them_, and
the people they represent?'

"Our Author all along, however, asserts that the real interest of English America consists in its proper dependence on the mother country, at the same time that he strenuously exhorts his countrymen to oppose, by all the suitable means in their power, every incroachment on those constitutions under the sanction of which they settled on those remote and uncultivated shores, whereon they have so industriously established themselves. He remarks with a spirit which no one, it is apprehended, can condemn:

'I am no further concerned in anything affecting America, than
any one of you; and when liberty leaves it, I can quit it much
more conveniently than most of you: but while divine providence,
that gave me existence in a land of freedom, permits my head
to think, my lips to speak, and my hands to move, I shall so
highly and gratefully value the blessing received, as to take
care, that my silence and inactivity shall not give my implied
assent to any act, degrading my brethren and myself from the
birthright, wherewith heaven itself "hath made us free.'

"The consequence of Great Britain exerting this disagreeable power, he shews, in a long train of arguments, to have a tendency very fatal to the liberty of America, which he illustrates by examining into the application of the pensions on the Irish establishment; and sums up his reasoning with the following positions:

'Let these _truths_ be indelibly impressed on our mind--_that
we cannot be_ happy, _without being_ free--that we cannot be
free, _without being secure_--in our property--that we cannot
be secure in our property, if, _without our consent, others
may, as by right, take it away--that taxes imposed on us by
parliament_, do thus take it away--that _duties laid for the
sole purposes of raising money_, are taxes--that attempts to
lay such duties _should be instantly and firmly opposed_--that
this opposition can never be effectual, unless it is the united
effort of those provinces--that therefore _benevolence of temper
towards each other_, and _unanimity of counsels_, are essential
to the welfare of the whole--and lastly, that for this reason,
every man amongst us, who in any manner would encourage either
dissention, diffidence, or indifference, between these colonies,
is an enemy to _himself_, and to _his country_.

'The belief of these truths, I verily think, my countrymen,
is indispensably necessary to your happiness. I beseech you,
therefore, "teach them diligently unto your children, and talk
of them when you sit in your houses, and when you walk by the
way, and when you lie down and when you rise up."

'_What_ have these colonies to _ask_, while they continue
free? or what have they to _dread_, but insidious attempts to
subvert their freedom? _Their prosperity_ does not depend on
_ministerial favours doled_ out to particular provinces. _They_
form one political body, of which _each_ colony is a _member_.
_Their happiness_ is founded on their constitution; and is to
be promoted by preserving that constitution in unabated vigour,
_throughout every part_. A spot, a speck of decay, however small
the limb on which it appears, and however remote it may seem
from the vitals, should be alarming. We have _all the rights_
requisite for our prosperity. The _legal authority_ of Great
Britain may indeed lay hard restrictions upon us; but, like the
spear of Telephus, it will cure as well as wound. Her unkindness
will instruct and compel us, after some time to discover, in
our _industry_ and _frugality_, surprising remedies--_if our
rights continue_ unviolated: for as long as the _products_ of
our _labour_, and the _rewards_ of our _care_, can properly
be called _our own_, so long will it be worth our while to be
_industrious_ and _frugal_. But if we plow--sow--reap--gather
and thresh--we find, that we plow--sow--reap--gather and thresh
_for others_, whose pleasure is to be the SOLE limitation _how
much_ they shall _take_ and _how much_ they _shall leave_, WHY
should we repeat the unprofitable toil? Horses and oxen are
content with _that portion of the fruits of their work_, which
their _owners_ assign to them, in order to keep them strong
enough to raise successive crops; but even _these beasts_ will
not submit to draw for their masters, until they are _subdued_
with _whips_ and _goads_. Let us take care of our rights, and we
_therein_ take care of our _property_. "SLAVERY IS EVER PRECEDED
BY SLEEP." _Individuals_ may be _dependent_ on ministers if
they please. _States should scorn it_; and if _you_ are not
wanting to yourselves, you will have a _proper regard_ paid
_you_ by _those_, to whom if you are not _respectable_, you will
infallibly be contemptible. But--_if we have already forgot_
the _reasons_ that urged us, with unexampled unanimity, to
exert ourselves two years ago--if _our zeal_ for the _public
good_ is _worn out_ before the _homespun cloaths_ which it
caused us to have made--if _our_ resolutions are so faint, as
by our present conduct to _condemn_ our own late _successful_
example--if _we are not affected_ by any reverence for the
memory of our ancestors, who transmitted to us that freedom
in which they had been blest--if _we are not animated_ by any
regard for posterity, to whom, by the most sacred obligations,
we are bound to deliver down the invaluable inheritance--THEN,
indeed, any _minister_, or any _tool_ of a minister, or any
_creature_ of a tool of a minister--or any _lower instrument_ of
_administration_, if lower there be, is a _personage_ whom it
may be dangerous to offend.'

"In justification of the Letter-writer's loyalty, and the integrity of his intentions, he declares in a note:

'If any person shall imagine that he discovers in these letters
the least disaffection towards our most excellent sovereign, and
the parliament of Great Britain, or the least dislike of the
dependence of these colonies on that kingdom, I beg that such
person will not form any judgment on _particular expressions_,
but will consider the _tenour_ of all the letters taken
together. In that case, I flatter myself that every unprejudiced
reader will be _convinced_, that the true interests of Great
Britain are as dear to me as they ought to be to every good
subject.

'If I am an enthusiast in anything, it is in my zeal for
the _perpetual dependance_ of these colonies on the mother
country.--A dependance founded on mutual benefits, the
continuance of which can be secured only by _mutual affections_.
Therefore it is, that with extreme apprehension I view the
smallest seeds of discontent, which are unwarily scattered
abroad. Fifty or sixty years will make astonishing alterations
in these colonies; and this consideration should render it
the business of Great Britain more and more to cultivate our
good dispositions toward her: but the misfortune is, that
those _great men_, who are wrestling for power at home, think
themselves very slightly interested in the prosperity of their
country _fifty_ or _sixty_ years hence; but are deeply concerned
in blowing up a popular clamour for supposed _immediate
advantages_.

'For my part, I regard Great Britain as a _bulwark_ happily
fixed between these colonies and the powerful nations of Europe.
That kingdom is our advanced post or fortification, _which
remaining safe_, we under its protection enjoying peace, may
diffuse the blessings of religion, science, and liberty, through
remote wildernesses. It is, therefore, incontestably our _duty_
and our _interest_ to support the strength of Great Britain.
When, confiding in that strength, she begins to forget from
whence it arose, it will be an easy thing to shew the source.
She may readily be reminded of the loud alarm spread among her
merchants and tradesmen, by the universal association of these
colonies, at the time of the _stamp-act_, not to import any of
her MANUFACTURES. In the year 1718, the Russians and Swedes
entered into an agreement, not to suffer Great Britain to export
any naval stores from their dominions, but in Russian or Swedish
ships, and at their own prices. Great Britain was distressed.
_Pitch_ and _tar_ rose to _three pounds_ a barrel. At length
she thought of getting these articles from the colonies; and
the attempt succeeding, they fell down to fifteen shillings. In
the year 1756, Great Britain was threatened with an invasion:
An easterly wind blowing for six weeks, she could not MAN
her fleet; and the whole nation was thrown into the utmost
consternation. The wind changed. The American ships arrived.
The fleet sailed in ten or fifteen days. There are some other
reflections on this subject worthy of the most deliberate
attention of the British parliament; but they are of such a
nature that I do not chuse to mention them publicly. I thought
I discharged my duty to my country, by taking the liberty, in
the year 1765, while the _stamp-act_ was in suspence, of writing
my sentiments to a man of the greatest influence at home, who
afterwards distinguished himself by espousing our cause in the
debates concerning the repeal of that act.'

"When we review a performance well written, and founded upon laudable principles, if we do not restrain ourselves to a general approbation, which may be given in few words, the article will unavoidably contain more from the author of it, than from ourselves; this, if any excuse is needful for enabling our Readers, in some measure, to judge for themselves, is pleaded as an apology for our copious extracts from these excellent letters. To conclude; if _reason_ is to decide between us and our colonies, in the affairs here controverted, our Author, whose name the advertisements inform us is Dickenson,[7] will not perhaps easily meet with a satisfactory refutation."

[7] Of Pennsylvania. See his dispute with Mr. Galloway, Review,
vol.
xxxii. p. 67.

LETTERS

FROM

A FARMER.

LETTERS

FROM

A FARMER in _Pennsylvania_,

To the INHABITANTS

OF THE

BRITISH COLONIES.

BOSTON:

PRINTED BY MEIN AND FLEEMING, AND TO
BE SOLD BY JOHN MEIN, AT THE
LONDON BOOK-STORE, NORTH-SIDE
OF KING-STREET.
M DCC LXVIII.

LETTERS

FROM

A FARMER.