Chapter XLI: Appendix: Political Writings (3)

You will doubtless be asked,--and that, too, with an air of seriousness,--why, if desirable to remain on this continent, not be content to remain _in_ the United States. The objections to this--and potent reasons, too, in our estimation--have already been clearly shown.

But notwithstanding all this, were there still any rational, nay, even the most futile grounds for hope, we still might be stupid enough to be content to remain, and yet through another period of unexampled patience and suffering, continue meekly to drag the galling yoke and clank the chain of servility and degradation. But whether or not in this God is to be thanked and Heaven blessed, we are not permitted, despite our willingness and stupidity, to indulge even the most distant glimmer of a hope of attaining to the level of a well-protected slave.

For years we have been studiously and jealously observing the course of political events and policy on the part of this country, both in a national and individual state capacity, as pursued towards the colored people. And he who, in the midst of them, can live without observation, is either excusably ignorant, or reprehensibly deceptious and untrustworthy.

We deem it entirely unnecessary to tax you with anything like the history of even one chapter of the unequalled infamies perpetrated on the part of the various states, and national decrees, by legislation, against us. But we shall call your particular attention to the more recent acts of the United States; because, whatever privileges we may enjoy in any individual state, will avail nothing when not recognized as such by the United States.

When the condition of the inhabitants of any country is fixed by legal grades of distinction, this condition can never be changed except by express legislation. And it is the height of folly to expect such express legislation, except by the inevitable force of some irresistible internal political pressure. The force necessary to this imperative demand on our part we never can obtain, because of our numerical feebleness.

Were the interests of the common people identical with ours, we, in this, might succeed, because we, as a class, would then be numerically the superior. But this is not a question of the rich against the poor, nor the common people against the higher classes, but a question of white against black--every white person, by legal right, being held superior to a black or colored person.

In Russia, the common people might obtain an equality with the aristocracy, because, of the sixty-five millions of her population, forty-five millions are serfs or peasants; leaving but twenty millions of the higher classes--royalty, nobility, and all included.

The rights of no oppressed people have ever yet been obtained by a voluntary act of justice on the part of the oppressors. Christians, philanthropists, and moralists may preach, argue, and philosophize as they may to the contrary: facts are against them. Voluntary acts, it is true, which are in themselves just, may sometimes take place on the part of the oppressor; but these are always actuated by the force of some outward circumstances of self-interest equal to a compulsion.

The boasted liberties of the American people were established by a constitution, borrowed from and modelled after the British _magna charta_. And this great charter of British liberty, so much boasted of and vaunted as a model bill of rights, was obtained only by force and compulsion.

The barons, an order of noblemen, under the reign of King John, becoming dissatisfied at the terms submitted to by their sovereign, which necessarily brought degradation upon themselves,--terms prescribed by the insolent Pope Innocent III., the haughty sovereign Pontiff of Rome,--summoned his majesty to meet them on the plains of the memorable meadow of Runnymede, where, presenting to him their own Bill of Rights--a bill dictated by themselves, and drawn up by their own hands--at the unsheathed points of a thousand glittering swords, they commanded him, against his will, to sign the extraordinary document. There was no alternative: he must either do or die. With a puerile timidity, he leaned forward his rather commanding but imbecile person, and with a trembling hand and single dash of the pen, the name KING JOHN stood forth in bold relief sending more terror throughout the world than the mystic handwriting of Heaven throughout the dominions of Nebuchadnezzar, blazing on the walls of Babylon. A consternation, not because of the _name_ of the king, but because of the rights of _others_, which that name acknowledged.

The king, however, soon became dissatisfied, and determining on a revocation of the act,--an act done entirely contrary to his will,--at the head of a formidable army spread fire and sword throughout the kingdom.

But the barons, though compelled to leave their castles, their houses and homes, and fly for their lives, could not be induced to undo that which they had so nobly done--the achievement of their rights and privileges. Hence the act has stood throughout all succeeding time, because never annulled by those who _willed_ it.

It will be seen that the first great modern Bill of Rights was obtained only by a force of arms: a resistance of the people against the injustice and intolerance of their rulers. We say the people--because that which the barons demanded for themselves, was afterwards extended to the common people. Their only hope was based on their _superiority of numbers_.

But can we, in this country, hope for as much? Certainly not. Our case is a hopeless one. There was but _one_ John, with his few sprigs of adhering royalty; and but _one_ heart, at which the threatening points of their swords were directed by a thousand barons; while in our case, there is but a handful of the oppressed, without a sword to point, and _twenty millions_ of Johns or Jonathans--as you please--with as many hearts, tenfold more relentless than that of Prince John Lackland, and as deceptious and hypocritical as the Italian heart of Innocent III.

Where, then, is our hope of success in this country? Upon what is it based? Upon what principle of political policy and sagacious discernment do our political leaders and acknowledged great men--colored men we mean--justify themselves by telling us, and insisting that we shall believe them, and submit to what they say--to be patient, remain where we are; that there is a “bright prospect and glorious future” before us in this country! May Heaven open our eyes from their Bartimean obscurity.

But we call your attention to another point of our political degradation--the acts of state and general governments.

In a few of the states, as in New York, the colored inhabitants have a partial privilege of voting a white man into office. This privilege is based on a property qualification of two hundred and fifty dollars worth of real estate. In others, as in Ohio, in the absence of organic provision, the privilege is granted by judicial decision, based on a ratio of blood, of an admixture of more than one half white; while in many of the states there is no privilege allowed, either partial or unrestricted.

The policy of the above-named states will be seen and detected at a glance, which, while seeming to extend immunities, is intended especially for the object of degradation.

In the State of New York, for instance, there is a constitutional distinction created among colored men,--almost necessarily compelling one part to feel superior to the other,--while among the whites no such distinctions dare be known. Also, in Ohio, there is a legal distinction set up by an upstart judiciary, creating among the colored people a privileged class by birth! All this must necessarily sever the cords of union among us, creating almost insurmountable prejudices of the most stupid and fatal kind, paralyzing the last bracing nerve which promised to give us strength.

It is upon this same principle, and for the self-same object, that the general government has long been endeavoring, and is at present knowingly designing to effect a recognition of the independence of the Dominican Republic, while disparagingly refusing to recognize the independence of the Haytien nation--a people four fold greater in numbers, wealth, and power. The Haytiens, it is pretended, are refused because they are _negroes_; while the Dominicans, as is well known to all who are familiar with the geography, history, and political relations of that people, are identical--except in language, they speaking the Spanish tongue--with those of the Haytiens; being composed of negroes and a mixed race. The government may shield itself by the plea that it is not familiar with the origin of those people. To this we have but to reply, that if the government is thus ignorant of the relations of its near neighbors, it is the height of presumption, and no small degree of assurance, for it to set up itself as capable of prescribing terms to the one, or conditions to the other.

Should they accomplish their object, they then will have succeeded in forever establishing a barrier of impassable separation, by the creation of a political distinction between those peoples, of superiority and inferiority of origin or national existence. Here, then, is another stratagem of this most determined and untiring enemy of our race--the government of the United States.

We come now to the crowning act of infamy on the part of the general government towards the colored inhabitants of the United States--an act so vile in its nature, that rebellion against its demands should be promptly made in every attempt to enforce its infernal provisions.

In the history of national existence, there is not to be found a parallel to the tantalizing insult and aggravating despotism of the provisions of Millard Fillmore’s Fugitive Slave Bill, passed by the Thirty-third Congress of the United States, with the approbation of a majority of the American people, in the year of the Gospel of Jesus Christ eighteen hundred and fifty.

This bill had but one object in its provisions, which was fully accomplished in its passage, that is, the reduction of every colored person in the United States--save those who carry free papers of emancipation, or bills of sale from former claimants or owners--to a state of relative _slavery_; placing each and every one of us at the _disposal of any and every white_ who might choose to _claim_ us, and the caprice of any and every upstart knave bearing the title of “commissioner.”

Did any of you, fellow-countrymen, reside in a country, the provisions of whose laws were such that any person of a certain class, who, whenever he, she, or they pleased, might come forward, lay a claim to, make oath before (it might be) some stupid and heartless person, authorized to decide in such cases, and take, at their option, your horse, cow, sheep, house and lot, or any other property, bought and paid for by your own earnings,--the result of your personal toil and labor,--would you be willing, or could you be induced by any reasoning, however great the source from which it came, to remain in that country? We pause, fellow-countrymen, for a reply.

If there be not one yea, of how much more importance, then, is your _own personal safety_ than that of property? Of how much more concern is the safety of a wife or husband, than that of a cow or horse; a child, than a sheep; the destiny of your family, to that of a house and lot?

And yet this is precisely our condition. Any one of us, at any moment, is liable to be _claimed_, _seized_, and _taken_ into custody by any white, as his or her property--to be _enslaved for life_--and there is no remedy, because it is the _law of the land_! And we dare predict, and take this favorable opportunity to forewarn you, fellow-countrymen, that the time is not far distant, when there will be carried on by the white men of this nation an extensive commerce in the persons of what now compose the free colored people of the North. We forewarn you, that the general enslavement of the whole of this class of people is now being contemplated by the whites.

At present, we are liable to enslavement at any moment, provided we are taken _away_ from our homes. But we dare venture further to forewarn you, that the scheme is in mature contemplation, and has even been mooted in high places, of harmonizing the two discordant political divisions in the country by again reducing the free to slave states.

The completion of this atrocious scheme only becomes necessary for each and every one of us to find an owner and master at our own doors. Let the general government but pass such a law, and the states will comply as an act of harmony. Let the South but _demand_ it, and the North will comply as a _duty_ of compromise.

If Pennsylvania, New York, and Massachusetts can be found arming their sons as watch-dogs for Southern slave hunters; if the United States may, with impunity, garrison with troops the court-house of the freest city in America; blockade the streets; station armed ruffians of dragoons, and spiked artillery in hostile awe of the people; if free, white, high-born and bred gentlemen of Boston and New York are smitten down to the earth,[10] refused an entrance on professional business into the court-houses, until inspected by a slave hunter and his counsel, all to put down the liberty of the black man, then, indeed, is there no hope for us in this country!

It is, fellow-countrymen, a fixed fact, as indelible as the covenant of God in the heavens, that the colored people of these United States are the slaves of any white person who may choose to claim them!

What safety or guarantee have we for ourselves or families? Let us, for a moment, examine this point.

Supposing some hired spy of the slave power residing in Illinois, whom, for illustration, we shall call Stephen A., Counsellor B., a mercenary hireling of New York, and Commissioner C., a slave catcher of Pennsylvania, should take umbrage at the acts or doings of any colored person or persons in a free state; they may, with impunity, send or go on their knight errantry to the South (as did a hireling of the slave power in New York--a lawyer by profession), give a description of such person or persons, and an agent with warrants may be immediately despatched to swear them into slavery forever.

We tell you, fellow-countrymen, any one of you here assembled--your humble committee who report to you this paper--may, by the laws of this land, be seized, whatever the circumstances of his birth, whether he descends from free or slave parents--whether born north or south of Mason and Dixon’s line--and ere the setting of another sun, be speeding his way to that living sepulchre and death-chamber of our race--the curse and scourge of this country--the southern part of the United States. This is not idle speculation, but living, naked, undisguised truth.

A member of your committee has received a letter from a gentleman of respectability and standing in the South, who writes to the following effect. We copy his own words:--

“There are, at this moment, as I was to-day informed by
Colonel W., one of our first magistrates in this city, a gang
of from twenty-five to thirty vagabonds of poor white men,
who, for twenty-five dollars a head, clear of all expenses,
are ready and willing to go to the North, make acquaintance
with the blacks in various places, send their descriptions to
unprincipled slaveholders here,--for there are many of this
kind to be found among the poorer class of masters,--and swear
them into bondage. So the free blacks, as well as fugitive
slaves, will have to keep a sharp watch over themselves to get
clear of this scheme to enslave them.”

Here, then, you have but a paragraph in the great volume of this political crusade and legislative pirating by the American people over the rights and privileges of the colored inhabitants of the country. If this be but a paragraph,--for such it is in truth,--what must be the contents when the whole history is divulged! Never will the contents of this dreadful record of crime, corruption, and oppression be fully revealed, until the trump of God shall proclaim the universal summons to judgment. Then, and then alone, shall the whole truth be acknowledged, when the doom of the criminal shall be forever sealed.

We desire not to be sentimental, but rather would be political; and therefore call your attention to another point--a point already referred to.

In giving the statistics of various countries, and preferences to many places herein mentioned, as points of destination in emigration, we have said little or nothing concerning the present governments, the various state departments, nor the condition of society among the people.

This is not the province of your committee, but the legitimate office of a Board of Foreign Commissioners, whom there is no doubt will be created by the convention, with provisions and instructions to report thereon, in due season, of their mission.

With a few additional remarks on the subject of the British Provinces of North America, we shall have done our duty, and completed, for the time being, the arduous, important, and momentous task assigned to us.

The British Provinces of North America, especially Canada West,--formerly called Upper Canada,--in climate, soil, productions, and the usual prospects for internal improvements, are equal, if not superior, to any northern part of the continent. And for these very reasons, aside from their contiguity to the northern part of the United States,--and consequent facility for the escape of the slaves from the South,--we certainly should prefer them as a place of destination. We love the Canadas, and admire their laws, because, as British Provinces, there is no difference known among the people--no distinction of race. And we deem it a duty to recommend, that for the present, as a temporary asylum, it is certainly advisable for every colored person, who, desiring to emigrate, and is not prepared for any other destination, to locate in Canada West.

Every advantage on our part should be now taken of the opportunity of _obtaining_ LANDS, while they are to be had cheap, and on the most easy conditions, from the government.

Even those who never contemplate a removal from this country of chains, it will be their best interest and greatest advantage to procure lands in the Canadian Provinces. It will be an easy, profitable, and safe investment, even should they never occupy nor yet see them. We shall then be but doing what the whites in the United States have for years been engaged in--securing unsettled lands in the territories, previous to their enhancement in value, by the force of settlement and progressive neighboring improvements. There are also at present great openings for colored people to enter into the various industrial departments of business operations: laborers, mechanics, teachers, merchants, and shop-keepers, and professional men of every kind. These places are now open, as much to the colored as the white man, in Canada, with little or no opposition to his progress; at least in the character of prejudicial preferences on account of race. And all of these, without any hesitancy, do we most cheerfully recommend to the colored inhabitants of the United States.

But our preference to other places over the Canadas has been cursorily stated in the foregoing part of this paper; and since the writing of that part, it would seem that the predictions or apprehensions concerning the Provinces are about to be verified by the British Parliament and Home Government themselves. They have virtually conceded, and openly expressed it--Lord Brougham in the lead--that the British Provinces of North America must, ere long, cease to be a part of the British domain, and become annexed to the United States.

It is needless--however much we may regret the necessity of its acknowledgment--for us to stop our ears, shut our eyes, and stultify our senses against the truth in this matter; since, by so doing, it does not alter the case. Every political movement, both in England and the United States, favors such an issue, and the sooner we acknowledge it, the better it will be for our cause, ourselves individually, and the destiny of our people in this country.

These Provinces have long been burdensome to the British nation, and her statesmen have long since discovered and decided as an indisputable predicate in political economy, that any province as an independent state, is more profitable in a commercial consideration to a country than when depending as one of its colonies. As a child to the parent, or an apprentice to his master, so is a colony to a state. And as the man who enters into business is to the manufacturer and importer, so is the colony which becomes an independent state to the country from which it recedes.

Great Britain is decidedly a commercial and money-making nation, and counts closely on her commercial relations with any country. That nation or people which puts the largest amount of money into her coffers, are the people who may expect to obtain her greatest favors. This the Americans do; consequently--and we candidly ask you to mark the prediction--the British will interpose little or no obstructions to the Canadas, Cuba, or any other province or colony contiguous to this country, falling into the American Union; except only in such cases where there would be a compromise of her honor. And in the event of a seizure of any of these, there would be no necessity for such a sacrifice; it could readily be avoided by diplomacy.

Then there is little hope for us on this continent, short of those places where, by reason of their numbers, there is the greatest combination of strength and interests on the part of the colored race.

We have ventured to predict a reduction of the now nominally free into slave states. Already has this “reign of terror” and dreadful work of destruction commenced. We give you the quotation from a Mississippi paper, which will readily be admitted as authority in this case:--

“Two years ago a law was passed by the California legislature,
granting _one year_ to the owners of slaves carried into the
territory previous to the adoption of the constitution, to
remove them beyond the limits of the state. Last year the
provision of this law _was extended twelve months longer_.
We learn by the late California papers that a bill has just
passed the Assembly, by a vote of 33 to 21, _continuing
the same law in force until 1855_. The provisions of this
bill embraces _slaves who have been carried to California
since the adoption of her constitution_, as well as those
who were there previously. The large majority by which it
passed, and the opinions advanced during the discussion,
_indicates a more favorable state of sentiment in regard to
the rights of slaveholders in California than we supposed
existed_.”--_Mississippian._

No one who is a general and intelligent observer of the politics of this country, will after reading this, doubt for a moment the final result.

At present there is a proposition under consideration in California to authorize the holding of a convention to amend the constitution of that state, which doubtless will be carried into effect; when there is no doubt that a clause will be inserted, granting the right to _hold slaves at discretion_ in the state. This being done, it will meet with general favor throughout the country by the American people, and the _policy be adopted on the state’s rights principle_. This alone is necessary, in addition to the insufferable Fugitive Slave Law, and the recent nefarious Nebraska Bill,--which is based upon this very boasted American policy of the state’s rights principle,--to reduce the free to slave states, without a murmur from the people. And did not the Nebraska Bill disrespect the feelings and infringe upon the political rights of Northern _white_ people, its adoption would be hailed with loud shouts of approbation, from Portland, Maine, to San Francisco.

That, then, which is left for us to do, is to _secure_ our liberty; a position which shall fully _warrant_ us _against_ the _liability_ of such monstrous political crusades and riotous invasions of our rights. Nothing less than a national indemnity, indelibly fixed by virtue of our own sovereign potency, will satisfy us as a redress of grievances for the unparalleled wrongs, undisguised impositions, and unmitigated oppression which we have suffered at the hands of this American people.

And what wise politician would otherwise conclude and determine? None, we dare say. And a people who are incapable of this discernment and precaution are incapable of self-government, and incompetent to direct their own political destiny. For our own part, we spurn to treat for liberty on any other terms or conditions.

It may not be inapplicable, in this particular place, to quote, from high authority, language which has fallen under our notice since this report has been under our consideration. The quotation is worth nothing, except to show that the position assumed by us is a natural one, which constitutes the essential basis of self-protection.

Said Earl Aberdeen recently, in the British House of Lords, when referring to the great question which is now agitating Europe, “One thing alone is certain, that the only way to obtain a sure and honorable peace, is to _acquire a position_ which may _command_ it; and to gain such a position, _every nerve and sinew_ of the empire should be strained. The pickpocket who robs us is not to be let off because he offers to restore our purse;” and his lordship might have justly added, “should never thereafter be intrusted or confided in.”

The plea, doubtless, will be, as it already frequently has been raised, that to remove from the United States, our slave brethren would be left without a hope. They already find their way in large companies to the Canadas, and they have only to be made sensible that there is as much freedom for them South as there is North; as much protection in Mexico as in Canada; and the fugitive slave will find it a much pleasanter journey and more easy of access, to wend his way from Louisiana and Arkansas to Mexico, than thousands of miles through the slaveholders of the South and slave-catchers of the North to Canada. Once into Mexico, and his farther exit to Central and South America and the West Indies would be certain. There would be no obstructions whatever. No miserable, half-starved, servile Northern slave-catchers by the way, waiting, cap in hand, ready and willing to do the bidding of their contemptible Southern masters.

No prisons nor court-houses, as slave-pens and garrisons, to secure the fugitive and rendezvous the mercenary gangs, who are bought as military on such occasions. No perjured marshals, bribed commissioners, nor hireling counsel, who, spaniel-like, crouch at the feet of Southern slaveholders, and cringingly tremble at the crack of their whip. No, not as may be encountered throughout his northern flight, there are none of these to be found or met with in his travels from the Bravo del Norte to the dashing Orinoco--from the borders of Texas to the boundaries of Peru.

Should anything occur to prevent a successful emigration to the south--Central, South America, and the West Indies--we have no hesitancy, rather than remain in the United States, the merest subordinates and serviles of the whites, should the Canadas still continue separate in their political relations from this country, to recommend to the great body of our people to remove to Canada West, where, being politically equal to the whites, physically united with each other by a concentration of strength; when worse comes to worse, we may be found, not as a scattered, weak, and impotent people, as we now are separated from each other throughout the Union, but a united and powerful body of freemen, mighty in politics, and terrible in any conflict which might ensue, in the event of an attempt at the disturbance of our political relations, domestic repose, and peaceful firesides.

Now, fellow-countrymen, we have done. Into your ears have we recounted your own sorrows; before your own eyes have we exhibited your wrongs; into your own hands have we committed your own cause. If these should prove inadequate to remedy this dreadful evil, to assuage this terrible curse which has come upon us, the fault will be yours and not ours; since we have offered you a healing balm for every sorely aggravated wound.

MARTIN R. DELANY, Pa.
WILLIAM WEBB, Pa.
AUGUSTUS R. GREEN, Ohio.
EDWARD BUTLER, Mo.
H. S. DOUGLAS, La.
A. DUDLEY, Wis.
CONAWAY BARBOUR, Ky.
WM. J. FULLER, R. I.
WM. LAMBERT, Mich.
J. THEODORE HOLLY, N. Y.
T. A. WHITE, Ind.
JOHN A. WARREN, Canada.

FOOTNOTES

[1] This paper will be found on p. 327.

[2] This sword was a relic of the revolutionary war, presented by Frederick the Great to General Washington, and was kept in the Washington family until that time.

[3] Extract from the report of the proceedings of the fourth session of the International Statistical Congress, held in London, July 16, 1860, and the five following days:--

“_Opening Meeting of the Congress._

“At four o’clock His Royal Highness, the Prince Consort,
arrived at Somerset House, attended by the Earl Spencer, the
Lord Waterpark, Major General Hon. C. Grey, Colonel F. Seymour,
C. B., and Lieutenant Colonel Ponsonby. His Royal Highness
was received in the outer hall of King’s College by the Right
Hon. the President of the Board of Trade and the Right Hon.
W. Cowper, M. P., Vice-President of the Congress, the Earl of
Shaftesbury, the Earl Stanhope, Sir James Clark, Bart., Rev.
Dr. Jeff, Principal of King’s College, and Dr. Guy, and the
Secretaries, Dr. Farr, Mr. Valpy, and Mr. Hammack. A guard
of honor of the Queen’s (Westminster) Rifle Volunteers, with
the band of the corps, was in attendance to receive his Royal
Highness.

“Amongst the noblemen and gentlemen present were the
Honorary Vice-President, including the official delegates,
His Excellency the Count de Persigny, Ambassador of France;
His Excellency Monsieur Musurus, Ambassador Extraordinary
and Plenipotentiary of Turkey; Monsieur Sylvain Van de
Weyer, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of
Belgium; the Baron de Cetto, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary of Bavaria; the Count de Bernstorff, Envoy
Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Prussia; the
Commander de Carvalho Moreira, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary of Brazil; George Mifflin Dallas, Esq., Envoy
Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United
States of America; the Count Apponyi, Envoy Extraordinary and
Minister Plenipotentiary of Austria; the Count de Vitzthum,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Saxony;
Monsieur de La Rive, Envoy Extraordinary of Switzerland; Lord
Brougham, the Earl of Shaftesbury, Earl Stanhope, Lord John
Russell, M. P., Viscount Ebrington, Lord Monteagle, Lord
Wriothesley, Lord Harry Vane, M. P., the Lord Mayor, Mr.
Bouverie, M. P., Mr. Slaney, M. P., Sir John Bowring, Major
General Sir C. Paisley, Rear Admiral Fitz Roy, Colonel Sykes,
M. P., Right Hon. Joseph Napier, Right Hon. W. Hutt, M. P., Mr.
Monckton Milnes, M. P., Sir Roderick I. Murchison, Mr. Nassau,
Senior, Mr. Pollard Urquhart, M. P., Sir F. H. Goldsmid,
Bart., M. P., the Registrar General of England, the Registrar
General of Ireland, Sir R. M. Bromley, K. C. B., Mr. Caird,
M. P., Mr. Fonblanque, Mr. Crawfurd, Mr. Newmarch, Mr. Edwin
Chadwick, Mr. L. J. Leslie, Mr. S. Gaskell, Mr. J. Heywood,
Mr. Babbage, Alderman Salomans, M. P., Mr. Mowbray Morris,
Mr. T. Chambers, Mr. Lumley, Colonel Dawson, Dr. Babington,
Mr. J. Glaisher, Dr. Balfour, Dr. Sutherland, Mr. Hodge, Mr.
Edgar, Mr. Hastings, Mr. T. Webster, Mr. S. Redgrave, Mr. A.
Redgrave, Professor Leone Levi, Dr. R. D. Thomson, Mr. H. G.
Bohn, Mr. Hendricks, Sir Ranald Martin, C. B., Dr. Letheby,
Dr. McWilliam, C. B., Mr. Simon, Mr. Horace Mann, Mr. Hill
Williams, Mr. Panizzi, Mr. Tidd Pratt, Dr. Varrentrapp of
Frankfort, Dr. Neumann of Berlin, Dr. Mühry of Hanover,
Lieutenant-Colonel Kennedy, Mr. F. Purdy, Dr. Norton Shaw, Mr.
A. Bonham Carter, Mr. R. Hunt, Mr. W. Clode, Chevalier Hebeler,
M. Koulomzine and M. Von Bouchen of Russia, M. Chatelain of
Paris, M. Carr van der Maeren, Le Chevalier Debrang, Mr. Peter
Hardy, Captain Sierakowski and Professor Kapoustine of Russia,
Dr. Otto Hübner, M. Coquerel, Professor Chicherin of Moscow,
Dr. Bialloblotzki, Mr. J. G. Cogswell, Mr. D. V. McLean, Dr.
Schwabe of Berlin, M. Villemsens of Paris, _Dr. Delany of
Canada_, Mr. H. Ayres, Mr. T. Michell, M. Grigorieff of St.
Petersburg, the President of the College of Physicians, the
President of the College of Surgeons, Dr. Bryson, Mr. S. Brown,
Mr. Jellicoe, Mr. Yates, Mr. Holland, Dr. Greenhill, Captain
D. Galton, Mr. Thwaites, and a large body of gentlemen who had
been specially invited to take part in the proceedings of the
Congress.”

[4] Here, as elsewhere mentioned, Judge Longstreet is again in error, he not having remained long enough to make himself acquainted with the Congress. Mr. Dallas was not a “complimentary visitor,” abstractly considered, as the judge’s reference would infer, but, by general rule, an _ex-officio_ member of the Congress,--a vice president,--as was every envoy extraordinary, or minister plenipotentiary to her majesty’s court, and consequently had taken his seat as one of the high officials of an International (the World’s) Congress, and not Great Britain’s, much less England’s Congress. The Congress belonged as much to Mr. Dallas as to his lordship, and, may it be permitted, even his royal highness. The great assembly simply sat by turn of appointment in Great Britain, and doubtless in time will come to the United States, especially now that they have reached the point of consummate of national justice.

[5] As to the insulting allusion on page 114, presented for the consideration of the British public, that the American slaveholders could “beatify them with precisely four millions such as myself,” alluding to their degraded, uneducated slaves, I am admonished against retaliating in a manner which would otherwise be justifiable in view of the great changes brought about by the mistaken cherished ideas of such gentlemen as Judge Longstreet, and the consequent effects everywhere throughout the South, imploringly staring us in the face.

And in reply to the inquiry, page 114, “To what section does he belong? I do not find him allotted to either,” a reply will be found in the _Transactions of the International Statistical Congress_, London, 1860; and had he remained to “belong to a section” at all, he would have been clear of the historical blunder which he is found to have made.

And finally, regarding the singular inquiry, page 114, “To how many of the entertainments has he been invited?” were I capable of either weakness or vanity in that direction, I might allude to them, as does the learned judge, page 115, but would rather refer him to those to whom he appeals, as having been complimented by, and simply conclude by the allusion that had he himself been at all the entertainments, he could not have failed to see Dr. Delany at many. The uncalled-for allusion to the reception given by his royal highness has been previously replied to.

[6] His lordship is in error in regard to the birthplace, as elsewhere shown.

[7] See page 327.

[8] Mr. Shadd was elected Vice-President in the place of Mr. Bailey, who left the Province for New Caledonia.

[9] Elihu Burritt.

[10] John Jay, Esq., of New York, son of the late distinguished jurist, Hon. William Jay, was, in 1852, as the counsel of a fugitive slave, brutally assaulted and struck in the face by the slave-catching agent and counsel, Busteed.

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