Chapter XV: Appendix (1)
Csoma’s writings may be divided into two categories. To the first belong his Tibetan Grammar and Dictionary, and the essays which were published in various periodicals of Calcutta. To the second belong his manuscripts.
The first class consists of the following:—
1. Analysis of the Kahgyur and Stangyur. “Bengal Asiatic Researches,” vol. xx. 2. Geographical notice of Tibet. “Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal,” vol. i., p. 122. 3. Translation of a Tibetan fragment. “Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal,” vol. i., p. 269. 4. Note on Kála-Chakra and Adi-Buddha systems. “Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal,” vol. ii., p. 57. 5. Translation of a Tibetan passport, dated 1688. “Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal,” vol. ii, p. 201. 6. Origin of the Shakya race, translated from Kahgyur. “Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal,” vol. ii. p. 385. 7. Mode of expressing numerals in the Tibetan language. “Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal,” vol. iii., p. 6. 8. Extracts from Tibetan works. “Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal,” vol. iii., p. 57. 9. Grammar and Dictionary of the Tibetan language in two volumes. Calcutta, 1834. 10. Interpretation of the Tibetan inscription on a Bhotan banner taken in Assam. “Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal,” vol. v., p, 264. 11. Translation of the motto on the margin of a white satin scarf of Tibetan priests. “Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal,” vol. v., p. 383. 12. Notices on the different systems of Buddhism. “Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal,” vol. vii., p. 142. 13. Enumeration of historical and grammatical works which are to be found in Tibet. “Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal,” vol. vii., p. 147. 14. On Buddhist Amulettes. “Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal,” vol. ix., Part II., p. 905. 15. The aphorisms of Sa-Skya Pandita. “Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal,” vol. xxiv., p. 141.
In the second category are—
16. A collection of Buddhist terms in Tibetan and English, and 17. A collection of Sanskrit, Hindi, and Hungarian words. A fragment.
A brief notice will be given of each in the form of appendices.
I.
Analysis of the BKahgyur and the BStangyur.
This is contained in the twentieth volume of the “Asiatic Researches,” which volume consists of two parts.
The analysis of the Kahgyur is divided by Csoma into three articles—
a. The analysis of the Dulva. As. Res., Part I., p. 41–94. b. Notices on the “Life of Shakya” from the MDo part. As. Res., Part II., pp. 285–318. c. Analysis of Sher-chin. As. Res., Part II., pp. 393–553.
The analysis of the Stangyur. Its abstract contents, divided into two classes, RGyud and MDo. As. Res., Part II., pp. 553–585.
A. The Kahgyur.
a. The analysis of the Dulva.
The Dulva is the first division of the Kahgyur. The whole of the Kahgyur consists of one hundred volumes, of which thirteen are allotted to the Dulva, in Sanskrit, called Vinaya or Discipline, being the introduction to the whole Buddhist Encyclopædia, containing descriptions of observances to be practised by the votaries of Buddhism, but more especially by those persons, whether male or female, who adopt a religious life. These observances are of a very comprehensive description, extending not only to moral and ceremonial duties, but to modes of personal deportment, and to the different articles of food and attire. The precepts are interspersed with legendary accounts, recording the occasions on which Shakya thought it necessary to communicate his particular instructions to his disciples.
The Dulva comprises seven portions; some authorities divide it into four.
The first of the seven portions, the Vinaya vastu in Sanskrit, Dul-va-zhi in Tibetan, treats of the circumstances under which the religious profession may be adopted. It opens with an account of the hostilities that prevailed between the kings of Anga and Magadha, until the latter was overpowered and made tributary to the former.
The particulars of Shakya’s birth are not enumerated at this place, but we find here an account of his two first disciples, viz., Sariputra and Magalyana, two young philosophical Brahmans, who, being attracted by his teaching, attached themselves to his person.
The doctrine of Shakya was patronised by the King Vimbasara; at Rajagriha he enjoyed great fame and made numerous converts. The mode in which his converts were received into the order of monks, either by himself or by his disciples, is described. Two presidents are appointed, and five classes of teachers ordained. Questions to be discussed are given, and a description is given of persons who are from bodily imperfections or disease inadmissible. A variety of rules on the subject of admission is laid down.
The conduct of the person after admission is regulated, various moral obligations are prescribed; resignation and forbearance under maltreatment or when reviled are particularly inculcated.
Stories are related of improprieties committed by some of the juvenile members of the community, and, in consequence, Shakya rules that none shall be admitted who are under fifteen, and that no priest be ordained under twenty years of age. He prohibits the admission of slaves, debtors, runaways, hermaphrodites, diseased or maimed persons, of young men without consent of their parents, and of individuals who have families dependent on them. No person is to be admitted except in a full conclave, and no one is allowed to reside among the monks without ordination; no thieves, parricides, matricides, or murderers are to be admitted.
The next subject is the performance of the great Buddhist rite, the “Confession and Expiation,” which should be observed every new and full moon in a public place, and before the whole congregation of monks. The ceremony is fully detailed.
The rest of the volume contains a number of precepts and prohibitions; some of them are of a whimsical character.
The second volume treats on matters of dress, fitness of leather or hides for shoes to be worn by the priests. There is a treatise on such drugs as the disciples are permitted to use and to carry about them. There is also an account of how the King of Magadha entertained Shakya for three months. Various legends are told, and in the course of them the six chief cities of India are mentioned, namely, Sravasti and Saketana in Oude, Varanasi (the Benares of to-day), Vaisali (now Allahabad), Champa (Bhagulpore), and Rajagriha (Behar, Gaya).
From Magadha Shakya went to Vaisali upon invitation of the Lichchavi inhabitants of that city, who appear to have been republicans and very wealthy. The peregrinations of Shakya are continued, in which he made many converts, relating the events of their present and previous lives, as well as those of his own, and how he became a Bodhisatvan or a sage. The conclusion of the second volume leaves him, with thirty-six of his principal disciples, at the lake Mansarowar, or Manassarovara, in the northern Himalayas, near the source of the Ganges and the Indus.
The third volume continues in the same strain. At a place in Kosala, Shakya and his followers were entertained by certain people with the view of ascertaining the habits of the Buddhist monks; they were found moderate in their enjoyments and easily satisfied. Their opponents, the Brahmans, on the contrary, showed greediness and insatiability.
Special lessons are given to the priests, as in the preceding volumes. They are permitted to eat treacle, to cook for themselves in time of famine, to eat meat under certain restrictions, and to accept gifts from the laity. These lessons are interspersed with notices on medicines and on the mode of administering them; the employment of charms and incantations is inculcated.
Next are laid down rules for the proper attire to be worn by the disciples of Shakya. They are directed to wear not more than three pieces of cloth of a red colour, to use cotton garments when bathing, to be clean in their dress and in their bedding, and never to go about naked as the Brahmin fakirs do. The subject of dress is followed up by directions as to the use of mats or sheets to lie upon.
Important injunctions are given regarding the conduct to be observed towards refractory and quarrelsome brethren. They are first to be admonished in the congregation, and if still impenitent, to be expelled from the community. The mode in which confession, repentance, and absolution are to be practised is explained and illustrated by examples.
The residences and furniture of the monks are next described, and the dissensions of religious communities considered; other miscellaneous matters are discussed, and a historical account is given of the origin of the Shakya race, and of the master’s birth and education.
The fourth volume continues the story of Shakya’s life, and mentions the circumstances which led to his becoming an ascetic. In this book the Shakyas are called inhabitants of Kosala (a country bordering on the Kailas mountains), and are said to be descendants of the Hindú king Ikshwaku. The birthplace of Shakya is declared to be Kapila-vastu, near the Himalayas, on the banks of the river Bhagirathi.
The last pages of the book treat on the evils of causing schisms; the inveterate hostility of his nephew, Lhas-Kyim, towards himself, is mentioned.
The fifth volume commences with Pratimoksha Sútra, that is, short precepts for securing final felicity, the sum of which is, that “vice is to be diligently avoided, virtue invariably practised, and the passions kept under entire subjection.”
Then follows a code of laws for the monks. The subject is enlarged more in the sixth, seventh, and eighth volumes, which comprehend 253 rules. Each of these arises, in general, from some improper conduct of a religious person. The offence comes to Shakya’s knowledge, who summons the culprit into the congregation and reproves him publicly. On his confession and penitence he is pardoned; then Shakya pronounces the law with a view of preventing a like transgression in future.
The ninth volume is of the same general tenor as the preceding four, but it is addressed to the female followers of Buddha, the priestesses or nuns, “Gélong-má,” or “Bhikshuni” in Sanskrit. Many of the rules are repeated from the foregoing volumes, and almost in identical terms.
The tenth and eleventh volumes relate to matters and rules of minor importance, such as, that the monks shall not use vitrified bricks as a flesh-brush, nor fragrant ointments, nor wear rings or seal-rings made of precious metals, nor eat garlic, nor learn music and dancing. There are directions for the building of chaityas or religious edifices to deposit relics in, such as the hair, nails, &c. of Buddha, which he gave to various persons during his lifetime. There are also to be found some tales of a political and historical character, an account of the destruction of Kapila, the metropolis of the Shakyas, the murder or expulsion of its inhabitants, many of whom are said to have fled into Nepal.
The eleventh volume closes with an account of the “Nirvaná,” or emancipation and death of Shakya in Kamrup, in Western Assam. Eight cities contend for his remains, which are consequently divided among them and deposited in chaityas built for that purpose.
On the death of Shakya, Kasyapa, the head of the Buddhas, directs five hundred superior monks to make a compilation of the doctrines of their master. Thus: the Do was compiled by Ananda, the Dul-va by Upali; the Ma-mom, Abhi-dharma, and Prájná-páramita by Kasyapa himself. He presides over the sects at Rajagriha till his death. Ananda succeeds him, as Buddha. On Ananda’s death his relics are divided between the Lichchavis, the republican inhabitants of Vaisali, and the King of Magadha, and two chaityas are built for their reception, one at Vaisali (in Tibetan Yangs-pa-chen, Allahabad), and the other at Pataliputra (Patna).
One hundred years after Shakya’s Nirvana, his religion is carried into Kashmir. After a further period of one hundred and ten years, in the reign of Asoka, a king of Pataliputra, a new compilation of the laws of Buddha was prepared by 700 monks at Yangs-pa-chen.
The twelfth and thirteenth volumes of the Dulva contain supplementary rules, as communicated by Shakya to Upali his disciple in answer to certain inquiries.
At the end of the analysis of this part of the Kahgyur, in the twentieth volume of the “Asiatic Researches,” Part I., p. 94, Csoma placed the following note:—“I may here close my analysis of the Dulva collection; from the tenor of which it may in some measure be judged what is to be found in the remaining eighty-seven volumes of the Kahgyur. Of the whole of the voluminous compilation, I have prepared a detailed analysis with occasional translations of such passages as excited curiosity, particularly the relation of the life and death of Shakya. The whole are deposited in manuscript, among the archives of the Asiatic Society, and will at any time be available to the scholar, who may consult the first volume of the Asiatic Society’s Journal, page 375, for a general view of their contents, by Professor Wilson. For further information and details of the Kahgyur, a reference may be made to the publication indicated above.”
b. Notices on Shakya’s life are contained in two principal Tibetan works, namely, the Gya-ch’her-rol-pa and the Non-par-byung-va.
c. Sher-ch’hin or Shes-rab-kyi-pha-rol-tu-p’hyin-pa (Prajna paramita in Sanskrit, transcendental wisdom), fills twenty-one volumes.
B. The Stangyur.
The second part of the great Tibetan encyclopædia, the Stangyur, consists of two principal divisions, with a third one, consisting of a collection of hymns and prayers. The whole makes 225 volumes, namely:—
The Gyud treats on ritual and ceremonies, and extends over eighty-seven volumes.
The Do treats on science and literature, and occupies 136 volumes.
The hymns and praises are contained in one volume, and there is one volume more representing the index of the whole compilation.
II.
Geographical Notice of Tibet from Native Sources.
The vast mountainous country between 73° and 98° E. long. from Greenwich, and 27° and 38° N. latitude may be assigned to Tibet, since the Tibetan language is generally understood there, from Baltistan or little Tibet to the frontier of China, although there are various dialects; but the inhabitants of those countries have the same manners, customs, and faith, viz., Buddhism; have the same religious books, written or printed in characters common to all the provinces.
The native name of Tibet is Pot or Bod: Bod-yul, the country of Tibet; Bod-pa, a native man of Tibet; Bod-mo, a Tibetan woman. The Indian name for Tibet is Bhot.
Bod-yul, par excellence, is Middle Tibet, namely, the provinces of U and Tsang, with the capital of Lassa and Zhikátsé. Eastern Tibet or Great Tibet is called Kham or Kham-yul, the north-western part towards Ladak is Nári, and the southern part Bhutan; Lhopato or simply Lho, meaning south.
The whole of Tibet is highland, and lies among snowy mountains. In Tibetan books it is called by various poetical names, in allusion to snow, ice, glaciers, cold, and high elevation. The highest plateau is in Nari; the most elevated peak is Tisé or Tésé, called in Sanskrit Kailasa, about 80° E. longitude, and 34° N. latitude. The sources of the Indus, Sutlej, Gogra, and Brahmaputra are in Nári. Tibetan writers, in describing the situation of Tibet, have likened Nari to a water-pond, the provinces U and Tsang to four canals, and Kham-yul to a field of crops.
On the north, Tibet is bounded by the countries of the Turks and Mongols, called by Tibetans Hor and Sok.
On the east by China (Gyanak); on the south by India (Gyagar); and on the west by India, Kashmir, Afghanistan, and Turkestan.
The neighbouring hill people are called by Tibetans “Mon,” their country Mon-yul; the males Mon-pa, and the females Mon-mo.
From the first range of the Himalayas on the Indian side to the plains of Tartary, they count six chains of mountains, running in the north-western and south-eastern direction, viewed from the lofty mountain Kangri in Nari.
In the spacious valley between the third and fourth range is the main road between Ladak and U-tsang. The three great divisions of Tibet described are—
1. U-tsang or Tibet proper, divided into several districts. The capital, Lassa, situated in the district U, is the residence of the Great Lama, the government of Tibet, and of the Amban, the Chinese Ambassador. The number of the inhabitants of this part of Tibet is reckoned at 130,000 families, who are, of all the Tibetan races, the most industrious, skilful, and polite.
2. The second or Eastern Division of Tibet is Kham-yul or Great Tibet; the east is bordered by China and subdivided into many small principalities. Its inhabitants differ much from other Tibetans in their stature, features, dress, and customs, as well as in the pronunciation of Tibetan. In physique they are very robust and simple, but very passionate; not fond of ornaments of any kind. The sect called Pon or Bon, very numerous here, still practise the ancient religion of Tibet; have a literature of their own, religious orders, monasteries, and many superstitious rites. They kill several animals for sacrifice.
3. The third great division is Nári, extending from Tsang to Ladak. The area of this is very extensive, containing many deserts, and is sparsely inhabited. The number of families, including Ladak and Baltistan, does not exceed 50,000. They dwell in tents made of haircloth, and lead a pastoral life, eschewing agriculture.
The more north-westerly part of Tibet is Belti-yul—Baltistan or little Tibet—divided among several chiefs. In the mountain defiles on the south live the predatory people known as the Dardús; they are barbarians of Afghan or Hindu origin. The inhabitants for the most part are Shiah Mohammedans. Their language is a dialect of the Tibetan, but what literature there is, is Persian. The climate is warm; in the lower part snow never falls.
Lakes in Tibet are few. The principal one is Ma-pham-yu-tsho (Mansarovara), in Nari; its circumference is one and a half day’s journey (i.e., about thirty miles).
Medicinal and hot springs are in the provinces of U and Tsang, and to the east of the Mapham lake.
Four glaciers are enumerated, and called mountains of frozen snow, namely, the Tisé, Havo, Shámpo, and Pulé.
There are mines in Tibet, but they are not worked. Some gold-dust is gathered in Nári, Gugé, and Zanskar.
In Tibet there is a great deficiency of wood. In Baltistan and Bhutan fruit-trees are cultivated. In Khamyul some forests are found. In the western parts of Ladak and Baltistan grapes come to maturity.
The slopes of the mountains are mostly bare. In the valleys, where irrigation is practised, some cereals, such as wheat, barley, buckwheat, millet and pease, are sown. Tibet has no ricefields, but beans and lentils, turnips, cabbages, onions, &c., are cultivated.
The daily food of a Tibetan consists of gruel prepared from the meal of parched barley; meat, bread, sour-milk, curds; and tea, prepared in the Tartar fashion in a churn with butter and milk.
The origin of the Tibetan race is attributed to a fabulous union between a she-demon and an ape. Some refer their origin to India, others to China, others again to the Mongols or Turks. They admit five races among themselves, according to the countries they live in; their pronunciation differs much, but they all understand each other. Except the Mohammedans of Ladak and Baltistan, they all profess the religion of Buddha, whose records are written in the same language and character.
III.
Translation of a Tibetan Fragment, with Remarks by Dr. Wilson.
In the ninth volume of the Gyut class of the Kahgyur occurs the original of a Tibetan fragment which created in the beginning of the last century a lively sensation amongst the learned men of Europe, and the history of which furnishes an amusing instance of the vanity of literary pretensions, and of the patience and pain with which men of talent and erudition have imposed upon themselves and upon the world.
In the end of the 17th and beginning of the 18th century the Russians, in their incursions into Siberia, came upon various deserted temples and monasteries, in some of which considerable collections of books were deposited. These were in general destroyed or mutilated by the ignorant rapacity of the soldiery; but fragments of them were preserved, and found their way as curiosities into Europe.
Among these some loose leaves, supposed to have been obtained at the ruins of Ablakit, a monastery near the source of the Irtish, were presented to the Emperor Peter the Great. Literature being then at a low ebb in Russia, no attempt was made to decipher these fragments, and they were sent by the Czar to the French Academy, whose sittings he had attended when in Paris, and who deservedly enjoyed the reputation of being the most learned body in Europe. In 1720 the Abbé Bignon, on the part of the Academy, communicated to the Czar the result of their labour, apprising him that the fragments sent were portions of a work in the Tibetan language, and sending a translation of one page made by Abbé Fourmont with the help of a Latin and Tibetan Dictionary. The letter was published in the “Transactions of the Academy of St. Petersburg,” and the text and translation reprinted by Bayer in his “Museum Sinicum.” Müller, in 1747, criticised Fourmont’s translation, and gave a new one of the first lines, prepared with the double aid of a Tangutan priest, who rendered it into Mongol, and a Mongol student, who interpreted it to Müller. It was afterwards reprinted, with corrections and additions, and a new translation, by Giorgi in his “Alphabetum Tibetanum,” and was at the beginning of the present century made the subject of animadversion by M. Rémusat in his “Recherches sur les Langues Tartares.”
Of the previous performances M. Rémusat thus speaks: “On avait d’abord admiré la profonde érudition qui avait permis à Fourmont de reconnaître seulement la langue dans laquelle le volume était écrit; on a vanté depuis celle de Giorgi, qui avait rectifié le texte et la traduction. Je ne sais comment on peut traduire ou corriger un texte qu’on n’est pas même capable de lire. Il n’y avait rien à admirer dans tout cela; interprètes et commentateurs, panégyristes, et critiques, tous étaient presque également hors d’état, je ne dis pas d’entendre une ligne, mais d’épeler une syllable du passage sur lequel ils dissertaient.”
The consequence was what might have been expected, and the attempts at translation and correction were most ludicrously erroneous. The greatest liberties possible were taken with the words, letters were omitted or inserted at pleasure, and the translation was not only unlike the original, but unlike common sense, and the Latin was quite as unintelligible as the Tangutan.
The three translations are given—namely, that of Fourmont, of Müller, and of Giorgi. Regarding the last, Dr. Wilson remarks, “This display of unprofitable erudition is in fact only a shelter for his ignorance, and Giorgi knows no more about the matter than did Fourmont, without having the merit of his blundering simplicity.”
After this follows Csoma’s exact translation of the whole passage with the original text in Tibetan, and its translation in Roman characters, from which those to whom this object is of interest will readily estimate for themselves the superiority of Csoma’s labours if they compare them with the text and the previous translations.
IV.
Note on Kála-Chakra and Adi-Buddha Systems.
The peculiar religious system entitled the Kála-Chakra is supposed to have been derived from Shambála, a fabulous country in the North. Its capital was Kalapa, a splendid city, the residence of many illustrious kings, situated beyond the river Sita or Yaxartes, where the increase of the days from vernal equinox till the summer solstice amounts to twelve Indian hours—that is, four hours and forty-eight minutes of our reckoning.
This system was introduced into Central India in the latter half of the tenth century A.D., and afterwards, viâ Kashmir, found its way into Tibet, where, in the course of the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries several works were published on it.
Padmo Carpo thus describes its introduction into Nalanda in Central India by a certain pandit called Chilu. Having designed over the door of the Vihar the ten guardians of the world, he wrote underneath the pictures thus:—
“He that does not know the chief first Buddha (Adi-Buddha) knows not the circle of time (Kala, time; Chakra, a wheel, a circle).
“He that does not know the circle of time knows not the exact enumeration of the divine attributes.
“He that does not know the exact enumeration of the divine attributes, knows not the Supreme Intelligence.
“He that does not know the supreme intelligence knows not the Tantrika principles.
“He that does not know these, and creatures like him, are wanderers in the orb of transmigration, and are out of the path of the Supreme Conqueror.
“Therefore, Adi-Buddha must be taught by every true Lama, and every true disciple who aspires to liberation is bound to hear him.”
V.
Translation of a Tibetan Passport, dated A.D. 1688.
In Hyde’s “Historia Veterum Persarum” is an engraving of a passport granted by the Grand Lama of Lassa to an Armenian, which at the time of its publication could not be deciphered by any European; and the learned author was nearly as much misled regarding its character and the manner of reading it, as was Monsieur Fourmont of the French Academy on another occasion. It informs us also of the insecurity in travelling in the countries to which it refers.
The translation of the curious text follows:—
“From the noble city of Lassa, the circumambulating race of
religion.
“To those that are on the road as far as Arya Désa (country of
Aryans, India); to clerical, laical, noble, and not noble lords or
masters of men; to residents in the forts; to stewards, managers;
to Mongols, Tibetans, Turks; to dwellers in tents in the desert; to
envoys and ambassadors going to and fro; to keepers of bye-ways; to
headmen charged to perform any business of small or great
importance;—to all these it is ordered, respecting the four persons
named in the passport, not to hinder, rob, or plunder them, but let
them go to and fro in peace.”
The document is provided with a square seal Seal.
VI.
The Origin of the Shakya Race.
On a certain occasion when Shakya (Sansrgyas, bChom-ldan-hdas, Buddha Bhagaván) was in Nyagrodha (Árama) grove, near Kapilavastu, many of the Shakyas who inhabited Kapilavastu being gathered together in their council-house, questioned one another, saying, “Shes-dan-tak! (intelligent brethren) whence did the Shakya race spring?
“What is their origin?
“What is the cause or reason thereof?
“What is their ancient descent as a nation? If any one should come and ask us about these points, we could not tell him whence the Shakyas originated. Come, let us go to the Bhagaván and ask him to enlighten us on the subject, that we may abide by his advice.”
Thereupon a very great number of Shakyas, inhabitants of Kapilavastu, went to the Bhagaván, and after having made their salutation by prostrating themselves at his feet, sat aside.
In addressing him they explained the cause of their errand, and begged him to enlighten them.
Bhagaván thought that, should he himself tell the story, his opponents the Tirthikas and others might say that he was telling only what was pleasing to himself. Not to give, therefore, an opportunity for such remarks, he intrusted his disciple Mongalyana to impart the required information, to which Mongalyana assented.
Shakya seeing that he was obeyed, folded up his cloak and composed himself to sleep.
Mongalyana, in order to collect his ideas on the subject, entered into deep meditation. Recovering from his ecstasy, he sat down on a carpet, surrounded by his priests, and addressed them at length.
Mongalyana’s story was that, after the world was destroyed, men were born in heaven among gods; they walked in the air, and their food consisted of pleasures only. Afterwards the earth turned into water, and there was nothing but one ocean, which covered all. On this a thin film like milk was visible, which became thicker and thicker, and thus was formed the present earth.
Then some animated beings inhabiting the heavens, having finished their lives there, were born again to taste the condition of manhood, and came to the earth. They were perfect animal beings, and lived for a long period. At that time there was no sun, no moon, and no stars, no time, no night, and no day. No distinction between male and female. They were all called animals.
Afterwards an animal, being of a covetous nature, tasted the earthly essence; the more he tasted it the more he liked it. Other animal beings did the same.
When they all had eaten a mouthful of the earthly substance, as a consequence solidity and weight entered into their bodies. The brightness of their colour vanished, and darkness set in in the world. When darkness was thus established, the sun and moon appeared, the stars, and the division into night and day.
Their food continued as before; those that had eaten little of that food acquired a fine complexion and colour; those that had eaten much, on the contrary, became of a bad colour. Then they began to reproach each other and to dispute.
On account of the sin of such vainglorious talk the earthly essence disappeared.
This was the cause of much lamentation, and there arose from the earth a fatty substance. It was enjoyable as food; but the same happened regarding its use and effect as in the former case, and owing to the sin of pride and division among themselves this substance also disappeared.
The greasy substance was then replaced by sugar-cane plantations, and these again, for similar reasons, by pure rice (salu), without ploughing or sowing the fields. If cut in the evening, the harvest ripened over night and was ready for next morning, and so it continued for a long time.
From the use of rice arose the distinction of sexes. At first the different sexes regarded each other with fixed eyes, and were drawn towards each other. Such as have loved each other had pieces of stone or clods of earth thrown at them by those who had not acted like them. The custom, therefore, of throwing rice, shoes, &c., at newly-married couples in our own day seems to have been derived from Buddhistic cosmogony. The couples afterwards searched after hiding-places, calling out, “Khyim, Khyim,” [66] and built themselves houses.
Then there arose the necessity of laying in stores of food for their wants; but on cutting down their rice-fields this time they perceived that the crops did not grow again, as was the case before. The animal beings—mankind—therefore gathered together to reflect on their former state. Some amongst them said, “We must mete out the land and assign a boundary to every man’s property, saying, ‘This is mine, and that is thine.’” It was done accordingly.
It happened afterwards that a certain individual took the salu (rice) of another without its being given to him; that is to say, he stole his brother’s share. On this he was seized and dragged before the assembly, and was publicly reproved. Such instances occurred repeatedly.
Then they all assembled for the purpose of deliberation, and agreed to elect one who had a better complexion than themselves, more beautiful, was more fortunate and more renowned, and made him master and proprietor of all their fields.
They said, “He shall punish those who deserve punishment, and reward those to whom a reward is due. From the produce of the land he shall receive a certain portion.”
They accordingly chose one and called him Maha Sammata, the Honoured by Men! Maha Sammata’s family reigned for a long period. The last descendant was called Ikshwaku Virudhaka.
He had four sons. After his first wife’s death he married again, this time a princess, his father-in-law insisting that his daughter’s son should become heir to the throne.
The king agreed to this, and expelled his four sons from the kingdom.
The four brothers, taking their half-sisters with them, and accompanied by many followers, left the ancient capital, Potala, went towards Himalaya to settle on the banks of Bhagirathi, not far from the hermitage where Kapila the Rishi lived. By the advice and with the sanction of this hermit, they married their half-sisters and begat many children. The Rishi afterwards marked out a place for them, where a city was built, and in honour of this sainted man it was called Kapilavastu.
At Potala the king, thinking of his four sons, inquired on one occasion from his courtiers what had become of the princes, his sons? On this he was informed that after he had banished them they settled in the neighbourhood of the Himalaya, took their half-sisters for wives, and multiplied exceedingly.
The king, being much surprised on hearing this, exclaimed, “Shakya! Shakya! is it possible! is it possible!” And this is the origin of the Shakya name.
Thus ends the narration of Mongalyana. Shakya, the Bhagaván, approved of it, and recommended it to his followers.
VII.
Mode of Expressing Numerals in Tibetan.
Here the same system prevails as in Sanskrit. The printed Tibetan text has the dates in figure above, and then they are written in the body of the text, in symbolical words, so as to secure them against the danger of alteration. This system, in fact, gives the sane safeguard against incertitude of figures that the mode of writing values and sums at length in European documents is intended to secure.
There are many astronomical and astrological treatises to be found in Tibet, which have not been embodied into the Kahgyur or Stangyur collections. Of these the most celebrated was written by a Viceroy at Lassa in the latter half of the seventeenth century A.D. In all works of this description symbolical names are used instead of numerals; as, for instance, lag, hand, for + 2; - mé, fire, for - 3; × chhu, water, for × 4; ÷ so, a tooth, for ÷ 32.
Besides the nine units and the zero, the following numerals have special expressions, namely, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 24, 25, 27, and 32.
When dictating to an assistant in symbolical names what to write in characters, the pandit commences the operation from right to left, thus, if you say Nyima, sun, that means = 12; mkhah, void, means = 0; mtsho, a lake = 4, the copyist writes 4012. The very same method has been adopted in the Shastras.
As examples the following are cited:—
zla, the moon, stands for Number 1.
lag, the hand, ,, for ,, 2.
mé, fire, ,, for ,, 3.
chhu, water, ,, for ,, 4.
mdah, an arrow, ,, for ,, 5.
dus, time, ,, for ,, 6.
ri, a hill, ,, for ,, 7.
sbrul, a serpent, ,, for ,, 8.
srin-po, a goblin, ,, for ,, 9.
phyogs, a corner (of the world), ,, for ,, 10.
Dragpo, the brave (Rudra), ,, for ,, 11.
Nyima, sun, ,, for ,, 12.
hdod-pa, lust, desire, ,, for ,, 13.
yid, the mind, ,, for ,, 14.
tshes, nyin-zhag, the 15th day of the lunar
month, ,, for ,, 15.
Rgyalpo, a king, ,, for ,, 16.
nyes-pa, a blemish, ,, for ,, 18.
Rgyalva, a Buddha, ,, for ,, 24.
de-nyid, same self, ,, for ,, 25.
skar-ma, a star, ,, for ,, 27.
so, a tooth, ,, for ,, 32.
for zero, mkhah, void space, or: thig, a spot or stain, or: Stongpa,
the vacuum, a zero.
It may be fitting to add here a few notes on the systems of reckoning time in use among the Tibetans, which the author noticed at page 147 of the appendix to his Grammar.
The Tibetans derived their astronomical and astrological knowledge, not from India only, but also from the Chinese people.
The mode of reckoning, according to the Indian system, is called by them “Karçis,” that derived from China, “Nakçis.” On both these systems are to be found numerous works in the Tibetan language.
The most common mode of reckoning time, especially in calculating the years of the present generation, or of determining the age of an individual, is that by the cycle of twelve years, in which each year is designated by the name of an animal, in this manner:—
Tibetan. English.
1. byi-lo the mouse-year.
2. glang-lo ,, ox-year.
3. stag-lo ,, tiger-year.
4. yos-lo ,, hare-year.
5. hbrug-lo ,, dragon-year.
6. sbrul-lo ,, serpent-year.
7. rta-lo ,, horse-year.
8. lug-lo ,, sheep-year.
9. spré-lo ,, ape-year.
10. bya-lo ,, bird-year.
11. khyi-lo ,, dog-year.
12. phag-lo ,, hog-year.
But in books, in correspondence, and in every transaction of greater importance, the use of the cycle of sixty years has been adopted; and this system is twofold, the Indian and the Chinese.
The years of the Indian cycle, prevalent south of the Nermada river, exactly coincide with the Tibetan era, the Sanskrit names having been translated literally, but the Tibetans count the commencement of their first cycle from A.D. 1026; the Indians, on the contrary, date theirs from the Kaliyuga, and sometimes from the reign of Salivahana.
The Tibetans, like the Chinese, divide each year into lunar months, calling them first, second, third month, &c. During the period of each lunar cycle, which corresponds to nineteen solar years, they insert seven intercalary months, generally one in every third year, to make them agree with the solar years. In this manner the calculation exactly corresponds with the luni-solar system of the Hindus.
The Indian system differs from the Chinese in the mode of naming years. The Chinese nomenclature is made up by the names of five elements, and made ten by affixing the male and female termination to each, and this series is repeated six times; therefore 6 × 10 = 60.
The second series is made up of twelve zodiacal constellations, and is repeated five times, 5 × 12 = 60, thus making the cycle of sixty years.
The names of the five elements are as follows:—
Chinese. Tibetan. English.
1. kya. shing pho. wood, masculine.
2. yi. shing mo. wood, feminine.
3. ping. mé pho. fire, masculine.
4. ting. mé mo. fire, feminine.
5. vou. sa pho. earth, masculine.
6. kyi. sa mo. earth, feminine.
7. king. lchags pho. iron, masculine.
8. zin. lchags mo. iron, feminine.
9. zhin. chhu po. water, masculine.
10. kuhi. chu mo. water, feminine.
The names of the twelve animals of the zodiac are these—
Chinese. Tibetan. English.
1. Tsi. byi. Mouse.
2. Tshihu. glang. Ox.
3. Yin. stag. Tiger.
4. Mahu. yos. Hare.
5. Shin (Tshin ?). hbrug. Dragon.
6. Zi. sbrul. Serpent.
7. Hu (n). rta. Horse.
8. Wuhi. lug. Sheep.
9. Shing. spré. Ape.
10. Yéhu. bya. Bird.
11. Zuhi. khyi. Dog.
12. Hahi. phag. Hog.
Thus the first cycle, consisting of ten years, is repeated six times.
The second cycle of twelve years is repeated five times, to make up the whole cycle of sixty years.
The list of the names of animals for each of the sixty years in a cycle, arranged in Chinese, Sanskrit, Tibetan, and English, is given in the text. See op. cit., p. 151–154.
VIII.
Extracts from Tibetan Works Translated.
1. Tibetan Beau-ideal of a Wife. (Kahgyur, MDo Kha, p. 106–7.)
The required qualities in a maiden who may aspire to be united in marriage with Shakya are thus defined by himself:
“No ordinary woman is suitable to my taste and habits, none who is incorrect in her behaviour, who has bad qualities, or who does not speak the truth. But such one alone will be pleasing and fit for me, who, exhilarating my mind, is chaste, young, of good complexion, and of a pure family and descent.”
He indited a catalogue of these qualifications in verse, and said:—
“If there shall be found any girl with the virtues I have described, since I like not an unrestrained woman, let her be given to me in marriage. She who is young, well-proportioned, and elegant, yet not boastful of her beauty; who is affectionate towards her brother, sister, and mother; who, always rejoicing in giving alms, knoweth the proper manner how to bestow them on the priests and Brahmans; if there be found any such damsel, father! let her be brought to me. One who, being without arrogance, pride, and passion, has left off artifice, envy, and deceit, and is of an upright nature; who even in her dreams hath not lusted after any other man; who resteth content with her own husband, and is always submissive and chaste; who is firm and not wavering, who is not proud or haughty, but full of humility like a female slave; who has no excessive fondness of the vanity of sound, smell, taste (music, perfumes, and exquisite viands), nor for wine; who is void of cupidity, who has not a covetous heart, but is content with her own possessions; who, being upright, goeth not astray, is not fluctuating; is modest in her dress, and does not indulge in laughing and boasting; who is diligent in her moral duties without being righteous overmuch. Who is very clean and pure in her body, her speech, and her mind; who is not drowsy nor dull, proud nor stupid, but of good judgment, doth everything with due reflection; who hath for her father- and mother-in-law equal reverence as for a spiritual teacher; who treateth her servants both male and female with constant mildness; who is as well versed as any courtesan in the rites and ceremonies described in the Shastras; who goeth last to sleep and riseth earliest from her couch; who maketh every endeavour with mildness, like a mother, without affectation. If there be any such maiden to be found, father! give her unto me as a wife.”
Afterwards the King Shuddhodana directs his Brahman minister to go into the great city of Kapilavastu, and to inquire there in every house after a girl possessed with these good qualities, showing at the same time Shakya’s letter, and uttering two verses of the following meaning:—“Bring hither that maiden who has the required qualities, whether she be of the royal tribe or of the Brahman caste, of the gentry or of the plebeian class. My son regardeth not tribe nor family extraction; his delight is in good qualities, truth and virtue alone.”
The objections of the Buddhists to the seclusion of women may be gathered from the following imaginary conversation of Shakya’s wife (extracted from Kahgyur, Do, Kha, vol. i, p. 120, 121). Sa-tsho-ma (Gopa), the wife of Shakya, upon hearing of her being upbraided by the domestics for not concealing her face when in company with others, expresses herself in some verses against the veil, the meaning of which is as follows:—
“Sitting, standing, and walking, those that are venerable are pleasing when not concealed. A bright gem will give more lustre if put on the top of the standard.
“The venerable are pleasing when they go; they are agreeable also when they come. They are so, whether they stand or whether they are sitting. In every manner the venerable are pleasing.
“They who put off all vices are venerable. Fools committing vices, how much soever they be adorned, are never pleasing.
“The venerable are always like a bowl full of milk and curd. It is a great happiness to see human nature capable of such purity.
“For such as have restrained their body, have suppressed the several defects of it, have refrained their speech and never used deceitful language, and having subdued the flesh are held in restraint by a pure conscience; for such, to what purpose is the veiling of the face?
“Moreover the great Lord (God), who is wise in knowing the hearts of others, yea, also the whole company of the gods, know my thoughts, my good morals, my virtues, my vows, chastity. Therefore why should I conceal my face?”
Shuddhodana, the father of Shakya, her father-in-law, was much pleased with these expressions, and presented her with several precious things. He uttered at the same time a sloka, the meaning of which is this:—
“My son being adorned with such qualities as he has, and my daughter-in-law having such virtuous qualifications as she describes: to see two such pure persons united, is like when butter and ghee are mixed together.”
As breathing in accordance with the virtuous sentiments of the above favourable specimen of the Tibetan sacred works, we may here extract a curious correspondence (but whether imaginary or real we will not pretend to say), stated to have taken place between a princess of Ceylon and the Buddhist Saint. This letter is very generally known and admired throughout Tibet, being introduced in every collection of epistolary forms for the instruction of youth.
Ratnavali’s Letter to Shakya.
Ratnavali, a young princess of Ceylon, the daughter of King Singala, having been informed by some merchants from Central India of Buddha and of his doctrine, was much pleased with it; and as those merchants were about to return home, she sent some presents to Shakya (Chom-dan-dás), with a letter of the following contents:—
“Reverenced by Suras, Asuras, and men! really delivered from birth, sickness, and fear! Lord, who art greatly celebrated by thy far-extending renown from the sage’s ambrosial portion, kindly grant me religious instruction and wisdom.”
Shakya received this letter, and sent to the princess a picture of Buddha on cotton cloth, with some verses written above and below the image, containing the terms upon which refuge is obtained with Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha, and a few fundamental articles of the faith, together with two stanzas recommending Buddhism. The two stanzas are these:—
1. Arise, commence a new course of life,
Turn to the religion of Buddha;
Conquer the host of the lord of death, the passions,
As an elephant subdues everything under his feet in a muddy lake.
2. Whoever has lived a pure life,
According to the precept of this law,
Shall be free from transmigration,
And shall put an end to all his miseries.
In Tibetan, according to the pronunciation of the Lamas of Sikkim.
1. Tsampar chashing jungwar cha,
Sangye tenla suppar cha;
Dampü chimna longchen zhin,
Chida deni zhonpar cha.
2. Kanshik raptu payö par
Chödul dela dögyur pa
Tyeove khorua rappan sa
Dugnal ṭḥamar cḥopar gyur.
The compendium of the doctrine of Buddha in one sloka:—
In Tibetan.
Digpa chiyan minja te
Geba pünsum tsopa tsán
Rangi sempa yonsu dul
Ṭḥéni sangye tempa yin.
In English.
No vice is to be committed;
Virtue must be perfectly practised;
Subdue entirely your desires.
This is the doctrine of Buddha.
IX.
Interpretation of the Tibetan Inscription on a Bhotian Banner taken in Assam.
The following is the description of this trophy:—
It is a bit of plank, mounted on a staff, painted red, with an image of Buddha on one side and a Tibetan inscription on the other. The Demangiri Rajah always had it carried before him with great solemnity and under the special charge of a large guard of honour, who, however, in the affair of Subang-Kotta ran away without it, and it fell into our hands. A copy of the inscription was forwarded to Csoma for translation. With the exception of the salutation at the beginning and the conclusion and a few terms in the middle, the whole is in the Tibetan language. The purport of it was to obtain the favour and protection of several inferior divinities for the person and family for whom the ceremony had been performed and this magic emblem set up.
It may be that this flagstaff was carried before the Tibetan chief in his march and so used as an ensign in war; but it is more probable that it may have belonged originally to the house-top or terrace of the Prince of Bhotan; because the houses of great personages in that country are generally decorated with such ensigns of victory.
The inscription, as already mentioned, is an invocation to several deities, and concludes thus: “Ye all! look on this emblem of Hu, the regent or governor (by whom, namely, it was set up). Ye divine principal Rakshákas, rulers of the world, I beseech you, that you will make this patron, the bestower of charitable gifts, obtain the fruit of his work and actions, who is very faithful to the doctrine of Shakya. May he, with his household and family, prosper more and more, and abound in life, fortune, honour, wealth—like the increasing face of the moon.”
The text is given in the original with a literal translation.
X.
Note on the White Satin Embroidered Scarfs of the Tibetan Priests.
(Translated by Csoma at Mayor Lloyd’s request.)
These scarfs are almost indispensable in all religious offerings, and when distinguished strangers are presented at court, the master of ceremonies throws one of them across the shoulders of the visitor.
An inferior, on approaching a superior in rank, presents a white silk scarf, and when dismissed has in return one thrown over his neck. Equals exchange scarfs on meeting, bending towards each other. No intercourse whatever takes place without the intervention of a scarf. It always accompanies every letter sent by a messenger. Two colours are used for the manufacture, which is done in China; white and red. The latter is rather confined to the lower orders, the white is respectful in proportion to the purity and fineness of its material. There are various degrees in both.
This is the Tibetan text of the inscription in Roman Characters:—
Nyin-mo bde-legs mts’han bde-legs
Nyin-mahi gung yang bde-legs shing
Nyin mts-han rag-tu brda-legs-pahi
Dkon-chag gsum-gyi bkrashis shog.
Translation.
Blessed the day, blessed the night,
The mid-day also being blessed;
May the day and night always return (to us),
The special favour of the three holy ones.
XI.
Notices on Different Systems of Buddhism Extracted from Tibetan Authorities.
Sángye is the generic name for expressing the Supreme Being or the Supreme Intelligence in the Buddhistic system. This word signifies “the most perfect Being,” that is, pure and clean and free from all imperfections and abounding in all good qualities.
There are three distinctions with respect to the essence, the substance, or the body of Buddha, namely—
1. Dharma-Kaya. This is the primary essence of all things, and is designated by the names of: Adi Buddha, Samanta Buddha, the Swabhàva, or the self-produced, self-existing. Dharmadhàtu, the root of all things, the Jina of Jinas; the origin of all things, existing without the three epochs, that is, without beginning, duration, and end.
2. Sambhoga-Kaya. To this class or distinction belong the attendants of the Dharma-Kaya (the Adi Buddha); they are the Dhyani Buddhas, the chief of whom is Vairochana the Illuminator.
3. Nirmankaya. To this distinction or class belong the several incarnations of Buddha. Immense is the number of incarnations in past ages. The present age is called the happy one, and the number of incarnations is to amount to one thousand. The first four incarnations have already appeared, the rest are to follow. In the modern Buddhistic system Shakya is the last incarnate Buddha.
The systems of Buddhism known in Tibet are the following four, each having again a number of subdivisions.
The first is called Vaibhashika, with four subdivisions, taken from the names of Shakya’s four principal disciples. The followers of this system stand on the lowest degree of merit. They accept everything that is contained in the Scriptures, believe everything, and will not dispute.
The second system or school is Sautrántika, followers of the Sútras, with two subdivisions. The one will prove everything by scriptural authority, the other by argument.
The third system or school is the Yogáchárya, with nine subdivisions. Arya Sangha was its founder, in the seventh century A.D.
The fourth is the Madhyamika school; they keep the middle faith. This is the true philosophical school, formulated 700 years after Shakya’s death, by Nagarjuna.
The two first systems are dogmatical; the two latter are philosophical, and are studied by the learned few.
There is another classification of Shakya’s followers, namely, the Tri-yánam or the three vehicles; because all Buddhistic Scriptures are destined for the lowest, the middle, and the highest capacities. Some authors use the name of Lám-rim, classifying men under three degrees of intellectual capacity, according to this:
1. Men of a common capacity must believe that there is a God, that there is a future life, and that all will obtain, according to their deeds in this life, a reward hereafter.
2. Men of a middle degree of intellectual or moral capacity, in addition to the above doctrines, must understand that every compound thing is perishable; that there is no reality in things; that every imperfection causes suffering, and that deliverance from suffering, and eventually from bodily existence, is final beatitude.
3. Men of the highest capacities will know that between the body and the supreme soul nothing exists by itself, nor can we prove whether the supreme soul will continue for ever, or absolutely cease; because everything exists by a casual concatenation.
Concerning the Course of Life.
Those of common capacity are content with the observance of the Ten Commandments.
Those of the middle degree also endeavour to excel in morality, meditation, and wisdom.
Those of the highest capacities practise, besides the above, the six transcendental virtues as well.
Regarding Salvation.
Those of the first degree, seeing the miseries of those who, by virtue of the metempsychosis, suffer in the bad places of transmigration as beasts, &c., desire to be born again among men, or among angels (asuras), or among gods.
Those of the second class are not content with the lot of the former, and wish to be entirely delivered from all bodily existence.
The highest class, regarding existence, under whatever form, as suffering, crave for final emancipation, and by arriving at the supreme perfection, are enabled to assist others out of their miseries.
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Life and works of Alexander Csoma de KörösChapter XV: Appendix (1)
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