Chapter II: Part 2

South Carolina "hailed with delight" the news of the election of Lincoln as a justification for immediate secession, which they desired, rather than compromise or postponement; their Senators resigned; before Christmas the Palmetto flag floated over every federal building in that state, and early in January they fired on the ship "Star of the West" as she entered Charleston harbor with supplies for Fort Sumpter. By February seven of the Southern States--South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana and Texas--had seceded from the Union and formed "the Confederate States of America," with Jefferson Davis of Mississippi as President, and Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia as Vice-President.

Lincoln could, meanwhile, only wait in Springfield, during this most trying interregnum; while the uncertain and impotent Buchanan allowed the reins of government to slip from his weak hands, and many influential men at the North counselled for peace at any price. Lincoln was distressed, absent-minded, sad but also calm as he worked on his inaugural address--a tremendous responsibility under the circumstances; for in that address he must announce a policy in one of the gravest crises that ever confronted a ruler in this world--sorrowful unto death, he said, "I shall never be glad any more." Also he was beset with office-seekers and troubled with his cabinet appointments; for the agreement that Judge Davis had made at the Chicago convention with Cameron of Pennsylvania was not to his liking.

As the time approached for his inauguration he visited his step-mother, made a pilgrimage to the grave of his father, and on February 11 started for Washington, after taking leave at Springfield, of his old friends, who gathered at the station early in the morning and stood bareheaded in the rain while he spoke these beautiful words of affectionate farewell from the platform of the coach:

"My friends, no one not in my situation can appreciate my feelings of sadness at this parting. To this place and the kindness of these people I owe everything. Here I have lived for a quarter of a century and passed from a young man to an old man. Here my children have been born and one is buried. I now leave, not knowing when or whether ever I may return, with a task before me greater than that which rested upon Washington. Without the assistance of that Divine Being who ever attended him, I cannot succeed. With that assistance I cannot fail. Trusting to Him who can go with me, and remain with you, and be everywhere for good, let us confidently hope that all will yet be well. To His care commending you, as I hope in your prayers you will commend me, I bid you an affectionate farewell."

On the way he made short informal speeches--tactfully avoiding any announcement of policy--at Columbus, Cleveland, Buffalo, Albany and New York. On Washington's birthday at Philadelphia, he celebrated the admission of Kansas as a free state by raising over Independence Hall a new flag of thirty-four stars. He was deeply moved and spoke fervently of "that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which gives liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but also hope to all the people of the world for all future times; which gave promise that in due time the weights would be lifted from the shoulders of all men, and that all should have an equal chance." And finally, "If this country cannot be saved without giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot than to surrender it."

His reference to assassination may have been due to the report of detectives that they had discovered a plot to kill him as he went through Baltimore. Contrary to advice concerning his personal safety, he kept his engagement to address the legislature at Harrisburg before going on to Washington. In the Capital and the country thereabout were many Confederate sympathizers.

Even during the few days that he was in Washington before his inauguration, men over the country were betting that he would never be inaugurated. March 4, 1861, dawned in bright sunshine. At noon the aged Buchanan called upon Lincoln to escort him to the Capital, there to place upon the shoulders of the great Westerner the burden which had been too heavy for the infirm old diplomat. Together they drove down Pennsylvania Avenue to the Capitol where the ceremony was held in the east portico. Distinguished officials were there, but the crowd was small, because of the rumors of tragedy--and the aged Commander Scott had posted troops with instructions, "if any of them raise their heads or show a finger, shoot to kill."

The moment came for the new President to take the oath of office. Lincoln, attired in clothes obviously new, was plainly embarrassed, and stood for an awkward moment holding his high hat in one hand and in the other a gold-headed ebony stick. Douglas, his old rival, stepped promptly forward with delightful grace and relieved him of hat and cane and held them for him--a beautiful incident the significance of which was long remembered. Senator Baker of Oregon--one of his old Springfield friends--formally presented him, and after he had read his address, the aged Chief Justice Taney, who had written the Dred Scott Decision, administered the oath of office.

His address, for which the nation had long been waiting, was read distinctly, so that all could hear--hear him say that "misunderstandings had caused differences;"--disavow any intentions to interfere with the existing institution of slavery, and even declare himself in favor of a new fugitive slave law. But concerning the Union he was firm. He clearly put the Union above any issue concerning slavery. He said: "The Union of these States is perpetual.... No state upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union.... I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all of the States," and he was determined "to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts." And he closed with the beautiful peroration founded upon one of Seward's suggestions: "I am loathe to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break the bonds of our affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature."

The four years and forty days that remain of Lincoln's life is but the story of his wonderful part in our great Civil War.

When Lincoln turned from his inauguration to take up the duties of his office he faced a responsibility greater than that which had rested upon Washington, as great as had ever rested upon any man on this planet in all the ages. His own dear country--that nation which lovers of mankind had hoped would lead the world in advancing human welfare, was already rent asunder and everywhere the men who had been accustomed to lead in thought and action were divided. Men of influence at the North advised peaceful separation. Radials at the South declared that they would take Washington and make it the Confederate Capital. Prominent men at the North declared that the South could not be and should not be coerced. And with these terrible problems puzzling him, Lincoln was also pestered with office-seekers until he remarked, "This struggle and scramble for office will yet test our institutions." For his Cabinet he chose William H. Seward, Secretary of State; Salmon P. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury; Simon Cameron, Secretary of War; Gideon Wells, Secretary of the Navy; Caleb B. Smith, Secretary of the Interior; Edward Bates, Attorney-General; Montgomery Blair, Postmaster-General.

The first day after inauguration the whole problem was presented to him in a letter from Major Anderson with his hungry soldiers at Fort Sumpter. He wanted provisions and reinforcements; twenty thousand soldiers would be necessary to hold the fort, and the whole standing army numbered sixteen thousand men. General Scott advised evacuation. Lincoln said, "When Anderson goes out of Fort Sumpter I shall have to go out of the White House." The military advisers differed: the cabinet differed; and while Lincoln pondered over the problem, Seward acquiesced in the general assumption that he rather than Lincoln was the real head of the Government; and accordingly prepared and laid before Lincoln "Some Thoughts for the President's Consideration," in which after complaining of the "lack of policy" he boldly proposed to make war on Spain and France, and seek "explanations from Great Britain and Russia," and suggested that the direction of this policy be devolved by the President "upon some member of his cabinet," and indicating with modest significance "it is not my especial province; but I neither seek to assume or evade responsibility." Lincoln met this proposal in a magnanimous spirit, saying, "As to the proposed policy, if this must be done I must do it.... When a general line of policy is adopted, I apprehend that there is no danger of it being changed without good reason, or continuing to be a subject of unnecessary debate; still, upon points arising in its progress I wish, and suppose that I am entitled to have, the advice of all the cabinet."

Thus Seward came to understand, as the nation later understood, who was the head of the government, and how wise and capable he was; and this superiority, Seward was great enough to freely acknowledge two months later in the words: "Executive force and vigor are rare qualities ... the President is the best of us."

On April 12 the Confederates fired on Fort Sumpter, and by that act of aggression unified and aroused the North. Douglas promptly assured the President of his support and telegraphed his followers that he had given his pledge "to sustain the President in the exercise of his constitutional functions to preserve the Union, maintain the government and defend the Federal Capital." Thus ended the talk of compromise, conciliation, concession, and also the discussion of the right or wrong of slavery. The President in his patient, kindly wisdom had substituted the issue of Union, and had waited until the Confederacy was the aggressor. On April 15 he called for 75,000 volunteers and called Congress to convene in extra session July 4.

The response was immediate and resolute. The North, glad that the long suspense was over, offered hundreds of thousands of men for the Union. The Confederates threatened to capture Washington and make it the Confederate capital, and for a few days there was grave fear that they would do so. The Sixth Massachusetts was assaulted by a mob in the streets of Baltimore, four soldiers and twelve rioters killed and many wounded; and the Southern sympathisers in Maryland objected to the passing of soldiers through that state. The President, as usual conciliatory and patient but firm, said, "there is no piece of American soil too good to be pressed by the foot of a loyal soldier as he marches to the defense of the capital of his country."

Among the President's great tasks then were to prevent the secession of any more states, to prevent European recognition of the Confederacy, and to create an army and navy. His diplomacy saved for the Union Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri.

With increasing confidence and power the President watched over men and events; cautiously and patiently, with mistakes and successes; amid acrid criticism, noisy abuse and malignant misrepresentation, he made his slow sure way.

The first disaster at Manassas staggered and steadied the North. The President called to the command of the army of the Potomac, General George B. McClellan, who had been winning small successes and sending large telegrams in Western Virginia. He was brilliant, bold, spectacular, a good organizer and soon trained the strong young raw recruits--farmers and artisans--into one of the finest armies the world had ever witnessed. While McClellan was drilling and preparing in the East, Fremont in the West assumed the authority to issue a proclamation emancipating the slaves of all non-Union men in Missouri; an act which delighted the abolitionists of the North but created consternation in the border states and added to the perplexities of the President. In order to save for the Union cause the border states of Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri the President had to revoke the proclamation of Fremont and suffer the thoughtless abuse of the abolitionists who even talked of impeachment. They saw only the immediate and moral issue of slavery rather than the ultimate political issue of Union--in their premature haste to free a few slaves they would have lost the whole cause both of freedom and of Union. Lincoln loved freedom as much as they but was more wise; nevertheless the patient President suffered much from the misunderstanding. His patience was never exhausted though terribly tried by the unjust criticism from many sources, by the piques and prides of new-made Generals who felt able to command armies though they could not command their own tempers; by the impertinent Buell who failed to move into East Tennessee and stop the Confederate depredations against loyal citizens; and by the unappreciative McClellan who was too young to understand the President's fatherly solicitude, and who drilled and drilled but did not go forward to fight.

In the light of the troubles that the President had with embryo-Generals one can appreciate the narrative that a caller finding him pondering over some papers asked what he was doing and got the reply, "O nothing much--just making a few Generals." And once when a message bearer gravely told him that the enemy had captured a couple of Generals and some mules, he replied, "What a pity to lose all those mules."

Bull Run had made the people more cautious about crying "on to Richmond," and so all Washington took holidays and enjoyed going out to see McClellan's grand army manoeuvres--all except the President for whom there was to be no more joy--no more holidays. To a sympathetic friend he replied, "I want not sympathy for myself but success for our cause."

Again the wisdom of the President was tested and proved in the case of Mason and Slidell, the Confederate commissioners to Great Britain, whom a Federal warship had taken from a British mail packet. A British ultimatum demanded immediate restitution and apology, while public sentiment at home demanded that they be retained; but the President averted trouble with England by sending the commissioners on their way.

In the President's message to Congress, some days later, he made no reference at all to this affair because he knew when to be silent as well as when to explain.

Evidence of the true greatness and the forgiveness of the President and that he put the cause far above any personal consideration is in the fact of his appointing Edwin M. Stanton Secretary of War, to succeed Cameron to whom he had given the post as Minister to Russia. Stanton was a Democrat, a friend of McClellan, and had never ceased to speak of Lincoln with that gross abuse with which he had greeted Lincoln the lawyer in the McCormick case at Cincinnati in 1859. But with all Stanton's injustice to Lincoln--his revilings and his insults--he accepted the cabinet place when Lincoln offered it to him. But if Stanton was truculent, a tyrant and a bully--infinitely more important--he was honest and strong in office and broke the ring of grafters who had been robbing the government, and did his work heroically. That was what the President wished. And Stanton soon learned as others learned that Lincoln was master of every situation. Lincoln's friends opposed the appointment of Stanton and reminded the President of how crudely Stanton had treated him at Cincinnati, but the President had no thought for himself or his own future. He was concerned only to get the men who could best serve the great cause.

Lincoln's peculiar fitness for the tremendous tribulations of the Presidency at that time is further proved by his experiences with the recalcitrant McClellan. The General had been drilling and getting ready for six months,--both President and public desired action; but the General wished to become so fully prepared that an assured and decisive victory would end the war. The President was patient, persuasive, reasonable: the General was querulous, petty and sometimes actually insulting. The two differed as to their plans for advancing upon the Confederates. While the General assumed a contempt for the opinions of a civilian, time has shown that the President was wise.

Burdened as the great heart was with the weight of the nation, additional sorrows came into the White House when his two boys, Willie and Tad, fell ill with typhoid fever. By day and by night the grief-crazed father divided his time between watching the bedside of his boys and watching over the struggling nation. Though always religious in the deepest sense, the death of Willie seemed to strengthen his insight into the mysteries of the spiritual life. For awhile he seemed grief-crazed, and ever after, the great soul that had always been compassionate was even more tender in its broodings over all the people of the nation, both South and North, and in many beautiful instances he softened the severities of war.

During the early part of the war the North was not at all unanimous in its opposition to slavery, and could only be united in the purpose to save the Union; but slavery could not be ignored. From the Southern standpoint the war was caused by slavery, and even the Union generals were compelled to deal with fugitive slaves that came within their lines. Halleck sent them out of camp; Buell and Hooker allowed their owners to come and take them; Butler held them as "contraband of war." As the war dragged on longer than the people had anticipated the abolition sentiment in the North grew until from press and pulpit there came adjurations to "free the slaves." The politicians told the President the "will of the people," and the preachers told him the "will of God"; but the great mind of the President held his own counsel, for he knew that the slave-holding but loyal border states presented a peculiar problem.

Early in 1862 he recommended to Congress the adoption of a joint resolution that the "United States co-operate with any state which may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such state pecuniary aid." The resolution was adopted, but the border states would have nothing to do with the plan. Later General Hunter in proclaiming martial law over certain Southern territory, proclaimed "the persons in these states, heretofore held as slaves, forever free." The President revoked the order as he had revoked a similar action on the part of Fremont, adding firmly, "whether it be competent for me as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, to declare the slaves of any state or states free, and whether at any time, in any case, it shall have become a necessity of government to exercise such supposed power, are questions which, under my responsibility, I reserve to myself." And again he appealed to the people of the border states to adopt his plan of gradual compensated emancipation, proved the wisdom of his plan by unanswerable logic, and showed that the cost of such compensation was much less than the cost of the probable prolongation of the war. The loyal slave-holders of the border states were not ready to give up their slaves.

Then the President began to contemplate emancipation, but kept his purposes to himself; kept his secret so well that even after he had determined upon emancipation and was being criticised for not taking that step he replied to his critics, "My paramount object is to save the Union and not either to save or destroy slavery." Horace Greeley retorted with abuse, indicating that Greeley was unable to see the wisdom of the President's policy--for those whose support was necessary to win the war were not yet ready for emancipation.

When preachers called to reveal to him, "the will of God" he replied, "If it is probable that God would reveal His will to others on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed He would reveal it directly to me."

All these months he had been at work with his slow but accurate thought, framing in secret the most momentous document in American history since the Declaration of Independence. He did this in the cipher-room of the War Department telegraph office, where he was accustomed to spend anxious hours waiting for news from the boys at the front, and also to seek what rest he could in thus hiding away from the never-ending stream of tormentors, office-seekers, politicians and emissaries of sage advice.

Emancipation was in his mind even while, for good reasons, he made no reference to it. He waited for the right time--waited for victory--waited in great patience and great anguish. And when he did first announce his purpose of emancipation it was to apply only to those "persons held as slaves within any state or designated part of a state the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States." Thus sparing the loyal border states holding slaves, and allowing a way of escape for others that should cease their rebellion. It was conservative but wise. On the one hand the radical abolitionists were not satisfied, and on the other hand the masses were not all ready to give him hearty support in it. But he said, "I must do the best I can and bear the responsibility of taking the course which I think I ought to take." It was thus this silent self-reliant man, without intimates, without supporting friends, bore almost alone on his resolute shoulders, the mighty weight of responsibility. Once more he urged upon Congress his old policy of gradual compensated emancipation. He plead:--"We say that we are for the Union. The world will not forget that we say this. We know how to save the Union. The world knows that we know how to save it. We--even we here--hold the power and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free,--honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly LOSE THE LAST BEST HOPE OF EARTH. Other means may succeed, this cannot fail. The way is peaceful; generous; just; a way which, if followed, the world will forever applaud and God must forever bless." But they would not, and the lonely man in the White House,--kind eyes more deeply sunken, bronze face more deeply furrowed, sad tones more deeply affected--went about his duties asking sympathy nor counsel of anyone.

On New Year's Day, 1863, after the great reception was over, he signed the final Proclamation of Emancipation. Though at home there was still ridicule and abuse, in England the effect of the Proclamation was significant; for there the laboring men were in dire distress because they could get no cotton for their mills; but these English laborers--hearing of the Emancipation Proclamation--felt that the cause of the Union was the cause of freedom and of labor--and though the wealthy mill-owners of England, who were not suffering would, some of them, gladly have destroyed the Union and perpetuated slavery to get cotton; the laborers--even while starving--brought pressure to bear upon the English government to prevent further aid to the Confederacy, heroically preferring starvation in the cause of freedom. Lincoln referred to these actions on the part of England's laborers as "an instance of Christian heroism which has not been surpassed in any age or any country." And later those English laborers built a monument to Lincoln on which they inscribed, "Lover of Humanity."

Everyone but Lincoln had lost patience with McClellan's overcautiousness and when he failed to follow Lee's retreat from Antietam, Lincoln removed him and placed in command Burnside, whose defeat at Fredericksburg caused him to be replaced by Hooker, whose defeat at Chancellorsville caused him to be replaced by Meade, who disappointed the President in not following up the victory at Gettysburg.

July 4, 1863, Gettysburg and Vicksburg, decisive victories, coming together should have ended the war. The Confederates could not win after that, but still they fought on. On November 19, 1863, the National Cemetery at the battlefield of Gettysburg was dedicated; and after Edward Everett had delivered the formal oration of the occasion, Lincoln delivered the most notable short speech that has ever been delivered in the English language. A copy of Lincoln's Gettysburg Address is given in another volume of this series called "Speeches of Lincoln."

The tide has turned but much costly fighting is still necessary, first in East Tennessee, and later in Virginia, and also Sherman must fight his way into the very heart of the South and break its lines of communication before the resolute Confederates will yield.

In the West, Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, Pittsburgh Landing, and Vicksburg were the victories that made Grant known as the most successful Union general. The President advanced him to the rank of Lieutenant General, brought him East, placed him in command of all the armies, and gave him the task of beating Lee, taking Richmond and ending the war.

In the fall of 1864, notwithstanding some opposition, Lincoln was re-elected President. Again during this campaign, his attitude toward his critics and his opponents attested still further his true greatness, magnanimity and devotion to duty. Though he desired to be re-elected he would make no effort toward that end, but instead gave his entire energies to the work of saving the Union. Chase in the cabinet was an open candidate against his chief. Lincoln proved that he had no resentment by later appointing Chase as Chief Justice in the place of the aged Roger B. Taney who died. When friends told the President that he would surely be defeated for re-election if he approved another draft of soldiers, he replied that the cause did not require his re-election but did require more soldiers--and at once ordered a new draft for 500,000 additional men.

Lincoln breathed a most beautiful spirit of forgiveness in his Second Inaugural Address which is printed in full in the volume of this series, "Speeches of Lincoln."

In March, 1865, Grant sent a message saying that he was about to close in on Lee and end the war, and invited Lincoln to visit Grant's headquarters. And that is how it was that the President, being at Grant's headquarters, could enter Richmond the day after the Confederates retreated. So Lincoln, with his small son Tad and Admiral Porter, escorted by a little group of sailors, simply, on foot, entered the abandoned capital, not as one bringing the vengeance of a conqueror, but the love of a liberator. One of the great moments of all history was when an aged negro, baring his white wool, made reverent obeisance to the President, and Lincoln in recognition took off his high hat.

He remained two days in Richmond discussing the plans for the restoration of federal authority, counseling kindness and forgiveness. "Let them down easy," he said to the military governor; "get them to plowing and gathering in their own little crops." Thus he was preparing to "bind up the nation's wounds," with a spiritual development so far beyond his contemporaries that they could not even understand him.

Then he went back to Washington where he heard of Lee's surrender, and two days later, to a large crowd at the White House, delivered a carefully prepared speech outlining his policy of reconstruction, such as he had already begun in Louisiana. Already he was being criticised for being "too kind to the rebels."

That was the last speech he ever made.

Little Tad said, "Father has never been happy since we came to Washington." His laughter had failed, he had aged rapidly, his shoulders were bent, dreadful dreams had haunted him and on the night of the 13th he had one which oppressed him. But the next day was the fourth anniversary of the evacuation of Fort Sumpter,--Good Friday, April 14. And at last he was happy, sharing with his people the joy that came with the end of the war.

He took a drive with Mrs. Lincoln and they planned for the future--they would save a little money and go back to Springfield and he would practice law again. To his wife this unnatural joy was portentous--she remembered that he had been like this just before little Willie died. In the evening they went to Ford's Theatre. Stanton tried to dissuade them because the secret service had heard rumors of assassination. Because Stanton insisted on a guard Major Rathbone was along. At 9 o'clock the party entered the President's box--the President was very happy--at 10:20 a shot was heard--Major Rathbone sprang to grapple with the assassin and was slashed with a dagger. The assassin fell as he sprang from the box to the stage, where he brandished his bloody dagger, yelled with terrible theatricalism, "_sic semper tyrannis_," and stalking lamely from the platform disappeared in the darkness and rode away. The President was unconscious from the first, and as they bore him from the theatre a lodger from a house across the street said "Take him up to my room," where he lay unconscious until next morning when he ceased to breathe; and Stanton at his bedside said, "Now he belongs to the Ages."

Someone had recognized the assassin as John Wilkes Booth, an actor, a fanatic in the Southern cause. And in killing Lincoln he did his people of the South the greatest possible harm.

The North had been decorated with celebration of victory; now it was bowed and dazed with grief and rage. Those that had abused him and maligned him and opposed him now came to understand him as in a new light they saw him transfigured by his great sacrifices.

They reverently folded the body in the flag and carried it first to the White House and then to the Capitol where it lay in state; and then they began that long journey back to Springfield over the very route he had come on his way to the Capital in 1861. Everywhere in cities and in towns great crowds gathered, heedless of night or rain or storm, and even as the train sped over the open country at night little groups of farmers could be seen by the roadside in the dim light watching for the train and waving their lanterns in a sad farewell.

Whatever anger and resentment the North may have felt, the weeping thousands who looked upon the face of Lincoln as it was borne homeward saw only forgiveness and peace.

But his beautiful dream of amnesty was not to be realized. Mutual forgiveness and reconciliation were ideals too high for many of his contemporaries at that time, and their spirit of revenge bore its inevitable fruit of injustice and bitterness in the days of reconstruction that followed. How different it might all have been had Lincoln continued to live. How his great influence would have helped in the solution of the nation's problems after the war. A besotted wretch snuffed out the most important life on earth that day.

Misguided men of his time ridiculed him because they were unable to comprehend his lofty ideals or see the practical wisdom of his great purposes. They measured him by their own puny standards and in condemning him only condemned themselves. His sad life, his tragic death, his immortal glory are one with all the reformers, prophets and saviors of the world. As war scenes receded, as men's prejudices cooled, as the mighty issues were better understood, men came to see how truly great he was. He finished successfully the most important and most difficult task ever bequeathed to one mortal man in all history.

* * * * *

Other Titles in Pocket Series

Drama

46 Salome. Oscar Wilde.
50 Pillars of Society. Ibsen.
131 Redemption. Tolstoi.
99 Tartuffe. Moliere.
54 Importance of Being Earnest. Oscar Wilde.
81 Pelleas and Melisande. Maeterlinck.
8 Lady Windermere's Fan. Oscar Wilde.
226 Prof. Bernhardi. Schnitzler.

Fiction

6 De Maupassant's Stories.
15 Balzac's Stories.
178 One of Cleopatra's Nights. Gautier.
58 Boccaccio's Stories.
45 Tolstoi's Stories.
12 Poe's Tales.
145 Great Ghost Stories.
21 Carmen. Merimee.
38 Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde.
27 Last Days of a Condemned Man. Hugo.
151 Man Who Would Be King. Kipling.
47 He Renounced the Faith. Jack London.
41 Christmas Carol.
57 Rip Van Winkle.
100 Red Laugh. Andreyev.
148 Strength of the Strong. London.
105 Seven That Were Hanged. Andreyev.
102 Sherlock Holmes Tales.
161 Country of the Blind. H. G. Wells.
85 Attack on the Mill. Zela.
156 Andersen's Fairy Tales.
158 Alice in Wonderland.
37 Dream of John Bull.
40 House and the Brain.
12 Color of Life. E. Haldeman-Julius.
198 Majesty of Justice. Anatole France.
215 The Miraculous Revenge. Bernard Shaw.
24 The Kiss and Other Stories. Chekhov.
219 The Human Tragedy. Anatole France.
196 The Marquise. Sand.
230 The Fleece of Gold. Theophile Gautier.
232 Three Strangers. Hardy.
239 Twenty-Six Men and a Girl. Maxium Gorki.
29 Dreams. Schreiner.

History, Biography

126 History of Rome.
128 Caesar: Who He Was.
185 History of Printing.
175 Science of History. Froude.
52 Voltaire. Victor Hugo.
125 War Speeches of Woodrow Wilson.
142 Bismarck and the German Empire.
51 Bruno: His Life and Martyrdom.
147 Cromwell and His Day.
236 State and Heart Affairs of Henry VIII.
50 Paine's Common Sense.
88 Vindication of Paine. Ingersoll.
33 Smasher of Shams.
163 Sex Life in Greece and Rome.
214 Speeches of Lincoln.
144 Was Poe Immoral? Whitman.
104 Battle of Waterloo. Victor Hugo.
159 Lincoln and the Working Class.
223 Essay on Swinburne. Quiller-Couch.
229 Diderot. Ellis.
227 Keats. The Man. His Work and His Friends.
201 Satan and the Saints. H. M. Tichenor.
67 Church History. Tichenor.
139 Life of Dante.

Humor

18 Idle Thoughts of an Idle Fellow. Jerome.
20 Let's Laugh. Nasby.
166 English as She Is Spoke. Mark Twain.
205 Artemus Ward. His Book.
187 Whistler's Humor.
216 Wit of Heinrich Heine. Geo. Eliot.
231 8 Humorous Sketches. Mark Twain.

Literature

97 Love Letters of King Henry VIII.
36 Soul of Man Under Socialism. O. Wilde.
28 Toleration. Voltaire.
89 Love Letters of Men and Women of Genius.
87 Love. Montaigne.
48 Bacon's Essays.
60 Emerson's Essays.
84 Love Letters of a Nun.
26 On Going to Church. Shaw.
61 Tolstoi's Essays.
176 Four Essays. Ellis.
160 Shakespeare. Ingersoll.
186 How I Write "The Raven." Poe.
75 Choice of Books. Carlyle.
76 Prince of Peace. Bryan.
86 On Reading. Brandes.
95 Confessions of An Opium Eater.
188 How Voltaire Fooled Priest and King.
3 18 Essays. Voltaire.
213 Lincoln. Ingersoll.
183 Realism in Art and Literature. Darrow.
177 Subjection of Women. John Stuart Mill.
17 On Walking. Thoreau.
70 Lamb's Essays.
135 Socialism for Millionaires. G. B. Shaw.
235 Essays. G. K. Chesterton.
7 A Liberal Education. Thomas Huxley.
233 Thoughts on Literature and Art. Goethe.
225 Condescension in Foreigners. J. R. Lowell.
221 Women, and Other Essays. Maeterlinck.
218 Essays. Jean Jaures.
10 Shelley. F. Thompson.

Maxims and Epigrams

56 Wisdom of Ingersoll.
106 Aphorisms. Geo. Sand.
168 Epigrams. O. Wilde.
59 Epigrams of Wit.
35 Maxims. Rochefoucauld.
154 Epigrams of Ibsen.
197 Witticisms. De Sevigne.
180 Epigrams. G. B. Shaw.
155 Maxims. Napoleon.
113 Proverbs of England.
114 Proverbs of France.
115 Proverbs of Japan.
116 Proverbs of China.
117 Proverbs of Italy.
118 Proverbs of Russia.
119 Proverbs of Ireland.
120 Proverbs of Spain.
121 Proverbs of Arabia.
181 Epigrams. Thoreau.
228 Aphorisms. Huxley.

Philosophy, Religion

62 Schopenhauer's Essays.
94 Trial and Death of Socrates.
65 Meditations of Marcus Aurelius.
44 Aesop's Fables.
165 Discovery of the Future. H. G. Wells.
96 Dialogues of Plato.
103 Pocket Theology. Voltaire.
132 Foundations of Religion.
138 Studies in Pessimism. Schopenhauer.
211 Idea of God in Nature. John Stuart Mill.
212 Life and Character. Goethe.
200 Ignorant Philosopher. Voltaire.
101 Thoughts of Pascal.
207 Olympian Gods. H. M. Tichenor.
210 The Stoic Philosophy. Prof. Gilbert Murray.
220 Essays on New Testament. Blatchford.
224 God: Known and Unknown. Butler.
19 Nietzsche. Who He Was and What He Stood For.
204 Sun Worship and Later Beliefs. Tichenor.
184 Primitive Beliefs. H. M. Tichenor.

Poetry

1 Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam.
73 Whitman's Poems.
2 Wilde's Reading Jail.
32 Poe's Poems.
164 Michael Angelo's Sonnets
71 Poems of Evolution.
146 Snow-Bound, Pied Piper.
9 Great English Poems.
79 Enoch Arden. Tennyson.
68 Shakespeare's Sonnets.
173 Vision of Sir Launfal.
222 The Vampire and Other Poems. Kipling.
237 Prose Poems. Baudelaire.

Science

190 Psycho-Analysis--The Key to Human Behavior. Fielding.
49 Three Lectures on Evolution. Haeckel.
42 From Monkey to Man.
288 Reflections on Modern Science. Huxley.
202 Survival of the Fittest. H. M. Tichenor.
191 Evolution vs. Religion. Balmforth.
133 Electricity Explained.
92 Hypnotism Made Plain.
53 Insects and Men: Instinct and Reason Darrow.
189 Eugenics. Ellis.
107 How to Strengthen Mind and Memory.
108 How to Develop a Healthy Mind.
109 How to Develop a Strong Will.
110 How to Develop a Magnetic Personality.
111 How to Attract Friends.
112 How to Be a Leader of Others.
140 Biology and Spiritual Philosophy. Tichenor.

Series of Debates

11 Debate on Religion. John H. Holmes and George Bowne.
39 Did Jesus Ever Live?
130 Controversy on Christianity. Ingersoll and Gladstone.
43 Marriage and Divorce. Horace Greeley and Robert Owen.
208 Debate on Birth Control. Mrs. Sanger and Winter Russell.
121 Rome or Reason. Ingersoll and Manning.
122 Spiritualism. Conan Doyle and McCabe.
171 Has Life Meaning?
206 Capitalism vs. Socialism. Seligman and Nearing.
13 Is Free Will a Fact or a Fallacy?
234 McNeal-Sinclair Debate on Socialism.

Miscellaneous

192 Book of Synonyms.
25 Rhyming Dictionary.
78 How to Be an Orator.
82 Common Faults in Writing English.
127 What Expectant Mothers Should Know.
81 Care of the Baby.
136 Child Training.
137 Home Nursing.
14 What Every Girl Should Know. Mrs. Sanger.
34 Case for Birth Control.
91 Manhood: Facts of Life Presented to Men.
83 Marriage Past, Present and Future. Besant.
74 On Threshold of Sex.
98 How to Love.
172 Evolution of Love. Key.
203 Rights of Women. Ellis.
209 Aspects of Birth Control. Medical, Moral, Sociological.
143 Pope Leo on Socialism.
152 Foundations of Labor Movement. Phillips.
30 What Life Means to Me. Jack London.
93 How to Live 100 Years.
167 Plutarch on Health.

End of Project Gutenberg's Life of Abraham Lincoln, by John Hugh Bowers