Chapter XVIII: French Opera (2)

beforehand, and he found zealous supporters among the journalists, especially the Abbé Arnaud; the opposition engendered by the enthusiastic partisanship of his admirers was in his favour in so far that it prevented the interest of the public from becoming faint.[78]

Opposition came, as might have been expected, from both sides;[79] the followers of Lully and Rameau would not grant any progress made, and saw in Gluck's innovations nothing but the harmful influence of Italian music,[80] while the partisans of the Italians looked upon Gluck's music as essentially identical with the "old French," and complained of the "tudesque" modifications of the Italian style.[81] As usual, neither party was satisfied with the concessions made to it, and still less would either acknowledge that its strong places had been overthrown. J. J. Rousseau alone acknowledged himself vanquished; and as he had previously done justice to Grétry's efforts, so he now extolled Gluck's music as being genuinely dramatic.[82] Not so Grimm. He was too well versed in Italian music not to perceive that if Gluck's ideas became prevalent, those forms which he held to be essential would soon be annihilated; Gluck's operas appeared to him a revival of the old French style, which would

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only hinder or retard the triumph of the Italian. It is true that out of deference to public opinion, and to that of many of his friends and of Gluck's royal patroness, he does not express himself very positively on the subject, but his real views cannot be mistaken.[83]

With just discrimination the directors had declared that they would not risk appearing before the public with one of Gluck's operas; if he would write six, they might have a chance of success. Gluck himself was aware that if he was to succeed in the long run, his "Iphigénie" must not be left long alone. He rapidly revised and elaborated "Orphée et Euridice," not at all to the advantage of the opera, in which he was induced, quite against his principles, to insert a long bravura aria by Bertoni.[84] It was performed on August 2, 1774, with great success,[85] and was followed on February 27, 1775, by a one-act opera, "L'Arbre Enchanté," and on August 11, 1775, by an opera in three acts, "La Cythère Assiégée," neither of which had any lasting effect. In order to insure a fresh and lasting success Gluck took in hand his "Alceste" anew. The text was thoroughly revised by Du Rollet, with the adoption of Rousseau's suggestions, especially in the second act; Hercules is introduced again, but not very skilfully.[86] Gluck's revision was a very thorough one; the old music was transposed, curtailed, or lengthened, the details altered, and new passages inserted, generally with admirable discrimination.[87] Then, in order to put new works in direct competition with his old compositions, he undertook to set operas by Quinault to music unaltered, and chose "Roland" and "Armida."

While Gluck was engaged on these works in Vienna, the

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supporters of Italian music, who were now convinced of the possibility of procuring foreign composers for the grand opera, sought on their side to oppose a rival to Gluck. Some time previously Madame Dubarry had been induced by La Borde's influence to obtain the presence in Paris of Piccinni, the most esteemed of Italian composers.[88] The Neapolitan ambassador, the Marquis Caraccioli, by his intellect and position a powerful patron of the arts and sciences, had been mainly instrumental in summoning Piccinni; and the young Queen, Marie Antoinette, who saw no necessity for bending her inclinations to party interests in the matter of music, and who, like her brother the Emperor, was personally attached to Italian music, gave her consent to Piccinni's appointment.

Marmontel declared himself ready to adapt an opera by Quinault for Piccinni, of whose music he announced himself the champion.[89] When Gluck heard that the work selected was the "Roland," on which he was already at work, he published a letter ("Année Littéraire," 1776), in which he bitterly complained of this affront, and violently assailed his adversaries.

Open war was now declared between the critics of the Gluckists and the Piccinnists, and carried on in pamphlets, journal articles, and epigrams, with so much violence that even the public were led into a partisanship more eager than had ever before arisen from a question of art.[90] The leaders of the Piccinnists were Marmontel and La Harpe, while Gluck's faithful partisans were Arnaud and Suard, who appeared as the Anonymous of Vaugirard.[91] Grimm took no direct share in the contest; but his comments on it show him,

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in spite of apparent impartiality, to have been decidedly on the side of Piccinni.

The first performance of "Alceste," on April 23, 1776, was a failure, and it only gained in public favour by slow degrees.[92] "Iphigénie," too, which was reproduced, was severely criticised. But this severity served but to increase public sympathy, and Gluck's operas drew full houses, and became more and more unmistakably popular.

Piccinni arrived in Paris quite at the end of 1776. He was welcomed by all the composers, Grétry alone failing to pay his respects to him. For this he was severely censured, since on first coming to Paris he had announced himself as a pupil of Piccinni, which he was not.[93] Strange and unknown in Paris, Piccinni took a great distaste to its harsh climate, its unaccustomed way of living. His ignorance of the French language isolated him and debarred him from any personal share in the contest of which he was the subject.

His easy-going and peace-loving temperament prevented his wishing to join in the fray, while for Gluck's passionate nature it was a satisfaction to give vent to angry vituperation in the public journals.

Marmontel relates how he had to instruct Piccinni in French by reading him his opera every day as a task, and translating what Piccinni had to compose.[94] Thus slowly proceeded the work of the dissatisfied maestro, and every day he doubted of its success more and more.[95]

Gluck began the rehearsals of his "Armide" in July, 1777, and it was performed on September 23. The opera, on which Gluck had built such confident hopes of success, was very coolly received.[96] Its failure was owing partly to

{PARIS, 1778.}

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the dangerous rivalry of Lully, partly to the fact that the subject was not suited to his genius,[97] and partly also to the premonitory shadow of Piccinni's new work. Justice was not done to "Armide" until later.[98]

La Harpe attacked it bitterly, and Gluck, in a violent retort, called for the aid of the Anonymous of Vaugirard, which did not tarry. Then began the rehearsals of Piccinni's opera, and the storm of partisanship was let loose.[99] Piccinni was incapable of restraining it. While his friends espoused his cause with zeal, while Gluck himself sought to restrain the singers and the orchestra,[100] Piccinni looked sorrowfully to heaven and sighed, "Ah! toutte va male, toutte!" Firmly convinced that the opera would be a failure, and resolved to return to Naples on the following day, he went to the first performance (January, 1778), consoling his family with the assurance that a cultivated nation like the French would do a composer no bodily harm, even if they did not admire his operas--and experienced a brilliant triumph.[101]

FOOTNOTES CHAPTER XVIII.

[Footnote 1: Ed. Fournier, Mozart ä Paris (Revue Franç., 1856, II., t. 7, p. 28).]

[Footnote 2: Cf. Histoire du Théätre de l'Opéra en France (Paris, 1753; 2nd Edit., 1757). Castil-Blaze, L'Académie Imp. de Musique de 1645 ä 1855 (Paris, 1855,1., II.).]

[Footnote 3: Grimm, Corr. inéd., p. 222; cf. Corr. Litt., I., p. 93. The following is not bad (Corr. Litt., II., p. 205): "M. Hasse, qui avait entendu parler de la légèreté et de la pétulance françaises, ne se lassait point, lorsqu'il fut en ce pays-ci, d'admirer la patience avec laquelle on écoutait ä l'Opéra une musique lourde et monotone." Goldoni amusingly describes the impression made upon him by the French opera (Mém., II., p. 182).]

[Footnote 4: Grimm, Corr. Litt., XV., p. 283; cf. IV., p. 165. Grétry gives more particular instances of the faults of the old style ( Mém., I., p. 301).]

[Footnote 5: The last performance of one of Lully's operas ("Thésée ") was in 1778.]

[Footnote 6: Raguenet, Parallèle des Italiens et François en ce qui regarde la Musique et les Opéras (.Paris, 1702), translated into German, with notes, and the rejoinder of Freneuse de la Vieuville ( Bonnet, Histoire de la Musique, p. 425; Bourdelot, Hist, de la Mus., I., p. 291), in Mattheson's Critica Musica (Hamburg, 1712), I., p. 91, and in Marpurg's Krit. Briefen, I., pp. 65, 89, 113, 398. Freneuse, Comparaison de la Mus. Ital. et de la Mus. Franç. Brussels, 1705 (in Bourdelot'8 Hist, de la Mus., 1725 and 1743, II.-IV.). Raguenet, Défense du Parallèle (Paris, 1705).]

[Footnote 7: La Harpe, Corresp. Litt., II., p. 302.]

[Footnote 8: When Grimm first came to Paris he wrote to Gottsched: "M. Rameau is rightly considered by all connoisseurs to be the greatest musician who has ever lived" (Danzel Gottsched, p. 349). His opinion soon changed, but the account he afterwards gives of Rameau (Corr. Litt., IV., p. 80), prejudiced as it is, recognises Rameau's merits, though without giving him the credit of them. In his Lettre sur "Omphale" (1752, Corr. Litt., XV., p. 281), Grimm gave a detailed criticism in a very moderate tone. A good account of him may be found in Ad. Adam's Derniers Souvenirs d'un Musicien, p. 39.]

[Footnote 9: Hiller, Wöch. Nachr., 1770, p. 331. Schelle, N. Ztschr. f. Mus., LVII., and LVIII., p. 119.]

[Footnote 10: According to Castil-Blaze (L'Opéra Italien, p. 144), the operas produced by the Bouffons were, "La Serva Padrona," by Pergolese; "ü Giocatore," by Orlandini: "ü Maestro di Musica," by Al. Scarlatti; "La Finta Cameri'era," by Atella; "La Donna Superba," by Rinaldo da Capua; "La Scaltra Gover-natrice," by Cocchi; "ü Cinese Rimpatriato," by Selletti; "La Zingara" by Rinaldo da Capua; "Gli Artigiani Arrichiti," by Ladlla; "II. Paratajo" by Jomelli; "Bertoldo in Corte," by Ciampi; "I Viaggiatori," by Leo.]

[Footnote 11: The Italian opera was conducted from the pianoforte only, while in the French opera time was beaten audibly with a stick. Cf. Grétry, Mém., I.p. 39.]

[Footnote 12: The heads of the parties had their regular places below the box of the King and Queen.]

[Footnote 13: It was republished (Corr. Litt., XV., p. 315,) and translated into German (N. Ztschr. f. Mus., IV., p. 63, where it is wrongly ascribed to Rousseau). Grimm speaks of its extraordinary success to Gottsched, and Frau Gottsched speaks of an imitation of it directed against Weisse's operetta, "Der Teufel ist los" (Danzel Gottsched, p. 350).]

[Footnote 14: The account which he gives to Rameau's nephew of his uncle and Italian music is graphic enough (Goethe, XXIII., p. 208).]

[Footnote 15: This was in the well-known Lettre sur la Musique Française (1753), to which the Lettre d'un symphoniste de l'Académie Royale de Musique ä ses camarades de l'orchestre (1753) was a witty after-piece.]

[Footnote 16: Grétry, Mém., I., p. 279.]

[Footnote 17: Rousseau, Confessions 1., VIII. Grimm, Corr. Litt., I., p. 92. Fétis, Curios. Hist, de la Mus., p. 107.]

[Footnote 18: Grimm, Corr. Litt., I., p. 114.]

[Footnote 19: Rousseau had apparently a natural musical talent, which was quickened by Italian music; his logical reflections sometimes led him into error, but he remained accessible to new musical impressions, even when they contradicted his expressed opinions.]

[Footnote 20: Diderot appears to have had some musical taste, but not much cultivation, and in this respect Grimm had some influence upon his opinions, as he certainly had upon Grimm's in more important matters. The article "Poème lyrique" in the Encyclopédie (publ. Corr. Litt., XV., p. 349), is a curious mixture of Italian taste, and of reflections after Diderot's manner: the views it upholds are often warped and superficial.]

[Footnote 21: Grimm, Corr. Litt., VI., p. 229. The parodies are collected in Les Parodies du Nouveau Théätre Italien ( Paris, 1738,I.-IV.). Supplément aux Parodies (Paris, 1763,1. III.).]

[Footnote 22: Favart, Mém., I., p. XVII.]

[Footnote 23: Favart, Mém., I., pp. 203, 214, 228, 233.]

[Footnote 24: [ D'Orville] Histoire de l'Opéra Bouffon (Amst., 1760). [Footnote Desboulmiers] Histoire du Théätre de l'Opéra-Comique (Paris, 1769, I., II.). Fétis, Curios. Hist, de la Mus., p. 342. Castil-Blaze, Acad. Imp. de la Mus., I., p. 216.]

[Footnote 25: Grimm, Corr. Litt., VII., p. 289.]

[Footnote 26: Goldoni concedes the superiority of the opéra-comique over the Italian huffa (Mém., II., p. 227).]

[Footnote 27: Grimm, Corr. Litt., IV., p. 164; VII., p. 126. After 1765 he thought his style "un peu vieux et faible, mais ailleurs plein de finesse, de charme, de grace, et de vérité. C'est toujours malgré sa faiblesse l'homme chez lequel nos jeunes compositeurs devraient aller ä l'école" (Corr. Litt., IV., p. 414). He afterwards exhorts Philidor and Grétry to yield the field to him with honour (Corr. Litt., V.» pp. 140, 369; VI., p. 63).]

[Footnote 28: A. Adam, Derniers Souvenirs d'un Musicien, p. 107.]

[Footnote 29: Grimm, Corr. Litt., VI., p. 61.]

[Footnote 30: Grimm, Corr. Litt., III., p. 136.]

[Footnote 31: Grimm judged him so severely (Corr. inéd., p. 219; cf. Corr. Litt., III., p. 136; VI., p. 208; IX., p. 463); that one suspects personal dislike. Madame de Genlis rightly protested against his severity (Mém., II., p. 22).]

[Footnote 32: Grimm, even in this case, ascribed all the merit to the poet (Corr. Litt., VI., pp. 197, 206); Madame de Genlis, on the contrary, maintained that Monsigny's music caused one to overlook the improbabilities of the piece ( Mém., II., p. 21)]

[Footnote 33: G. Allen, Life of Philidor (Philadelphia, 1863). At first Grimm thought his music no better than other French music (Corr. Litt., II., p. 346; III., p. 89); after 1764 he notes his increasing progress (III., p. 401; IV., p. 200), and praises him highly in 1768 (VI., p. 14). He was accused of stealing from Italian masters, but Grimm retorted that it required great talent to steal in such a way (V., p. 25; VI., p. 145). Later on Grimm considered that Philidor inclined too much to Gluck's manner (IX., p. 378; X., p. 358), and finally he declared that Philidor had grown feeble (XII., p. 468; XIII., p. 137).]

[Footnote 34: Tagebuch der Mannh. Schaub'., I., p. 264.]

[Footnote 35: Marmontel relates the affair more circumstantially (Mém., IX.; Ouvr., II., p. 72).]

[Footnote 36: Grimm discusses this question after the manner of Diderot, on the production of "Le Déserteur," the first comic opera of the kind (Corr. Litt., VI., p. 212). Madame du Deffand thought the exhibition of passion in "Le Déserteur" of very doubtful propriety (Corr. inéd., I., p. 175).]

[Footnote 37: Grimm condemns the "barbarous fashion" of mixing spoken dialogue and song in the comic opera, and asserts that there can be no great composers in France until real recitative is made use of (Corr. Litt., IV., p. 166; VI., pp. 120, 209).]

[Footnote 38: He has given a detailed account of his education, of the suggestions for his works and of his views on dramatic music in his Mémoires ou Essais sur la Musique (Paris, 1789; Brussels 1829,1.-III.). The naïveté of intense vanity is apparent everywhere. His opinions show some power of observation, but are for the most part trivial and arbitrary.]

[Footnote 39: He describes his way of working to the celebrated physician Tronchin (Mém., I., p. 21): "Je lis, je relis vingt fois les paroles que je veux peindre avec des sons; il me faut plusieurs jours pour échauffer ma tète; enfin je perds l'appétit, mes yeux s'enflamment, l'imagination se monte, alors je fais un opéra en trois semaines ou un mois." He maintains that this excitement is more likely to lead a composer aright than attention to rules ( I., pp. 168, 204).]

[Footnote 40: Prince Henry of Prussia paid him the most appropriate compliment in the words: "Vous avez le courage d'oublier que vous êtes musicien pour être poète" ( Mém., I., p. 121, cf., p. 346).]

[Footnote 41: Mém., I., p. 112.]

[Footnote 42: Mém., I., pp. 141, 238; III., p. 144.]

[Footnote 43: Mém., I., p. 169.]

[Footnote 44: Mém., I., pp. 146, 170.]

[Footnote 45: Mém., I., p. 231.]

[Footnote 46: He declared the French language to be the one best suited to music ( I., p. 400), although he does not conceal its difficulties ( I., p. 134), and demonstrates that France is destined to be pre-eminent in music.]

[Footnote 47: Mém., I., p. 212; cf. pp. 224, 260.]

[Footnote 48: Mém., I., p. 339; II., p. 45.]

[Footnote 49: Mém., I., pp. 237, 375.]

[Footnote 50: Mém., I., p. 356.]

[Footnote 51: Mém., II., p. 10. He sometimes gave him good advice (I., p. 215) and Grétry embraced his views (III., p. 377).]

[Footnote 52: Grétry, Mém., I., p. 270; cf. II., p. 331.]

[Footnote 53: Grimm says, after the performance of "Le Huron" (Corr. Litt., VI., p. 34): "M. Grétry est un jeune homme qui fait ici son coup d'essai; mais ce coup d'essai est le chef-d'ouvre d'un maître, qui élève l'auteur sans contradiction au premier rang." His praise of the "Lucile".]

[Footnote 54: Grimm, Corr. Litt., X., p. 228.]

[Footnote 55: Grétry, Mém., I., p. 150.]

[Footnote 56: He himself examines the grounds on which his music has become naturalised in France, "sans me faire des partisans enthousiastes et sans exciter des ces disputes puériles, telles que nous en avons vu (Mém., I., p. 169).]

[Footnote 57: It is almost comical to observe the pertinacity with which the Grand-Opèra brought out its old pieces, to be as pertinaciously attacked by Grimm.]

[Footnote 58: A collection of Klopstock's odes, set to music by Gluck has often been published; he had the "Herrmannsschlacht" ready in his head, according to his habit, but it was never written out. For Gluck's intercourse with Klopstock in Karlsruhe. (see Strauss, Kl. Schr., p. 42. p. 122) and the "Tableau parlant" (VI., p. 251) was equally strong, and he accompanied it with a respectful and appreciative criticism.]

[Footnote 59: It is worthy of note how certain intellectual currents, running through an age, take simultaneous effect in different spheres. The tendency to individuality in art, to truth and nature, which was due to the encyclopedists, made itself manifest side by side with the principle of simple beauty which Winckelmann laid down as characteristic of ancient art.]

[Footnote 60: Planelli, Dell' Opera in Musica (Neap., 1772), p. 148, approves of Gluck's principles, and the latter praises Planelli's performance of "Alceste"; Vine. Manfredini (Regole Arm., p. 163) takes much exception to it.]

[Footnote 61: Schelle has (N. Ztschr. f. Mus., LIX., p. 42) published Calsabigi's letter (Mercure de France, Aug. 21,1784), in which the latter, who considered himself neglected, represents his relations with Gluck.]

[Footnote 62: Mém. pour servir ä l'Hist. de la révolution opérée dans la Musique par Gluck, p. 8.]

[Footnote 63: Calsabigi retracted his opinion on the opera in the letter prefixed to his "Elfrida" in 1794. At that time he believed in Paesiello as the true philosophical composer.]

[Footnote 64: Berlioz rightly protests against Gluck's views (Voy. Mus., II., p. 269; X Travers Chants, p. 150). Cf. Hanslick, Vom Musikalisch-Schönen, p. 24.]

[Footnote 65: A. B. Marx, Musik des neunzehnten Jahrh., p. 82.]

[Footnote 66: Marx ibid., p. 183; he modified his opinion afterwards (Gluck u. d. Opera, II., p. 67. II.]

[Footnote 67: It failed in Naples in 1774 (Galiani, Corr. inéd., II., p. 96).]

[Footnote 68: Count Durazzo had the score printed there; Favart tells him how highly Mondonville and Philidor thought of the opera. (Favart, Mém., II., pp. 67, 102, 180).]

[Footnote 69: Sonnenfels, Briefe IIb. d. Wien. Schaubühne (Ges. Schr., V., p. 155; Hiller, Wöch. Nachr., 1768, p. 127). Riedel, Ueber die Musik des Ritter Gluck, p. IX.]

[Footnote 70: Allgem. deutsche Bibl., X., 2 p. 31. Nicolai, Reise, IV., p. 529. Reichardt relates (A. M. Z., XV., p. 612; Schletteier Reichardt, I., p. 264) that the King afterwards expressed himself in violent terms against Gluck. Cf. A. M. Z., III., p. 187.]

[Footnote 71: Agricola criticised "Alceste" in the Allgem. deutschen Bibliothek (X., 2 p. 29, XIV., 1 p. 3; also in Forkel's Musik. Krit. Bibl., I., p. 174) in a pedantic, trivial spirit, but not ill-naturedly.]

[Footnote 72: Calsabigi says that he wrote the libretti for "Semiramide" and "Iperm-nestra" on Gluck's commission, and they were afterwards taken as the foundation of Salieri's "Danaides" (Cramer, Magaz. d. Mus., I., p. 366; N. Ztschr, f. Mus. LIX., p. 42).]

[Footnote 73: This is correctly put forward by Marx ( Musik des neunzehnten Jahr-hunderts, p. 84).]

[Footnote 74: His admirable ballet music was slow in making its way in Paris; it was so confidently assumed that the French were the first masters in the world for ballet music, that a foreigner had to contend against much prejudice. La Harpe remarks that want of success in this respect was in Gluck's favour, for that his system, consistently carried out, would exclude ballet.]

[Footnote 75: Interesting details of this visit are given by Frz. M. Rudhart, Gluck in Paris (Munich, 1864).]

[Footnote 76: Burney, Reise, II., p. 253. Cf. Cramer's Magazin, 1783, p. 561.]

[Footnote 77: Madame de Genlis, Mém., II., p. 248.]

[Footnote 78: A number of pamphlets and newspaper articles of this and following years are collected in Mémoires pour servir ä l'Histoire de la révolution opérée dans la musique par M. le Chev. Gluck (ä Naples et ä Paris, 1781), partly translated by Siegmeyer: Ueber Gluck und seine Werke (Berlin, 1823). Here again the dispute is chiefly carried on by men of literary rather than musical knowledge (Madame de Genlis, Mém., II., p. 250). The first favourable notices were at once translated by Riedel and published with an enthusiastic preface, Ueber die Musik des Ritters Gluck ( Vienna 1775). This called forth Forkel's criticism (Musik. Krit. Bibl., I., p. 53). He was incapable of appreciating Gluck's true greatness, and as partial and philistine as other Berlin critics of that day; he was spiteful besides; but some of his remarks are true enough. The personal animosity which Forkel afterwards threw into his attacks is quite repulsive.]

[Footnote 79: Grimm, Corr. Litt., VIII., p. 320.]

[Footnote 80: Grimm, Corr. Litt., VIII., p. 321; IX., pp. 34, 350.]

[Footnote 81: Grimm, Corr. Litt., VIII., pp. 321, 427; IX., p. 350.]

[Footnote 82: Grimm, Corr. Litt., VIII., p. 321. Garat, Mém. sur M. Suard, II., p. 238. La Harpe, Corr. Litt., I., p. 86. Rudhart, Gluck in Paris, p. xo. A speaking testimony of his reverence for Gluck is the "Réponse sur un morceau de l'Orphée de M. le Chev. Gluck," and the unfinished "Observations sur l'Alceste Italien de M. le Chev. Gluck," where some striking observations are made.]

[Footnote 83: Grimm, Corr. Litt., VIII., pp. 78, 322. When he remarked that Gluck influenced other composers, such as Grétry, he turned the full sharpness of his criticism upon them.]

[Footnote 84: Berlioz, À Travers Chants, p. 127.]

[Footnote 85: Mdlle. de l'Espinasse, in Stendsal, Vie de Rossini, p. 607. As might be expected, Grimm bestowed his highest praise upon "Orphée" (Corr. Litt., VIII., p. 390).]

[Footnote 86: Winterfeld, Zur G each. heil. Tonk., II., p. 308.]

[Footnote 87: Berlioz, Voy. Mus., II., p. 279; À Travers Chants, p. 142. Schelle, N. Ztschr. f. Mus., LV., p. 205. LVI., p. z.]

[Footnote 88: Galiani, Corr. inéd., II., p. 106.]

[Footnote 89: Marmontel, Mém. Litt., IX.; Ouvr., II., p. no.]

[Footnote 90: Grimm, Corr. Litt., IX., p. 348. Dorat describes very comically in an Irishman's letter the party-fight in the pit (Coup d'Oeil sur la Littér., I., p. 211). Amusing incidents were not wanting. At one concert a song by Gluck was announced; as it began the Piccinnists ostentatiously left the hall, and the Gluckists applauded noisily; it afterwards appeared that the song was by Jomelli (Grimm, Corr. Litt., X., p. 440).]

[Footnote 91: An account of the whole dispute from this side is given by Garat, Mém. Hist, sur M. Suard, II., p. 231.]

[Footnote 92: Grimm, Corr. Litt., X., p. 34. Schelle, N. Ztschr. f. Mus., LV., p. 197.]

[Footnote 93: Grimm, Corr. Litt., IX., p. 352. Galiani, Corr. inéd., II., p. 292.]

[Footnote 94: Marmontel, Mém. Litt., IX.; Ouvr., II., p. 115. P. L. Ginguené, Not. sur Piccinni, p. 25.]

[Footnote 95: Grimm, Corr. Litt., IX., p. 352. Galiani, Corr. inéd., II., p. 291.]

[Footnote 96: To Marie Antoinette's question as to whether his opera, "Armida," was finished, and how he liked it, Gluck is said to have answered composedly: "Madame, il est bientöt fini, et vraiment ce sera superbe!" (Madame Campan, Mém., 7 p. 131.)]

[Footnote 97: Grimm, Corr. Litt., IX., p. 428.]

[Footnote 98: Grimm, Corr. Litt., IX., p. 469.]

[Footnote 99: Grimm gives a minute and amusing account of all this.]

[Footnote 100: So Grimm says. His friendliness towards Piccinni is confirmed by Galiani (Corr. inéd., II., p. 248), and Madame de Genlis (Mém., II., p. 248). Cf. Gin-guené, Not. sur Piccinni, p. 45]

[Footnote 101: Grimm, Corr. Litt., IX., p. 500; X., p. 23.]