Chapter XIX: Appendix: A (4)

‘_Heir lyes Sir John the Grame, baith wight and wise,
Ane of the Cheefs who rescewit Scotland thrise,
Ane better Knight, not to the world was lent,
Nor was gude Grame, of truth and hardiment._’

“While some of Cromwell’s troops were stationed in Falkirk, an officer desired the parochial schoolmaster to translate the Latin. This he did as follows:--

‘Of mind and courage stout,
Wallace’s true Achates;
Here lies Sir John the Grame,
Felled by the English Baties.’

“There are now three stones upon the grave. When the inscription on the first had begun to wear out by the influence of the weather, a second was put above it, with the same inscription; and a third was lately added by William Graham of Airth, Esq. At a little distance, upon the left, is an unpolished stone, said to cover the remains of the gallant knight of Bonkill.”--_Nimmo’s History of Stirlingshire._

With regard to Stewart of Bonkill being buried in Falkirk, we are inclined to be a little sceptical, not so much from the silence of the Minstrel, as from the great probability of his having been conveyed to Bute by the surviving tenantry of that island. In a small ruined chapel, about half a mile west of Rothesay, there is still to be seen all that remains of “_the auld Stewarts of Bute_,” where, amidst a number of dilapidated monuments, well worth the attention of the antiquary, appears a stone figure, said to represent the gallant knight of Bonkill, in complete armour of the 13th century. In a recess in the opposite wall, there is also to be seen another figure, representing _Jean M’Rudrie, heiress of Bute_. This lady appears to have been descended from a sea-officer, or pirate, named _Rudrie_, who is thus noticed in the Norwegian account of the expedition of King Haco:--“The wind was not favourable; King Haco, however, made Andreas Pott go before him, south to Bute, with some small vessels, to join those he had already sent thither. News was soon received, that they had won a fortress, the garrison of which had capitulated, and accepted terms of the Norwegians. There was with the Norwegians a sea-officer called _Rudri_; he considered Bute as his birth-right; and because he had not received the island of the Scots, he committed many ravages, and killed many people, and for that he was outlawed by the Scottish King. He came to Haco and took the oaths to him, and, with two of his brothers, became his subjects. As soon as the garrison, after having delivered up the stronghold, were gone away from the Norwegians, Rudri killed nine of them, because he thought he owed them no good will.” After the treaty between Alexander and the Norwegians, it would seem that Rudrie had been allowed to hold the island of Bute as a vassal of the Scottish crown; and there is every reason to believe that the _Janet M’Rudrie_ above mentioned was either his daughter or grand-daughter, who, by her marrying Alexander Stewart, became the mother of Sir John Stewart of Bonkill.

The present noble proprietor, whose family came to the possession of Bute in the reign of Robert II., has made some slight repairs about the walls where these figures are reclining. It is, however, to be regretted, that a little more attention is not paid to the preservation of such valuable antiques.

[29] Lamberton appears to have succeeded Frazer in the Bishoprick of St Andrew’s. This secret emissary of Edward died at Paris in 1297, to which place he probably thought proper to retire on the success of Wallace. According to his own request, his heart was brought to Scotland, and “layed in halowyed sepultour” in the wall of the cathedral over which he presided. His body was interred in the cemetery of the Preaching Friars at Paris. Lamberton, his successor, a man of learning and good reputation, had been Chancellor of Glasgow.--_Wyntown, vol. ii. p. 99._

[30] Stowe.

[31] Observations on the Wardrobe Account of 28 Edward I. p. lx. The monastery of Cupar was also plundered on this occasion. By the inventory of Edward’s jewels taken in 1300, there appear 18 silver cups, and one silk girdle richly ornamented, which are stated to have been taken from the monastery of Cupar. This, no doubt, would form a part of the King’s share of the booty.--Vide _Wardrobe Account, p. 353._

[32] See Appendix, H.

[33] The strength and importance of Dumbarton castle, is thus described by an English spy who visited Scotland during the regency of the Duke of Albany, and afterwards in the reign of James I. It would appear, that in those days the rock was completely surrounded by water at every influx of the tide.

----passe on forthwarde to Dumbertayne,
A castell stronge and harde for to obteine.

In whiche castell S. Patryke was borne,
That afterwarde in Irelande dyd wynne,
About the whyche floweth, euen and morne,
The westerne seas without noyse or dynne,
Twyse in xxiiii. houres without any fayle,
That no man may that stronge castell assayle.

Vpon a rocke so hye the same dothe stande,
That yf the walles were beaten to the roche,
Yet were it full harde to clymbe with foot or hand,
And so to wynne, yf any to them approche,
So strong it is to get without reproche;
That without honger and cruell famyshemente,
Yt cannot bee taken to my iudgemente.

_John Hardyng’s Chronicle_, p. 426.

[34] On the summit of Dumbarton rock is to be seen the ruins of a building, known by the name of Wallace’s house. Judging by what remains, it appears to have been of very limited extent, and, though well calculated for security, would afford but scanty accommodation to the inmates. Its form is circular, and the site commands an extensive view; it, however, could make but a precarious resistance to an enemy possessed of the lower fortification. From the following lines in Barbour, it appears very probable that this was the place in which Lord William Soulis was detained a state prisoner for life, in consequence of his conspiring against Robert Bruce:--

The lord the Sowllis has grantyt thar
The deid in to plane parleament,
Tharefor sone eftre he was sent
Till his pennance to Dunbertane;
And deid thar in a tour off stane.

_The Bruce_, Buke Threttene, 406-410.

[35] Henry states, that after Wallace had driven the English out of Dumbarton, which he accomplished by an ingenious stratagem put in execution at night, he proceeded towards the castle of Roseneath, which was occupied by the enemy, and having learned that a marriage was to take place among them on the ensuing day, he posted his men in ambush on the road between the castle and a church, situated on the “Garlouch” where the ceremony was to be performed. The cavalcade approached, accompanied by most of the soldiers of the garrison. The Scots, at the signal of their chief, burst from their concealment, and having with little difficulty overpowered and put their astonished adversaries to the sword, they took possession of the fortress, which they found amply supplied with provisions of all kinds, intended, no doubt, for the joyous occasion.

The above anecdote induces the writer again to remark on the accuracy of Henry’s topography. If his work be not a faithful translation from the narrative of an eye-witness, his knowledge of the localities of the country is truly wonderful.

[36] For the gratification of the reader who may feel curious respecting the nature of the supplies required for the support and defence of an English garrison in the 13th century, we have made the following extract from the Wardrobe Account of the munitions, sent on this occasion to Stirling; viz. 1000 stockfish, 610 ling, 4 lasts herrings, 104 cheeses, 6000 onions, 30 cwt. tallow, 1 barrel honey, 11 barrels pitch, 20 lb. wax, 20 lb. cummin, 2 lb. crocus, 6 lb. round pepper, 10 bundles steel or iron, 4 large plates with handles, 100 dishes ditto, 100 cups, 100 salt-cellars, 2 large _baliste_, (_de vicio_) 18 _balistæ_, (_ad unum pedam_) 18 doz. bow-strings, 50 bows, 2 furnace-stones, 22 cwt. hemp, 200 goose-wings for darts and arrows, 3 horse hides untanned, 6 bullocks do. ditto for the bottom of the engines, twine, thread, needles, 1 doz. parchment, 2 lb. inkpowder, 18 pieces cloth, for clothing the men, 1 piece blue cloth, being clothing for John Sampson, constable of the castle, 2 chaplains and 1 clerk, 1000 ells linen, 30 fur-skins for great-coats for the servants of the King’s household, stationed in said garrison, 4 lamb skins for hoods for the use of said constable, chaplains, and 1 clerk, 240 pair shoes, and 500 ells canvas.[A]

[A] The above goods were sent by John the son of Walter, master
of the vessel called the Godale of Beverley.

[37] It is very probable that Edward had evidence in his possession of the commission of regency he had granted to Wallace. The English monarch had too many secret emissaries in Scotland, to remain long ignorant of a matter of such importance. What Baliol might say to the contrary would therefore meet with little credit; and his apparent duplicity, no doubt, prompted the following remark, which, according to Walsingham, Edward made use of, on delivering him to the Nuncio. “_I send him to the Pope as a perjured man, and a seducer of the people._”

[38] Independent of all the difficulties which Wallace had to encounter in the Low country, the turbulent state of the Highlands prevented him from receiving any assistance of consequence from that quarter. The chieftains there seemed to consider their interests as very little connected with the safety or independence of the Lowlanders; and they carried on their feuds with as much inveteracy, as if no foreign enemy had been in the country. We find, that “about the year 1299, there was an insurrection made against the Earl of Ross, by some of the people of that province, inhabiting the mountains called Clan-Iver-Clan-Tall-wigh, and Clan-Leawe. The Earl of Ross made such diligence, that he apprehended their captain, and imprisoned him at Dingwall: which so incensed the Highlanders, that they pursued the Earl of Ross’s second son, at Balnegowen, took him, and carried him along prisoner with them, thinking thereby to get their captain relieved. The Monroes and the Dingwalls, with some others of the Earl of Ross his dependers, gathered their forces, and pursued the Highlanders with all diligence; so, overtaking them at Beallogh-ne-broig, between Ferrindonell and Lochbrime, there ensued a cruel battle, well foughten on either side. The Clan-Iver, Clan-tall-wigh and Clan-Leaive, were almost utterly extinguished. The Monroes had a sorrowful victory, with a great loss of their men; and carried back again the Earl of Ross his son. The Laird of Kildun was there slain with seven score of the surname of Dingwall. Divers of the Monroes were slain in the conflict; and among the rest, there were killed eleven of the house of Foulis, that were to succeed one another; so that the succession of Foulis fell unto a child then lying in his cradle. For which service the Earl of Ross gave divers lands to the Monroes and Dingwalls.”--_Conflicts of the clans._

[39] In the Wardrobe Account, 28th Edward I., there is an entry of 6s. 8d. paid to Ralph de Kyrkby, the messenger who brought to the King the conditions and surrender of Stirling. The following notice respecting this intended expedition appears in the same document. “To a monk of Durham, to carry St Cuthbert’s banner into Scotland, when the King intended to go in person to raise the siege of Stirling Castle, 20 days, at 1s. per day.” One of the vicars of Beverly College had 8d. per day for carrying St John’s banner, and 1d. per day to carry it back.

[40] Walter of Exeter, an historical bard, who accompanied the expedition, and of whose interesting work on the siege of Carlaverock Castle, written in old Norman French, an admirable translation has been given to the public, with notes and valuable biographical sketches, by _Nicholas Harris Nicolas_, Esq. a name highly appreciated by all who have any taste for the pleasures arising from antiquarian research.

[41] See Appendix, I.

[42] For the sake of illustration, we submit the following items, taken from the wardrobe account of Edward I. for the year 1300, being part of the expenses incurred in the siege of Carlaverock:--

_Extract from Wardrobe Account, Edward I._, 1299-1300.

Account of Ade de Glasham, Carpenter, (p. 267.)

For hire of 7 carriages, for conveying a certain
engine, belonging to the Castle of Lochmaben,
from thence to the Castle of Carlaverock,
for the use of the King’s army, employed
in the siege of that castle; viz.

5 carriages for 7 days, from }
6th July }
} at 6d. a day
2 carriages for 4 days, from } for each
9th July } carriage L.1 1 6

4 days of a smith and his assistant, employed
in the Castle of Lochmaben repairing
said engine, at 6d. a day--wages
of assistant, 4d. 0 3 4

Coals furnished for said repairs 0 1 0

Hire of one artilleryman for one
day, making a band or strap
for said engine at Carlaverock 0 0 4
------ 0 4 8

Paid for delivering said engine at Skynburness,
and putting it on board a vessel
for Lochmaben 0 4 0
----------
Paid at Dumfries, 2d Nov. L.1 10 2
----------

Account of Stephen Banyng, Shipmaster, (p. 272.)

For freight of a certain engine, from Skynburness
to Carlaverock--master’s wages for 2
days, from July 10. at 6d. a day--10 seamen
at 3d. a day L.0 6 0
----------

Account of Richard de Geyton, Master of the Nicholas de
Geyton, (p. 273.)

For freight of 20 bullocks (_carcos’ boum_) to
Carlaverock, for the use of the garrison of
Dumfries Castle--wages of self and 5 seamen
for 8 days, at the above rate L.0 14 0

Pilotage between Kirkcudbright and Carlaverock,
for that time 0 2 0
----------
L.0 16 0

Account of William Boterel, Master of the Grace of God of Ross, (p. 274.)

For freight of 5 tuns of wine (_dolia_) from
Kirkcudbright to Carlaverock--wages of self
and 7 seamen for 10 days, from 19th to 29th
August, as above L.1 2 6

[_N. B._--The engagement with 30 vessels,
during this expedition to Scotland, appears
to have been at the rate of 6d. a
day for the master, and 3d. for the seamen,
from 23d July till 26th September
1300.--Admiral of the fleet, 2s. a day.--Captains
of ships, from the ports of
Sandwich and Dover, 1s.--Chaplain of
the fleet, to confess sailors, 6d. a day,
p. 275-8.]

Paid Robert de Wodehons, viz. (p. 259.)

For Peter de Preston and his 9 companions,
mounted on horses, with full harness, and
charges of 660 bowmen, from Lancashire to
Carlisle, and from Carlisle to Carlaverock,
to join the King on 8th July, 2 days--horsemen
at 1s.--bowmen 2d. a day L.12 11 0

[43] See Appendix, K.

[44] See account of the King’s progress, page 67 of Remarks on Wardrobe Account of Edward I.

[45] The following items, which appear in the above Account for 1300, as having reference to this campaign, and to the manner in which Edward was employed, may be interesting to some of our readers.

Donation to Henry de Cornwall, wounded by the Scots near Columtach, in Galloway. For his return and medicines, by the hands of William de Toulose, who lent him the money, one half merk (_dimidium marce_).

To a stable-boy, hurt by one of the King’s horses at Kirkcudbright, _five_ shillings.

_Alms and Offerings at Scottish Chapels._

7th July.--At the altar of St Nicholas, 7s., and St Thomas the Archbishop, 7s.--in the parish church of Applegarth.

10th July--At the high altar of the Friars Minors, Dumfries, 7s. and 16th, 7s.

12th July.--Do. of his own chapel of Carlaverock, at St Thomas, 7s.

At the high altar, Kirkcudbright priory, and in his chapel there, July 19th, 7s.; 20th, 7s.; 22d, 7s.; 25th, 7s.; 27th, 7s.

29th August.--At his own chapel Carlaverock, 7s.

In his own chapel at Dumfries, October 24th, for good news about the Scots, 7s.; 28th, 7s.; November 1st, 7s.; and November 3d, at his own altar at Carlaverock, 7s.

14th Oct. At his own chapel (Holm), for the report he heard of the success of the men-at-arms of the Castle of Roxburgh, 7s.

There is also, in the same year, an offering at the high altar of the Royal Chapel of Westminster, for good news against the Scots; and 5_l._ 10s. 10d. for 190 masses in honour of different saints, by the King’s chaplains, both in England and Scotland, between November 20th, 1299, and November 19th, 1300.

[46] The curious reader may perhaps take some interest in the following notices of the workmen employed about these fortresses, and the rate of wages they received for their labour. They are taken from the Wardrobe Account. The authenticity of the document is unquestionable.

Repairs at Lochmaben, October 1300.

Octr. 24. Hire of 44 ditchers (_fossatores_) from
the neighbourhood of Lochmaben,
(including one overseer at 6 _pennies_
a day) for one day L.0 8 0

25. Do. of 34 do. (including one overseer
at 6 _pennies_ a day) for 3 days 0 19 0

31. Do. of 50 do. (including 3 overseers
at 6 _pennies_ each per day) for 4
days 1 17 4

Nov. 2. Do. of one manager, at 6 pennies a
day, and 178 ditchers including 9
overseers from the county of Northumberland,
for 3 days 4 15 0

Paid William of Lochmaben, overseer,
and 25 labourers from the
neighbourhood of Lochmaben, for
3 days (from 27th of Octr.) 0 13 6

Nov. 2. Hire of 76 labourers from Cumberland,
including 4 overseers as above,
by the King’s order (_ad mandatum
Regis_) for 1 day 0 13 4

Do. of 4 men inspecting the work of
said ditchers, from 23d till 30th
October, 8 days, at 4 _pennies_ a day
each 0 10 8

Do. of 7 women helping to clean the
ditches for one day (Oct. 24) at 1½
_pennies_ 0 0 10½

Do. for 9 women (Oct. 27) 3 days at 1½d. 0 3 4½

Do. for 10 (Oct. 28.) } as above 0 3 4½
Do. for 14 (Oct. 29.) }

Do. for 25 (Oct. 30.) 0 3 1½

Extra gratification to said ditchers,
being King’s bounty 1 5 7

Carriage of workmen’s tools from
Northumberland, through Carlisle
to Dumfries 0 10 0

Hire of 2 smiths from said county,
from 17th Oct. till Nov. 1st, 16
days, at 4 _pennies_ a day 1 1 4
-----------
L.13 4 1½

Amount paid to Henry Braundeston, for Ade de St Edmunds.--See
page 269 of Wardrobe Account.

Hire of 2 men employed in Inglewood-forest, making charcoal for
the smiths, 4 days, 2s.

[47]

Paid Simon Kingesman, master of the Margaret of
Kipavene, for freight of 30 quarters of wheat from Kirkcudbright
to Dublin, to be ground there, and carriage of
the same to Ayr, for the use of the King’s army in that
place--Wages for self and 12 seamen, from 2. till 15. August,
both included, 15 days L.2 9 0

To the same, for pilotage of said vessel 0 6 8
----------
L.2 15 8

Paid Wewmund Gegge, of the Savoy of Tynemouth,
freight of 143 quarters of wheat, from Kirkcudbright to
Whitehaven, to be ground, and carriage of the same to
Ayr, for the King’s army in that place--Wages for self
and 9 seamen, 5. till 14. August, both included, 10
days L.1 7 6

[N. B. Wages of master 6d. and seamen 3d. per day, during the expedition to Scotland in 1300.]

Average wages per day. viz.

Labourers 2d.
Plasterers 3d.
Miners 3d.
Masons 4d.
Carpenters 4d.
Smiths 4d.
Boys, or Apprentices 2d.

Prices of Oats per quarter.

1300. Jan. At Holderness 2s. 2d. p. 212
-- July. At Newcastle-upon-Tyne 2s. 6d. p. 113

Price of Wheat per quarter.

1300. June. At Cawode, near York 4s. p. 108

Prices in Scotland in 1285.

Oats 4d., and Bear 8d. and 10d. per boll. Wheat 16d.
and 20d.[B]

[B] It has been already stated (page 39 of vol. I.), that the
money of both countries was of equal value at this time.

[48] From the following entry in the Wardrobe Account, it would appear, that in this expedition the English were provided with nets for fishing in the rivers and lakes of Scotland “_Reginaldo Janetori pro 2 reth’empt, per ipsum ad piscandum in repariis et stagnis in partibus Scocie ad opus Regis per manus proprias, apud Kirkudbright._” 4_s._ 2_d._

_Vide Wardrobe Account for the year_ 1300. _p._ 65.

[49] Wyntown.

[50]

“That tyme wes in his cumpany
A knycht off France, wycht and hardy;
And quhen he in the watyr swa
Saw the king pass, and with him ta
Hys leddyr wnabasytly,
He saynyt him for the ferly,
And said; ‘A Lord! quhatt sall we say
Off our lordis off Fraunce, that thai
With gud morsellis fayrcis thair pawnchis,
And will bot ete, and drynk, and dawnsis;
Quhen sic a knycht, and sa worthy
As this, throw his chewalry,
Into sic perill has him set,
To wyn a wrechyt hamillet!’
With that word to the dik he ran;
And our eftre the king he wan.”

The Bruce, _Buke Sext_, p. 177-8.

[51] This circumstance is thus corroborated by a note attached to the Perth edition of Wallace. The editor, it would seem, had been present on the occasion:

“About thirty years ago, when the burying vault of the parish church of Kinfauns happened to be opened, I was shewed a helmet made of thick leather, or of some such stuff, painted over with broad stripes of blue and white, which I was told was part of the fictitious armour in which the body of Thomas of Longueville had been deposited. Henry says, he was of large stature, and the helmet, indeed, was a very large one.”--P. 24 of Notes in 3d Volume.

[52] See Appendix, L.

[53] The _Croyz Gneytz_ was held in great veneration, in consequence of its being supposed to contain part of the wood of the real cross. _The Black Rood_ of Scotland was one of the national monuments carried off by Edward. Its sanctity was considered equal to that of the _black stones_ of Iona; and an oath made upon it, gave the same stability to a contract. It was the favourite crucifix of Queen Margaret. The cross was of gold, about the length of a palm--the figure of ebony, studded and inlaid with gold. A piece of the true cross was also supposed to be enclosed in it.

_Aldred, p. 349 apud Twisden._--_Hailes_, vol. i. p. 41.

[54] In Dr Jamieson’s edition of Blind Harry, this circumstance is thus printed:--

“Bot maister Blayr spak nothing off himsell,
In deid off armes quhat awentur he fell.
Schir Thomas Gray, was than preyst to Wallace,
Put in the buk how than hapnyt this cace
At Blayr was in, [and] mony worthi deid,
Off quhilk him selff had no plesance to reid.”

B. x. 893-898.

In the Perth edition of Wallace, the words in the third line stand thus:--“_I Thomas Gray, yan preist to Wallace_,” &c. On this reading, the Perth editor, with propriety, founds a very strong argument in favour of the _existence_ of Blair’s work, and of the fidelity of Henry’s translation. The difference in the two editions appeared so very important, as to induce a friend of the writer to refer to the original manuscript in the Advocates’ Library, when it was found that the rendering of the Perth editor was strictly conformable to the original text, “thus affording,” as the above mentioned friend observes, “a triumphant argument in Henry’s favour; for it seems to represent him as in the very act of versifying his “auctor.” What authority Dr Jamieson has for the version he has given, must remain with himself to explain.

[55] See Appendix, M.

[56] The havoc made, and the oppressions sustained by the inhabitants, are thus described by Barbour, p. 9, vol. i. of _The Bruce_.

“Fra Weik anent Orkenay,
To Mullyrs nwk in Gallaway;
And stuffyt all with Ingliss men.
Schyrreffys and bailyheys maid he then;
And alkyn othir officeris,
That for to gowern land afferis,
He maid off Ingliss nation;
That worthyt than sa rych fellone,
And sa wykkyt and cowatouss,
And swa hawtane and dispitouss,
That Scottis men mycht do na thing
That euir mycht pleyss to thar liking.
Thar wyffis wuld thai oft forly,
And thar dochtrys dispitusly:
And gyff ony of thaim thair at war wrath,
Thai watyt hym wele with gret scaith;
For thai suld fynd sone enchesone
To put hym to destructione.
And gyff that ony man thaim by
Had ony thing that wes worthy,
As horss, or hund, or othir thing,
That war pleasand to thar liking;
With rycht or wrang it wald have thai.
And gyff ony wald them withsay;
Thai suld swa do, that thai suld tyne
Othir land or lyff, or leyff in pyne.
For thai dempt thaim eftir thair will,
Takand na kep to rycht na skill.
A! quhat thai dempt thaim felonly!
For gud knychtis that war worthy,
For litill enchesoune, or than nane,
Thai hangyt be the nekbane.”

[57] On the charge which has been made against Edward, for destroying the records and monuments of Scotland, Lord Hailes thus expresses himself:--“While the English were at Scone, they carried off some of the charters belonging to the abbey, and tore the seals from others. This is the only well-vouched example which I have found of any outrage on private property committed by Edward’s army. It is mentioned in a charter of Robert I.; and we may be assured that the outrage was not diminished in the relating.” Had this escaped from any other pen than that of a lawyer, it might have been considered as proceeding from ignorance; but being from a Judge on the Bench, we are at a loss what term to apply to it. The charter of Robert I. (Chart. Scone, 26.) was given in order to confirm former grants, and thus replace those which either had been carried off, or had their seals torn from them. To have inserted a narrative of _all_ spoliations of a similar nature, which Edward and his army had committed in Scotland, would have been _irrelevant_; and we conceive that the expense of engrossing into a _private_ charter what belonged to the annals of the country, would not have been relished by the brethren of Scone. Had a case of expenses, incurred, in a manner so uncalled for, come under his Lordship’s review, we presume he would have sustained the objections of the defender. All that could appear with propriety in the charter, was an account of the destruction of those prior grants, which rendered a new charter necessary; and this document, if it proves any thing, proves the wanton and destructive malice of the invaders, when they would not permit even private property, the destruction of which could be of no service to themselves, to escape their violence. It would be of no avail, where Lord Hailes is concerned, to quote Scottish authorities in support of the charge against Edward, as a destroyer of public records; we shall therefore give the following extract, from the works of a learned, intelligent, and candid Englishman--an evidence which, we presume, few of his Lordship’s admirers will object to:--“King Eugene VII., about the beginning of the eighth century, is said to have ordered the depositing of all records, and books relating to the history of Scotland, at Icolm-kill; where he caused their old library (much neglected and decayed) to be pulled down and rebuilt in a very splendid manner, for this sole use and purpose. How long they continued there, and how well that excellent King’s design was answered, I know not; but it is now too sad a truth, that most of these venerable remains of antiquity are quite perished; and it is generally agreed, that they were destroyed on three remarkable occasions. The first of these was, when our King Edward the First, having claimed the sovereignty of Scotland, made a most miserable havock of the histories and laws of that kingdom; hoping that, in a short time, nothing should be found in all that country, but what carried an English name and face. To this end, he forbad, on severe penalties, the keeping of any such books or records; and proceeded so far as even to abolish the very name of Claudius Cæsar in his famous round temple, which he ordered to be called, as it is to this day, Arthur’s Hoff, pulling away the stone which preserved the memory of that great emperor and his conquests. That a great deal of this story is true, appears from the scarcity of Scotch records in our State-archives in England. Amongst the foreign treaties in the Exchequer, there are about 70 original instruments, bagged up, and inscribed, “Scotia ante Unionem:” And in the Tower, about 100 Rolls, relating to the affairs of that kingdom, under the title of Scotia. The former of these begin at the reign of Edward the First, and end with that of Queen Elizabeth; and the latter commences as before, but falls no lower than the reign of Edward the Fourth, the rest being to be looked for in the Chapel of the Rolls. But these are all the produce of our own country; and, instead of enriching us with the spoils of our neighbours, seem rather to prove, that King Edward had an equal spite at the ancient records of both kingdoms--so little is there of apology to be made for so notorious a destroyer of the public registers, together with the private monuments, evidences, and conveyances of lands! I do not doubt but the reason of such barbarity has been justly enough assigned, by those who represent him as “having a jealous eye over any thing that might encourage his new vassals to rebel, endeavouring to root out all memorials of the nobility, and to embase their spirits, by concealing from them their descent and qualities.” I have seen a manuscript list of such records as were carried off by his order. It begins, _Ista monumenta subscripta capta fuerunt in thesaurario de Edinburg in presentia Abbatum de Dunfermelyn & de S. Cruce de Edinburg, & Johannis de Lythegranes, Guil-de Lincoln, & Thos. de Fisseburn & Guil-de Dumfreys, custodis rotulorum regni Scotiæ; et deposita sunt apud Berwick per præceptum Edwardi regis Angliæ & superioris domini Scotiæ. Videlicet_, &c. After the recital of them, the catalogue ends: _In quorum omnium testimonium tam predictus dominus rex Edwardus Angliæ & superior dominus Scotiæ quam predictus dominus Joh: de Balliolo rex Scotiæ, huic scripto, in modum chirographi confecto, sigille sua alternatim fecerunt apponi. dat. apud Novum Castrum super Tynam 30 die mensis Decembris anno dom. 1292, & regni prædicti domini Edwardi regis Angliæ & superioris domini Scotiæ, 21mo._ The second great loss of the Scotch records, happened upon the mighty turn of the Reformation; when the monks, flying to Rome, carried with them the register-books, and other ancient treasure of their respective monasteries. The third, and killing blow, was given them by Oliver Cromwell; who brought most of the poor remains that were left into England; and they likewise were mostly lost in their return by sea. See _Nicolson’s Scottish Historical Library_, p. 71, 72, 4to Edition.

[58] It is possible that these noblemen may have been some way or other connected with the depôt of silver, alluded to at page 159 of vol. I, as having been found at Ascog in Bute.

[59] If we may credit Langtoft, Comyn, Frazer and Wallace, were lurking in the neighbourhood of Dunfermline at the time, and supported themselves by plunder. His words are,

“The lord of Badenauh, Freselle & Waleis
Lyued at theues lauh euer robband alle weis.
Thei had no sustenance, the werre to mayntene,
Bot skulked opon chance, & robbed ay betuene.”

[60] “He brint all the Chronicles of Scotland, with all maner of bukis, als weill of devyne seruyce as of othir materis, to that fyne that the memorye of Scottis suld peris. He gart the Scottis wryte bukis efter the _vse of Sarum_, and constranit thaym to say efter that vse.”--_Boeth._

“Salysbery oyss our clerkis than has tane.”

_Wallace_, B. x. 1006.

[61] Fordun relates, that when this offer was made to Wallace, and on his being pressed by his friends to comply, he thus expressed himself:--“O! desolated Scotland, too credulous of fair speeches, and not aware of the calamities which are coming upon you! If you were to judge as I do, you would not easily put your neck under a foreign yoke. When I was a boy, the priest, my uncle, carefully inculcated upon me this proverb, which I then learned, and have ever since kept in my mind:--

“_Dico tibi verum_, _Libertas_ optima rerum; Nunquam servili, sub nexu vivito, fili.”

“I tell you a truth,--Liberty is the best of things, my son, never live under any slavish bond.”

“Therefore, I shortly declare, that if all others, the natives of Scotland, should obey the King of England, or were to part with the liberty which belongs to them, I and those who may be willing to adhere to me in this point, will stand for the liberty of the kingdom; and by God’s assistance, will only obey the King, viz. John Baliol, or his Lieutenant.”

[62] This is evidently a corruption of _Loup de guerre_.

[63] The existence of the bond or covenant between Bruce and Cumyn, though subjected to the doubts of Lord Hailes, is recorded by all our respectable authorities. The objections of his Lordship arose from the difficulty the parties would have experienced in effecting the contract. “It must be held extraordinary,” says our learned annalist, “that the two conspirators met together, should have committed such a secret to writing, as if it had been a legal covenant to have force in a court of justice; but more extraordinary still, that they should have done this at the imminent hazard of intrusting their lives and fortunes to the fidelity of a third party; for I presume, it will be admitted, that two Scottish barons, in that age, could not have framed such an indenture without assistance.” His Lordship, in his zeal to diminish the authority of preceding historians, often forgets the manners and customs of the age respecting which he writes, and assimilates them too closely to those of his own times. Were it not for this, he would have seen neither difficulty nor danger in two barons of such extensive territorial possessions and feudal influence, procuring a person properly qualified, and whose secrecy, had it been doubted, they would have had no hesitation in _effectually securing_, either by imprisonment or otherwise. Even if their power did not extend to this, as the bond was not left in the possession of the drawer, where was the danger? Would any person whose education enabled him to frame such an instrument, have been so extremely foolish as attempt to charge two of the most powerful noblemen of the kingdom with treason, without the least shadow of proof to support the accusation? Bonds of manrent were never intended to be brought into a court of law, and all his Lordship’s experience would not have furnished him with a single instance of an attempt to enforce the fulfilment of such a contract by legal means. Bonds of this kind were entered into for the purpose of strengthening the feudal connections of the parties; and infidelity under such compacts carried its punishment along with it, by the want of confidence it created among the other feudal proprietors. That such bondsmen were looked upon with extreme jealousy by the Legislature, is sufficiently evident from the conduct of James II. towards Lord Douglas; “a court of justice,” therefore, was not the place to get their penalties recognised.

The transaction is thus related by Wyntown, with whom Barbour agrees in every particular, and by which it will be seen, that “the two conspirators” did not “_meet_ together,” as his Lordship asserts, but were riding together to Stirling; and the instrument was drawn and sealed the same night in that place:--

“Quhen all this sawe the Brws Robert,
That bare the Crowne swne eftyrwart,
Gret pytté of the folk he had,
Set few wordis tharof he mád.
A-pon á tyme Schyr Jhon Cwmyn,
To-gydder rydand frá Strevylyn,
Said til hym, ‘Schyr, will yhe noucht se,
How that governyd is this cuntré?
Thai sla oure Folk but enchesown,
And haldis this Land agayne resown;
And yhe thar-of full Lord suld be.
For-thi gyve ye will trow to me,
Yhe sall gere mak yhow thare-of Kyng;
And I sall be in yhoure helpyng,
Wyth-thi yhe gyve me all the Land,
That yhe hawe now in-til yhoure hand,
And gyve that yhe will noucht do swá,
Na swilk a State a-pon yhowe tá,
All hale my Landis sall yhowris be;
And lat me tá the State on me,
And bryng this Land owt of Thryllage.
For thare is nother man ná page
In all this Land na thayne sal be
Fayne to mak thaime selfyn fre.’
“The Lord the Brws hard his karpyng,
And wend he spak bot faythful thyng:
And for it lykyd til his will,
He gave swne his Consent thare-til,
And sayd, ‘Syne yhe will, it be swá,
I will blythly a-pon me tá
The State; for I wate, I have Rycht:
And Rycht oft makis the febil wycht.’
“Thus ther twa Lordis accordyt are.
That ilke nycht than wryttyne ware
Thare Indentwris, and Aithis made
Til hald all, that thai spokyn had.”

V. ii. p. 123

[64] It is with regret that we find this recreant’s name in the list of the defenders of Stirling. Emancipation from a dungeon, and the prospect of attaining to great riches, were no doubt powerful motives. Whether the following relation in Henry has any subsequent connection with this individual, we must leave our readers to determine. If it does, he appears to have received from the hand of our hero the recompence of his labours.

The small party of adherents which still clung to the fortunes of Wallace and the cause of independence, were reduced to the greatest distress for want of provisions. Our hero had left them, in order to look out for a place where they might obtain supplies; and, while wandering through the wilds of Lorn, overcome by hunger and fatigue, he threw himself down in despair at the entrance of a forest, when the following adventure occurred to him:--

“Out off thair sycht, in till a forest syd,
He sat him doun wndyr ane ayk to bid;
His bow and suerd he lenyt till a tre,
In angwyss greiff, on grouff so turned he.
His petows mynd was for his men so wrocht,
That off him selff litill as than he roucht.
‘O wrech!’ he said, ‘that neuir couth be content
Off our gret mycht that the gret God the lent:
Bot thi fers mynd, wylfull and wariable,
With gret lordschip thow coud nocht so byd stable;
And wylfull witt, for to mak Scotland fre;
God likis nocht that I haiff tane on me.
Fer worthyar of byrth than I was born,
Throuch my desyr wyth hungyr ar forlorn:
I ask at God thaim to restor agayn;
I am the causs, I suld haiff all the pain.’
Quhill studeand thus, whill flitand with him sell,
Quhill at the last apon slepyng he fell.
Thre days befor thar had him folowed fyve,
The quhilk was bound, or ellis to loss thair lyff:
The erl off York bad thaim so gret gardoun,
At thai be thyft hecht to put Wallace doun.
Thre off thaim was all born men off Ingland,
And twa was Scottis, that tuk this deid on hand;
And sum men said, thar thrid brothir betraissed
Kyldromé eft, quhar gret sorow was raissed.
A child thai had, qubilk helpyit to ber mett
In wildernes amang thai montans grett.
Thai had all seyn disseuyring off Wallace
Fra his gud men, and quhar he baid on cace;
Amang thyk wod in cowert held thaim law,
Quhill thai persawyt he couth on sleping faw.
And than thir fyve approchit Wallace neir;
Quhat best to do, at othir can thai speir.
A man said thus: ‘It war a hie renoun,
And we mycht qwyk leid him to Sanct Jhonstoun,
Lo, how he lyis; we may our grippis waill;
Off his wapynnys he sal get nane awaill.
We sall him bynd in contrar off hys will,
And leid him thus on baksyd off yon hill,
So that his men sall nothing off him knaw.’
The tothir thre assentit till his saw;
And than thir fyve thus maid thaim to Wallace,
And thocht throw force to bynd him in that place.
Quhat, trowit thir fyve for to hald Wallace doun?
The manlyast man, the starkest off persoun,
Leyffand he was; and als stud in sic rycht,
We traist weill, God his dedis had in sycht.
Thai grippyt him, than out off slepe he braid;
‘Quhat menys this? rycht sodandly he said,
About he turnyt, and wp his armys thrang;
On thai traytouris with knychtlik fer he dang.
The starkast man in till his armys hynt he,
And all his harnys he dang out on a tree.
A sword he gat son efter at he rayss,
Campiounlik amang the four he gais;
Euyr a man he gert de at a dynt.
Quhen twa was ded, the tothir wald nocht stynt;
Maid thaim to fle; bot than it was na but,
Was nane leyffand mycht pass fra him on fut.
He folowed fast, and sone to ded thaim brocht;
Than to the chyld sadly agayn he socht,
‘Quhat did thow her?’ The child with [ane] paill face,
On kneis he fell, and askyt Wallace grace.
‘With thaim I was, and knew nothing thair thocht;
In to seruice, as thai me bad, I wrocht.’
‘Quhat berys thow her?’ ‘Bot meit, the child can say.’
Do, turss it wp, and pass with me away,
Meit in this tym is fer bettyr than gold.”

[65] According to Henry, Gilbert Grymsby, or, as he is called by the Scots, Jop, was employed in this mission.

[66] This young man is said by Henry to have been a son of Menteith’s sister. Langtoft calls him a servant, and says his name was _Jock Short_.

[67] From Robroyston Wallace could easily make his way to the Clyde; cross the river and keep his appointment with Bruce, who was to have approached from the south, without coming in sight of any of the English stationed at Glasgow. The burrow-muir was situated on the south side of the Clyde.

[68] The circumstance of this person being the last friend whom our hero was destined to behold, would, independent of his own personal merits, have rendered him an object of curiosity to a great proportion of our readers. The following account is taken from the notes of the editor of the Perth edition of Blind Harrie; and, as any thing which the writer has yet met with, rather tends to confirm than invalidate the statement, he shall submit it to the reader in the words of the learned and intelligent author:--

“William Ker, commonly called Kerlie, or Ker Little, was ancestor of the Kers of Kersland. He, as well as many others, was compelled to swear the unlawful oath of fealty to Edward, August 5. 1296.

“He joined Wallace at the castle of the Earl of Lennox, September 1296, and went with him immediately on his first northern expedition. He and Stephen of Ireland were the only two of Wallace’s men who survived the battle along the north side of the River Erne, November 1296.

“He was the constant friend and companion of Wallace on all occasions, and is sometimes called his steward: In 1305, when Wallace was taken prisoner at Robrastoun, a solitary village near Glasgow, William Ker only was with him. They were found both asleep, and Ker was killed in the scuffle.

“Henry says, that William Ker had large inheritance in the district of Carrick in Air-shire. That his ancestor was brought from Ireland by King David I., and defeated, with the assistance of seven hundred Scots, nine thousand Norwegians who had landed at Dunmoir. Some of the Norwegians were drowned in Doun, and others slain upon the land. King David gave him the lands of Dunmoir in reward of his bravery.

“It may be remarked, that Dun Hill, or, as it is commonly called, Norman or Northman Law, a high hill on the estate of Dunmure, in the north-east part of Fife, and parish of Abdie, has on the top of it the remains of Danish intrenchments. The hill on the north side declines all the way to the river or Frith of Tay, which has Dundee at the mouth of it. The constant tradition is, that the Danes or Norwegians carried the spoil of the country to the top of this hill, where the natives could have no access to them; and after having collected it there, carried it down on the other side to their ships in the river.”

[69] “At Robroystone Sir William Wallace was betrayed and apprehended by Sir John Menteith, a favourite of Edward I. of England. After he was overpowered, and before his hands were bound, it is said he threw his sword into Robroyston loch. An oaken couple, or joist, which made part of the barn in which the Scottish hero was taken, is still to be seen in this neighbourhood, and may yet last for ages.”--_Stat. Acc. viii._ 481, 482.

The latter part of the above quotation is perfectly correct. The oaken joist was to be seen till within these ten years past; it has now entirely disappeared, being carried off by that tribe of pseudo-antiquarians, ycleped Relic-fanciers.

[70] See Appendix, N.

[71] This report may have originated in some facetious remark, which probably escaped from him on hearing that one William Wallace had, by the voice of his fellow-citizens, attained to the honour of being Lord Mayor of London, when the success of the Scots compelled Edward to grant an extension of the liberties of his people. His election is stated, at p. 85, vol. i. of this work, to have taken place in 1296. This mistake the author begs leave to correct; the election occurred in April 1298. The coincidence is rather singular. See Lambert’s Survey of London, vol. i. p. 167.

[72] That Edward was mean enough to subject Wallace to a piece of mockery of this kind, appears evident, from the same contemptible artifice, to excite derision, being again resorted to in the case of Sir Simon Frazer, who was not only habited in an unbecoming and ridiculous garb, but also had “a gerland on ys heued of the newe _guyse_.” This expression is taken from the ancient ballad made on the execution of Frazer, as may be seen in the account we have given of that warrior; and which seemed evidently to allude to the recent exhibition made of Wallace, on whose person “the newe guyse” was no doubt first introduced;--and, as Sir Simon was executed only about twelve months afterwards, the phrase would be perfectly applicable, as the circumstance must have been fresh in the minds of the people.--See _App._ L.

[73] See Appendix, O.

[74] This appears to have been the only article of property that Wallace died possessed of.

[75] This, in all probability, was the mark of the wound inflicted by the Lancaster bowman mentioned at page 162 of volume I.

[76] See Appendix, P.

[77] See Appendix, Q.

[78] This circumstance seems to have been keenly felt and lamented, as a subject of national disgrace, by some of the historians of England. In addition to the anathemas poured forth by Peter Langtoft, on account of the obstinacy of their northern neighbours--the mortification evinced by Hardyng in the following lines, is highly complimentary to the independent spirit of Scotland. This acknowledged spy, and detected forger, was sent down by his government, in the reign of Henry V., for the _mean_ purpose of stealing away the treaty with Robert Bruce, in which the independence of Scotland was recognised.

“Englande and Wales as to their soueraygne
To you obey, whiche shuld thinke shame of ryght,
To se Scotlande thus proudly disobeyne,
Agayne them two that bene of greate myght,
It is a shame to euery mannes syght,
Sith Iohn Baylioll his ryght of it resygned
To kyng Edward, why is it thus repugned?”

_Hardyng’s Chronicle_, p. 413-414.

In the two last lines, the writer of the Chronicle founds the pretensions of England to the superiority over Scotland, on the resignation of Baliol. This title he no doubt considered as _preferable_ to any claims previously got up; and we would recommend Dr Lingard to follow his example; for, bad as it is, the supporters of it are not liable to meet with those stubborn historical facts which stand in the way of the advocates for a more venerable antiquity. To show the sincerity which dictates this advice, we shall revert once more to pages 443 and 444, vol. iii. of the Doctor’s work, where we are told, on the authority of Rymer, that the words “libertates, dignitates, honores debiti,” &c. “mean the allowances to be made, and the honours to be shown, to the King of Scots, as often as he came to the English court, by the command of his lord the King of England, _from the moment that he crossed the Borders till his return into his own territories_.” Had the vassalage of the King of Scotland been of that unqualified nature which the Doctor labours to establish, how comes it that his “allowances” only commence _from the moment he crossed the Border_, and _ceased_ as soon as he _returned to his own territories_--merely, we presume, because _he was in his own territories_. Had it been otherwise, he would doubtless have been found entitled to those expenses or allowances, _from the time_ he left _his own domicile_, in whatever part of Scotland _that domicile_ may have been situated.

[79] See Appendix, R.

[80] However singular this statement may appear to some, the author is happy in having it in his power to produce the most incontrovertible evidence of the fact--See _App._ A.

[81] Appendix, S.

[82] See Appendix, T.

[83] Vol. iii. 8vo ed. p. 343-355.; and vol. ii. of 4to ed. p. 459-468, 470.

[84] Lingard, vol. iii. p. 356. 3d Edition.

[85] In the recovery of a document connected with the hero of Scotland, which had thus lain in obscurity for so long a period, the writer feels himself particularly called upon to express his grateful acknowledgments to T. G. Repp, Esq. of the Advocates’ Library, and his friend E. K. Sieveking, Esq., Syndic of the city of Hamburgh.

[86] The writer is inclined to believe, that, in copying the antiquated original, Badsington has been put down by the transcriber in a mistake for Haddington. He has left it, however, in charge of a note of interrogation, for the purpose of inviting his readers to the exercise of their critical acumen.

[87] Our readers will be gratified to learn, that Dr Lappenberg has been for some time engaged on a highly interesting work relating to the origin of the Hanseatic League, in the course of which there will appear upwards of 400 documents which have escaped the research of former writers, illustrative of the state of commerce among the nations of Europe between 1170 and 1370. A considerable number of these documents, we understand, relate to the mercantile transactions of England and Scotland; and a publication of this kind cannot fail to be anxiously looked for, by all who set a value upon well-authenticated historical information.

[88] See p. 203.

[89] By the above letter, the writer is also enabled to correct a mis-statement at page 29 of the present volume. The election of Wallace to the _Regency_ did not (as is there mentioned) take place before his advance into England. The authority by which he and Sir Andrew Murray made the preparations for the invasion, appear to have been derived from the community of Scotland, and “_duces exercitus regni Scotie_” the highest title they considered themselves invested with at the time.

[90] Under the impression that the letter and charters alluded to above are the composition of Wallace, we conceive some of our readers may not be displeased with the following attempt at a translation of the charter in favour of Scrymgeour, as they will then have in this volume English versions of every known document that can with any probability be considered as emanating from the pen of Wallace.

“Charter of Sir William Wallace, Guardian of Scotland, in the name of King John Baliol, with the seal of the same John.