Chapter XXV: Account of the Mandan Indians (5)

[271] The North American Indians are conceded to have been in that state of religious or superstitious development known as "animism;" consult Farrand, _Basis of American History_, pp. 248-250; and E. B. Tylor, _Primitive Culture_ (New York, 1871). For the primitive cults of the Mandan and Minitaree, Maximilian is an approved authority; consult on this subject, J. O. Dorsey, "Study of Siouan Cults," in United States Bureau of Ethnology _Report_, 1889-90, particularly chapter vi.--ED.

[272] This conjecture is adopted by Dr. Edwin James, the learned author of Tanner's Life among the Indians, p. 357 of that work. I refer to this interesting book for the remarkable hieroglyphics of the people of the Algonquin tribe.--MAXIMILIAN.

[273] Alcide Dessalines D'Orbigny (1802-57), a French naturalist and palæontologist. In 1826 he was sent to South America, where for eight years he travelled and made observations, which were embodied in his _Voyages dans l'Amérique méridionale_ (1834-47); he also published _L'Homme Américain consideré sous ses rapports physiologique et moreaux_ (Paris, 1839). In 1853 he was appointed to the chair of palæontology in the Jardin des Plantes, Paris.

Felix d'Azare (1746-1811), a Spanish soldier, traveller, and naturalist, spent twenty years (1781-1801) in South America. His published work was _Voyage dans l'Amérique méridionale_ (1809). Tylor calls attention to D'Orbigny's strictures on Azare's statements.--ED.

[274] Dipauch is a very distinguished man, and might have been a chief long ago if he had pleased, as he possesses all the necessary qualifications. His father was shot by the Sioux during Lewis and Clarke's winter residence among these Indians. Those travellers offered to assist the Mandans against their enemies, and to take the field with them, to which, however, they would not consent.--MAXIMILIAN.

_Comment by Ed_. See _Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition_, i, pp. 229-232. It is somewhat misleading to say that the Mandan would not accept the aid of the explorers. The snow was too deep, and the cold too severe to permit pursuit of the Sioux.

[275] Brackenridge, p. 71, is very much mistaken in believing that the Mandans and Manitaries worship only buffalo heads, for, if the latter are medicine, it is incontrovertibly true that they believe in a number of superior beings who make a figure in their mythology.--MAXIMILIAN.

_Comment by Ed._ Our author is citing Brackenridge, _Views of Louisiana_ (Pittsburgh, 1814).

[276] Catlin calls this spirit Okeeheedee, and identifies him as the devil. It is he who creates the great disturbance on the third day of the Okippe; see _post_.--ED.

[277] Catlin gives a variant of this legend, in _North American Indians_, i, pp. 179-180.--ED.

[278] Numank-Machana autem, partis naturalis loco cauda vacuna usus erat: incolæ loci, valde stupefacti præstantes et assiduas primi hominis vires admirarunt.--MAXIMILIAN.

[279] Deluge-myths are very widespread among the American aborigines. D.G. Brinton, _Myths of the New World_ (Philadelphia, 3rd ed., 1896), pp. 234-249, finds over thirty-four tribes among whom distinct traces of deluge myths were prevalent.--ED.

[280] See variants of this tradition in _Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition_, v, pp. 346, 347; Catlin, _North American Indians_, i, pp. 178, 179.--ED.

[281] This is not White Earth River of North Dakota, but the one in South Dakota now usually known as White River; see our volume xxii, p. 302, note 259. For Moreau River consult Bradbury's _Travels_, in our volume v, p. 127, note 82.--ED.

[282] The Minitaree had a creation-myth similar to that of the Mandan, by which they were represented as climbing from a lake when a tree broke, the remainder of the tribe being left below.--ED.

[283] See Plate 49, in the accompanying atlas, our volume xxv, for a view of Mih-Tutta-Hang-Kush, of which the ground plan is found on p. 363, _ante_.--ED.

[284] This belief in the influence of dreams and in a guardian spirit was widespread among the aborigines of North America; consult J. Long's _Voyages_, in our volume ii, pp. 123-126; also J. O. Dorsey, "Siouan Cults," p. 475.--ED.

[285] See Plate 54, figure 3, in the accompanying atlas, our volume xxv.--ED.

[286] For sacred pipes among the Omaha, see Dorsey, "Omaha Sociology," pp. 221-224.--ED.

[287] The ceremony of adoption was frequent among North American Indians. It was of vast service in preserving the lives of white captives, and in promoting intercourse between whites and Indians. For typical instances consult Lewis H. Morgan, _League of the Iroquois_ (Rochester, 1851), pp. 341-346; J. Long's _Voyages_, in our volume ii, pp. 82-86; and _Henry-Thompson Journals_, i, pp. 388-390.--ED.

[288] Consult on this subject, Brinton, _Myths of the New World_, pp. 304-334.--ED.

[289] See Catlin's description of the purchase of a white buffalo robe from the Blackfeet--a matter of public concern to the entire tribe--and its dedication to the Great Spirit, in _North American Indians_, i, pp. 133, 134.--ED.

[290] These are represented in Plate 58, in the accompanying atlas, our volume xxv.--ED.

[291] The author refers to a letter on this subject, written by Mr. Catlin, and published in a New York paper; but this is by no means so complete as that given in his valuable work published last year.--H. EVANS LLOYD.

_Comment by Ed._ Catlin's letter, dated at the Mandan village, August 12, 1832, was published in the _New York Spectator_, and a German translation incorporated in the first edition of Maximilian's work published at Coblentz in 1841 (ii, pp. 658-667). Upon the issue of Catlin's _North American Indians_, (1841), the fuller account of Okippe therein given caused Maximilian's English translator to omit from his work Catlin's first description. Catlin's veracity in this description was impugned both by Schoolcraft and David D. Mitchell, and their criticism was embodied in an authorized government publication. Catlin thereupon (1866) appealed both to Kipp and Maximilian, who both unhesitatingly endorsed his account as correct. See evidence in Smithsonian Institution _Report_, 1885, part ii, pp. 368-383. Catlin then published _O-kee-pa_ (London, 1867), with colored illustrations of the ceremony.

[292] The ceremony of Okippe was for many years celebrated annually; but as the numbers of the tribe decreased it occurred less frequently, and has now with the progress of missionary work become extinct. See, however, description of the celebration in Henry A. Boller, _Among the Indians, Eight Years in the Far West_ (Philadelphia, 1868), pp. 100-111.--ED.

[293] According to Catlin these drums were supposed to be filled with water enclosed in them at the time of the deluge, and thus were objects of much veneration. For one of them he offered goods to the amount of one hundred dollars, but was refused, they being deemed "medicine" or mystery objects. Captain Maynardier, who witnessed this ceremony in 1860, and thought he was the first to describe it (see _Senate Ex. Docs._, 40 Cong., 1 sess., No. 77, pp. 149-151), also testifies that the drums were supposed to be filled with water; but he believed they were stuffed with hair.--ED.

[294] According to Catlin, "the first man" collects an edged tool from each lodge, since the "big canoe" was made therewith, and in another deluge these would be needed.--ED.

[295] That is, they dance twice to each of the four quarters of the globe, four being a sacred number. See plates of the costume in Catlin, _O-kee-pa_, nos. v, vi.--ED.

[296] See _O-kee-pa_, plate viii, for the rattlesnake man.--ED.

[297] An exact description of the representation by Catlin, _op. cit._, plate ix. According to the painter, this evil spirit does not appear until the fourth day of the ceremony.--ED.

[298] When these Indians fast for three or four days together, they dream very frequently of the devil, and, in this case, they believe that they have not long to live. The narrator had once fasted for a long time at this festival, and suffered himself to be hung up by the back. During the night he dreamed of the devil, who appeared far more frightful and taller than he could ever be represented. His plume of feathers reached to the clouds, and he ran about as quick as lightning. On several other occasions he dreamed of this devil, but now he is resolved not to fast any more, that he might not die prematurely. He added, that he had often looked without apprehension, and with pleasure, on the mask representing the devil; but he now regarded the matter in a different light, for, the more he thought of him, the taller and the more frightful did he appear to him, and, under these circumstances, the spirit had been very near him, and, if he had but once touched him, he certainly should have been dead already.--MAXIMILIAN.

[299] See _O-kee-pa_, plate viii, for a representation of the masker imitating the beaver.--ED.

[300] Represented in _O-kee-pa_, plate vii; also another, intended to symbolize the dawn, or the rays of the morning.--ED.

[301] Catlin's account of the tortures is more detailed than that of Maximilian, but presents similar features. Upon inquiry, the former learned that but one young man was known to have died from the exhaustion consequent thereupon. Consult also the _Henry-Thompson Journals_, i, pp. 364, 365.--ED.

[302] Compare _Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition_, i, p. 245; and James's _Long's Expedition_, in our volume xv, pp. 129, 130.--ED.

[303] See our volume xiv, pp. 127, 128.--ED.

[304] Compare _Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition_, i, pp. 257, 258, on the use of rattlesnake joints as medicine.--ED.

[305] For the mention by Lewis and Clark see _Original Journals_, i, p. 264; also our volume xv, pp. 57-59.--ED.

[306] See Plate 14, in the accompanying atlas, our volume xxv.--ED.

[307] See Plate 58, in the accompanying atlas, our volume xxv.--ED.

[308] Matthews, _Hidatsa Indians_, pp. 71, 72, takes exception to this list, and from his own observation thinks that the Mandan and Minitaree have no formal names for the lunar periods, and that they are aware that twelve do not quite complete the year.--ED.

[309] For representation of a buffalo hunt, see Plate 64, in the accompanying atlas,' our volume xxv.--ED.

[310] The economy of the buffalo in the life of the plains Indians is well known; its flesh was the staple for food, its skin for shelter, dress, and utensils of many sorts, its horn for implements, and its sinews for strings and thread. The sedentary aborigines of the Missouri were scarcely less dependent upon this animal than their plains kinsmen, their agricultural products forming but a small supplement to the food supply. Hunting the buffalo was thus the chief employment of the male Indians. For this purpose guns were but little used, they being reserved for war or occasional encounters with grizzly bears. Compare descriptions of Mandan buffalo hunts in _Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition_, i, pp. 234, 278; _Henry-Thompson Journals_, i, pp. 336, 337; Palliser, _Solitary Rambles_ (London, 1853), pp. 111-114; and Boller, _Among the Indians_, pp. 78-80.--ED.

[311] H. M. Brackenridge, _Views of Louisiana_, p. 56.--ED.

[312] For this method of taking antelope compare _Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition_ i, pp. 313, 314; and H. M. Chittenden and A. T. Richardson, _Life, Letters, and Travels of Father De Smet_, iv, pp. 1396, 1397. Frequently Indians pursued the antelope on swift horses, driving them in zig-zags until they were exhausted. See _Original Journals_, ii, pp. 345, 346.--ED.

[313] _Op. cit._, in note 311, p. 56.--ED.

[314] See Matthews, _Hidatsa Indians_, p. 58. This is the eagle sometimes known as _Aquila canadensis_, although it has a wide range of habitat. It is the royal or calumet eagle of Lewis and Clark--one of the two North American eagles, the other being the bald-headed (_Haliætus leucocephalus_).--ED.

[315] See a good description of war-parties led by partisans in our volume xv, pp. 78-85.--ED.

[316] See Plate 54, figure 9, and Plate 81, figure 14, in the accompanying atlas, our volume xxv.--ED.

[317] See our volume xv, p. 92. These hiding places are described as prepared by the squaws in case of an unexpected attack, warriors only retreating thereto if hard-pressed.--ED.

[318] Brackenridge (1811) witnessed the return of an Arikkara war-party and the subsequent scalp-dance, which he vividly describes in volume vi of our series, pp. 142-145.--ED.

[319] Pembina is said to mean the fruit of the high-bush cranberry. The river of that name, an affluent of Red River from the west, disembogues near the British-American boundary line, its mouth being the site of several early trading-posts and settlements. Between 1790 and 1796 Peter Grant, a Nor' Wester, built a trading-post opposite the mouth of the river, near the site of the present St. Vincent, Minnesota. Charles Chaboillez, another trader for the same company, wintered (1797-98) at the mouth of Pembina River on the south-west side. Four years later Alexander Henry built a post in the north-west angle, the site of the modern town of Pembina, North Dakota, where he made his headquarters until 1808, and whence (1806) he visited the Mandan villages. In 1812 Lord Selkirk had a post built at this site, which from one of his titles was named Fort Daer. This being on the verge of the timber-land, and hence convenient to buffalo herds, was the wintering place of his Red River colonists. The North West Company had a rival post in the near vicinity. After the troubles of the Red River colonists with the North West employés (1814-16), a company of troops, guided by John Tanner, was sent (1817) by Selkirk to avenge his settlers. These captured the North West fort at Pembina, and restored Fort Daer, which was maintained until 1823; when, on being found to be south of the international boundary, it was dismantled and removed some miles farther north. Meanwhile a small settlement of métis had grown up on the site; Long (1823) found here about sixty log-cabins, and three hundred and fifty people. Communication was maintained both with Fort Garry, lower down on Red River, and with Fort Snelling, at St. Paul. About 1842 the agents of the American Fur Company established a cart-route to Pembina, where in 1870 the United States government erected a fort, but the place is no longer occupied by troops.--ED.

[320] See his portrait in Plate 56, in the accompanying atlas, our volume xxv.--ED.

[321] See Plate 81, figure 16, in the accompanying atlas, our volume xxv.--ED.

[322] Though all their arrows appear, at first sight, to be perfectly alike, there is a great difference in the manner in which they are made. Of all the tribes of the Missouri the Mandans are said to make the neatest and most solid arrows. The iron heads are thick and solid, the feathers glued on, and the part just below the head, and the lower end, are wound round with very even, extremely thin sinews of animals. They all have, in their whole length, a spiral line, either carved or painted red, which is to represent the lightning. The Manitaries make the iron heads thinner, and not so well. They do not glue on the feathers, but only tie them on at both ends, like the Brazilians. The Assiniboins frequently have very thin and indifferent heads to their arrows, made of iron-plate. Mr. Say (Major Long's Expedition) says, that the arrow-wood (_viburnum_) is used for their arrows by the Indians on the Lower Missouri and the neighbouring prairies. I conjecture that this shrub is the alistier (_Cratægus torminalis_) of the Upper Missouri, which is sometimes used for bows, but very seldom for arrows.--MAXIMILIAN.

[323] See p. 355 for illustration of stone club, with handle.--ED.

[324] See portrait of Mato-Topé, Plate 47, in the accompanying atlas, our volume xxv.--ED.

[325] _Ibid._, Plate 81, figure 4.--ED.

[326] See p. 355 for illustration of a knotted wooden club.--ED.

[327] See p. 105 for illustration of a Grosventre dagger.--ED.

[328] Concerning Mato-Topé see our volume xxii, p. 345, note 318. For this incident see our volume xv, p. 97. Kakoakis was Le Borgne, for whom see our volume v, p. 162, note 98.--ED.

[329] These burial scaffolds were noted by most travellers on the Missouri, and Catlin gives a drawing of a Mandan cemetery, in _North American Indians_, i, pp. 89-92. Bradbury, in our volume v, p. 160, describes a scaffold in detail. According to James's _Long's Expedition_, our volume xv, pp. 66, 67, the Omaha buried their dead. The burial customs of all the Dakotan tribes would appear to have been fluctuating, inclining to aerial sepulture. Of late years, on the Fort Berthold reservation, this method is declining; and during the smallpox epidemic of 1838 the Mandan buried their dead; see Audubon's _Journals_, ii, pp. 14, 15. On the entire subject consult H. C. Yarrow, _Introduction to Study of Mortuary Customs among the North American Indians_ (Washington, 1880); and "Further Contributions to the study of Mortuary Customs among the North American Indians," in United States Bureau of Ethnology _Report_, 1879-80, pp. 87-203.--ED.

[330] The belief in the plurality of souls appears to have been widespread among Dakotan tribes. Matthews (_Hidatsa_, p. 50) says that the Minitaree believe in four for each person, and that he has heard this faith disputed with the Assiniboin, who believe in but one. The Teton Sioux think one spirit is of the body and dies with it; the second remaining with or near the body--hence the offering of food to the deceased; the third goes to the spirit home in the south; and the fourth abides with the lock of hair cut from the head of the corpse--if this is thrown into an enemy's camp, the ghost harasses the hostiles in time of war. See Dorsey, "Siouan Cults," p. 484. The belief in a home of spirits is indefinite and ill-defined--most Dakotan people think of an ancestral home to which spirits return, but the distinction between abodes for the good and the wicked appears imported, not indigenous.--See _Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition_, v, p. 347.--ED.

[331] Compare the accounts of mourning in James's _Long's Expedition_, our volume xv, pp. 66-68, and Boller, _Among the Indians_, p. 70. Mutilation was practiced by many tribes as a sign of mourning; see Yarrow, "Further Contributions to the Study of Mortuary Customs."--ED.

[332] See Indian Vocabularies, in our volume xxiv.--ED.

[333] Compare on this point Matthews, _Hidatsa_, pp. 18, 84, who claims that on the Fort Berthold reservation there appears no tendency to coalescence, and that Mandan, Minitaree, and Arikkara are still linguistically distinct.--ED.

[334] A tradition of white-bearded Indians living far to the westward was rife among the French traders and explorers in the early eighteenth century, and when he visited the Mandan in 1738 La Vérendrye sought "that nation of whites so much spoken of." The variation in color of complexion, hair, and eyes among the Mandan (see note 215, _ante_) led to various theories of their origin. Among these that of Welsh derivation gained much currency. The alleged American adventure in the twelfth century of Prince Madoc from Wales, and the consequent blending of his followers with the aborigines was a current theory among English ethnographers in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. Catlin enthusiastically adopted it to account for Mandan peculiarities; see his _North American Indians_, i, pp. 205-207; ii, pp. 259-261. For a bibliography of this theory, which Maximilian's scientific sense rejected, see Justin Winsor, _Narrative and Critical History of America_ (Boston, 1889), i, pp. 109-111; see also B. F. Bowen, _Welsh in North America_ (Philadelphia, 1876), especially chapter xi.--ED.