Chapter VI: Front Matter (6)

"This latent malignity in the atmosphere (says Baron Vansweiten) is known only by its effects, and cannot easily be reduced to any known species of acrimony." In another place he says, "It seems certain that this unknown matter disposes all the humours to a sudden and bad putrefaction[40]."

[40] Commentaries on Boerhaave's Aphorisms, vol. v. p. 226, 230.

Dr. John Stedman has related many facts, in his Essay upon Insalutary Constitutions of the Air, which prove, that diseases are influenced by a quality in it, which, he says, "is productive of corruption," but which has hitherto eluded the researches of physicians[41].

[41] Page 135.

Mr. Lempriere, after mentioning the unusual mortality occasioned by the yellow fever, within the last five or six years, in the island of Jamaica, ascribes it wholly "to that particular constitution of atmosphere upon which the existence of epidemics, at one period rather than another, depend[42]."

[42] Vol. ii. p. 31.

Not only diseases bear testimony to a change in the atmosphere, but the whole vegetable and animal creation concur in it, proofs of which were mentioned in another place. Three things are remarkable with respect to this inflammatory constitution of the air.

1. It is sometimes of a local nature, and influences the diseases of a city, or country, while adjoining cities and countries are exempted from it.

2. It much oftener pervades a great extent of country. This was evident in the years 1793 and 1794, in the United States. During the same years, the yellow fever prevailed in most of the West-India islands. Many of the epidemics mentioned by Dr. Sims, in the first volume of the Medical Memoirs, affected, in the same years, the most remote parts of the continent of Europe. Even the ocean partakes of a morbid constitution of its atmosphere, and diseases at sea sympathise in violence with those of the land, at an immense distance from each other. This appears in a letter from a surgeon, on board a British ship of war, to Mr. Gooch, published in the third volume of his Medical and Surgical Observations.

3. The predisposing state of the atmosphere to induce malignant diseases continues for several years, under all the circumstances of wet and dry, and of hot and cold weather. This will appear, from attending to the accounts which have been given of the weather, in all the years in which the yellow fever has prevailed in Philadelphia since 1792[43]. The remark is confirmed by all the records of malignant epidemics.

[43] Vol. iii. and iv.

It is to no purpose to say, the presence of the peculiar matter which constitutes an inflammatory or malignant state of the air has not been detected by any chemical agents. The same thing has been justly said of the exhalations which produce the bilious intermitting, remitting, and yellow fever. No experiment that has yet been made, has discovered their presence in the air. The eudiometer has been used in vain for this purpose. In one experiment made by Dr. Gattani, the air from a marsh at the mouth of the river Vateline was found to be apparently purer by two degrees than the air on a neighbouring mountain, which was 2880 feet higher than the sea. The inhabitants of the mountain were notwithstanding healthy, while those who lived in the neighbourhood of the marsh were annually afflicted with bilious and intermitting fevers[44]. The contagions of the small-pox and measles consist of matter, and yet who has ever discovered this matter in the air? We infer the existence of those remote causes of diseases in the atmosphere only from their effects. Of the existence of putrid exhalations in it, there are other evidences besides bilious and yellow fevers. They are sometimes the objects of the sense of smelling. We see them in the pale or sallow complexions of the inhabitants of the countries which generate them, and we observe them occasionally in the diseases of several domestic animals. The most frequent of these diseases are inflammation, tubercles, and ulcers in the liver. Dr. Cleghorn describes a diseased state of that viscus in cattle, in an unhealthy part of the island of Minorca. Dr. Grainger takes notice of several morbid appearances in the livers of domestic animals in Holland, in the year 1743. But the United States have furnished facts to illustrate the truth of this remark. Mr. James Wardrobe, near Richmond, in Virginia, informed me, that in August, 1794, at a time when bilious fevers were prevalent in his neighbourhood, his cattle were seized with a disease, which, I said formerly, is known by the name of the yellow water, and which appears to be a true yellow fever. They were attacked with a staggering. Their eyes were muddy, or ferocious. A costiveness attended in all cases. It killed in two days. Fifty-two of his cattle perished by it. Upon opening the bodies of several of them, he found the liver swelled and ulcerated. The blood was dissolved in the veins. In the bladder of one of them, he found thirteen pints of blood and water. Similar appearances were observed in the livers of sheep in the neighbourhood of Cadiz, in the year 1799, during the prevalence of the yellow fever in that city. They were considered as such unequivocal marks of an unwholesome atmosphere among the ancients, that they examined the livers of domestic animals, in order to determine on the healthy or unhealthy situation of the spot on which they wished to live.

[44] Alibert's Dissertation sur les Fievres Pernicieuses et Attaxiques
Intermittentes, p. 185.

The advocates for the yellow fever being a specific disease, and propagated only by contagion, will gain nothing by denying an inflammatory constitution of the atmosphere (the cause of which is unknown to us) to be necessary to raise common remittents to that grade in which they become malignant yellow fevers; for they are obliged to have recourse to an unknown quality in the air, every time they are called upon to account for the disease prevailing chiefly in our cities, and not spreading when it is carried from them into the country. The same reference to an occult quality in the air is had by all the writers upon the plague, in accounting for its immediate and total extinction, when it is carried into a foreign port.

In speaking of the influence of an inflammatory constitution of the atmosphere in raising common bilious, to malignant yellow fevers, I wish not to have it supposed, that its concurrence is necessary to produce sporadic cases of that, or any other malignant disease. Strong exciting causes, combined with highly volatilized and active miasmata, I believe, will produce a yellow fever at any time. I have seen one or more such cases almost every year since I settled in Philadelphia, and particularly when my business was confined chiefly to that class of people who live near the wharves, and in the suburbs, and who are still the first, and frequently the only victims of the yellow fever.

It has been said, exultingly, that the opinion of the importation of the yellow fever is of great antiquity in our country, and that it has lately been admitted by the most respectable physicians in Britain and France, and sanctioned by the laws of several of the governments in Europe. Had antiquity, numbers, rank, and power been just arguments in favour of existing opinions, a thousand truths would have perished in their birth, which have diffused light and happiness over every part of our globe. In favour of the ancient and general belief of the importation of the yellow fever, there are several obvious reasons. The idea is produced by a single act of the mind. It requires neither comparison nor reasoning to adopt it, and therefore accords with the natural indolence of man. It, moreover, flatters his avarice and pride, by throwing the origin of a mortal disease from his property and country. The principle of thus referring the origin of the evils of life from ourselves to others is universal. It began in paradise, and has ever since been an essential feature in the character of our species. It has constantly led individuals and nations to consider loathsome and dangerous diseases as of foreign extraction. The venereal disease and the leprosy have no native country, if we believe all the authors who have written upon them. Prosper Alpinus derives the plagues of Cairo from Syria, and the physicians of Alexandria import them from Smyrna or Constantinople. The yellow fever is said to have been first brought from Siam (where there are proofs it never existed) to the West-Indies, whence it is believed to be imported into the cities of the United States. From them, Frenchmen and Spaniards say it has been re-shipped, directly or indirectly, to St. Domingo, Havanna, Malaga, Cadiz, and other parts of the world. Weak and absurd credulity! the causes of the ferocious and mortal disease which we thus thrust from our respective ports, like the sin of Cain, "lie exclusively at our own doors."

Lastly, it has been asserted, if we admit the yellow fever to be an indigenous disease of our cities, we shall destroy their commerce, and the value of property in them, by disseminating a belief, that the cause of our disease is fixed in our climate, and that it is out of the power of human means to remove it. The reverse of this supposition is true. If it be an imported disease, our case is without a remedy; for if, with all the advantages of quarantine laws enforced by severe penalties, and executed in the most despotic manner, the disease has existed annually, in most of our cities, as an epidemic, or in sporadic cases, ever since the year 1791, it will be in vain to expect, from similar measures, a future exemption from it. Nothing but a belief in its domestic origin, and the adoption of means founded upon that belief, can restore the character of our climate, and save our commercial cities from destruction. Those means are cheap, practicable, and certain. They have succeeded, as I shall say presently, in other countries.

From the account that has been given of the different ways in which this disease is communicated from one person to another, and from the facts which establish its propagation exclusively through the medium of the atmosphere, when it becomes epidemic, we may explain several things which belong to its history, that are inexplicable upon the principle of its specific contagion.

1. We learn the reason why, in some instances, the fever does not spread from a person who sickens or dies at sea, who had carried the seeds of it in his body from a sickly shore. It is because no febrile miasmata exist in the bodies of the rest of the crew to be excited into action by any peculiar smell from the disease, or by fear or fatigue, and because no morbid excretions are generated by the person who dies. The fever which prevailed on board the Nottingham East-Indiaman, in the year 1766, affected those forty men only, who had slept on shore on the island of Joanna twenty days before. Had the whole crew been on shore, the disease would probably have affected them all, and been ascribed to contagion generated by the first persons who were confined by it[45]. A Danish ship, in the year 1768, sent twelve of her crew on shore for water. They were all seized after their return to the ship with malignant fever, and died without infecting any person on board, and from the same causes which preserved the crew of the Nottingham Indiaman[46].

[45] Observations on the Bilious Fevers usual in voyages to the
East-Indies, by James Badinach, M. D. Medical Observations and
Inquiries, vol. iv.

[46] Clarke on the Diseases of Long Voyages to Hot Climates, p. 123,
125.

2. We learn the reason why the disease sometimes spreads through a whole ship's crew, apparently from one or more affected persons. It is either because they have been confined to small and close berths by bad weather, or because the fever has been protracted to a typhus or chronic state, or because the bodies of the whole crew are impregnated with morbid miasmata, and thus predisposed to have the disease excited in the manner that has been mentioned. In the last way it was excited in most of the crew of the United States frigate, in the Delaware, opposite to the city of Philadelphia, in the year 1797. It appears to have spread, from a similar cause, from a few sailors, on board the Grenville Indiaman, after touching at Batavia. The whole crew had been predisposed to the disease by inhaling the noxious air of that island.

The same reasons account for the fever expiring in a healthy village or country; also for its spreading when carried to those towns which are seated upon creeks or rivers, and in the neighbourhood of marsh exhalations. It has uniformly perished in the high and healthy village of Germantown, when carried from Philadelphia, and has three times appeared to be contagious near the muddy shores of the creeks which flow through Wilmington and Chester.

3. From the facts that have been mentioned, we are taught to disbelieve the possibility of the disease being imported in the masts and sails of a ship, by a contagious matter secreted by a sailor who may have sickened or died on board her, on a passage from a West-India island. The death in most of the cases supposed to be imported, in this way, occurs within a few days after the ship leaves her West-India port, or within a few days after her arrival. In the former case, the disease is derived from West-India miasmata; in the latter, it is derived, as was before remarked, either from the foul air of the hold of the ship, or of the dock or wharf to which the ship is moored.

Many other facts might be adduced to show the yellow fever not to be an imported disease. It has often prevailed among the Indians remote from the sea coast, and many hundred cases of it have occurred, since the year 1793, on the inland waters of the United States, from the Hudson and Susquehannah, to the rivers of the Mississippi. In South-America, Baron Humboldt assured me, it is every where believed to be an endemic of that country.

These simple and connected facts, in which all the physicians in the United States who derive the yellow fever from domestic causes have agreed, will receive fresh support by comparing them with the different and contrary opinions of the physicians who maintain its importation. Some of them have asserted it to be a specific disease, and derived it from the East and West-Indies; others derive it from Beulam, on the coast of Africa; a third sect have called it a ship fever; a fourth have ascribed it to a mixture of imported contagion with the foul air of our cities; while a fifth, who believed it to be imported in 1793, have supposed it to be the offspring of a contagion left by the disease of that year, revived by the heat of our summers, and disseminated, ever since, through the different cities of our country. The number of these opinions, clearly proves, that no one of them is tenable.

A belief in the non-contagion of the yellow fever, or of its being incommunicable except in one of the five ways that have been mentioned, is calculated to produce the following good effects:

1. It will deliver the states which have sea-ports from four-fifths of the expences of their present quarantine laws and lazarettoes. A very small apparatus, in laws and officers, would be sufficient to prevent the landing of persons affected by the ship fever in our cities, and the more dangerous practice, of ships pouring streams of pestilential air, from their holds, upon the citizens who live near our docks and wharves.

2. It will deliver our merchants from the losses incurred by the delays of their ships, by long and unnecessary quarantines. It will, moreover, tend to procure the immediate admission of our ships into foreign ports, by removing that belief in the contagious nature of the yellow fever, which originated in our country, and which has been spread, by the public acts of our legislatures and boards of health, throughout the globe.

3. It will deliver our citizens from the danger to which they are exposed, by spending the time of the quarantine, on board of vessels in the neighbourhood of the marshes, which form the shores of the rivers or coasts of quarantine roads. This danger is much increased by idleness, and by the vexation which is excited, by sailors and passengers being detained, unnecessarily, fifteen or twenty days from their business and friends.

4. It will lead us to a speedy removal of all the excretions, and a constant ventilation of the rooms of patients in the yellow fever, and thereby to prevent the accumulation, and further putrefaction of those exhalations which may reproduce it.

5. It is calculated to prevent the desertion of patients in the yellow fever, by their friends and families, and to produce caution in them to prevent the excitement of the disease in their own bodies, by means of low diet and gentle physic, proportioned to the impurity of the air, and to the anxiety and fatigue to which they are exposed in attending the sick.

6. It will put an end to the cruel practice of quieting the groundless fears of a whole neighbourhood, by removing the poor who are affected by the fever, from their houses, and conveying them, half dead with disease and terror, to a solitary or crowded hospital, or of nailing a yellow flag upon the doors of others, or of fixing a guard before them, both of which have been practised in Philadelphia, not only without any good effect, but to the great injury of the sick.

7. By deriving the fever from our own climate and atmosphere, we shall be able to foresee its approach in the increased violence of common diseases, in the morbid state of vegetation, in the course of the winds, in the diseases of certain brute animals, and in the increase of common, or the appearance of uncommon insects.

8. A belief in the non-contagion of the yellow fever, and its general prevalence from putrid animal and vegetable matters _only_, is calculated to lead us to drain or cover marshy grounds, and to remove from our cities all the sources of impure air, whether they exist in the holds of ships, in docks, gutters, and common sewers, or in privies, gardens, yards, and cellars, more especially during the existence of the signs of a malignant constitution of the air. A fever, the same in its causes, and similar to it in many of its symptoms, that is, the plague, has been extirpated, by extraordinary degrees of cleanliness, from the cities of Holland, Great-Britain, and several other parts of Europe.

The reader will perceive, from these facts and reasonings, that I have relinquished the opinion published in my account of the yellow fever in the years 1793, 1794, and 1797, respecting its contagious nature. I was misled by Dr. Lining, and several West-India writers, in ascribing a much greater extent to the excreted matters in producing the disease, than I have since discovered to be correct, and by Bianchi, Lind, Clark, and Cleghorn, in admitting even the common bilious fever to be contagious. The reader will perceive, likewise, that I have changed my opinion respecting one of the modes in which the plague is propagated. I once believed, upon the authorities of travellers, physicians, and schools of medicine, that it was a highly contagious disease. I am now satisfied this is not the case; but, from the greater number of people who are depressed and debilitated by poverty and famine, and who live in small and filthy huts[47] in the cities of the east, than in the cities of the United States, I still believe it to be more frequently communicated from an intercourse with sick people by the morbid excretions of the body, than the yellow fever is in our country. For the change of my opinion upon this subject, I am indebted to Dr. Caldwell's and Mr. Webster's publications upon pestilential diseases, and to the travels of Mariti and Sonnini into Syria and Egypt. I reject, of course, with the contagious quality of the plague, the idea of its ever being imported into any country so as to become epidemic, by means of a knife-case, a piece of cotton, or a bale of silks, with the same decision that I do all the improbable and contradictory reports of an epidemic yellow fever being imported in a sailor's jacket, or in the timbers and sails of a ship that had been washed by the salt water, and fanned by the pure air of the ocean, for several weeks, on her passage from the West-Indies to the United States.

[47] M. Savary, in his Travels, says, two hundred persons live in Cairo
within a compass that accommodates but thirty persons in Paris.

It gives me pleasure to find this unpopular opinion of the non-contagion of the plague is not a new one. It was held by the Faculty of Medicine in Paris, in the beginning of the eighteenth century, and it has since been defended by Dr. Stoll, of Vienna, Dr. Samoilowitz, of Russia, and several other eminent physicians. Dr. Herberden has lately called in question the truth of all the stories that are upon record of the plague having been imported into England in the last century, and the researches of Sir Robert Wilson of the British army, and of Assellini, and several other French physicians, have produced the most satisfactory proofs of its not being a contagious disease in its native country. A discovery more pregnant with blessings to mankind has seldom been made. Pyramids of error, the works of successive ages and nations, must fall before it, and rivers of tears must be dried up by it. It is impossible fully to appreciate the immense benefits which await this mighty achievement of our science upon the affairs of the globe. Large cities shall no longer be the hot-beds of disease and death. Marshy grounds, teeming with pestilential exhalations, shall become the healthy abodes of men. A powerful source of repulsion between nations shall be removed, and commerce shall shake off the fetters which have been imposed upon it by expensive and vexatious quarantines. A red or a yellow eye shall no longer be the signal to desert a friend or a brother to perish alone in a garret or a barn, nor to expel the stranger from our houses, to seek an asylum in a public hospital, to avoid dying in the street. The number of diseases shall be lessened, and the most mortal of them shall be struck out of the list of human evils. To accelerate these events, it is incumbent upon the physicians of the United States to second the discoveries of their European brethren. It becomes them constantly to recollect, that we are the centinels of the health and lives of our fellow-citizens, and that there is a grade of benevolence in our profession much higher than that which arises from the cure of diseases. It consists in exterminating their causes.

A DEFENCE

OF

_BLOOD-LETTING_,

AS A

REMEDY FOR CERTAIN DISEASES.

Blood-letting, as a remedy for fevers, and certain other diseases, having lately been the subject of much discussion, and many objections having been made to it, which appear to be founded in error and fear, I have considered that a defence of it, by removing those objections, might render it more generally useful, in every part of the United States.

I shall begin this subject by remarking, that blood-letting is indicated, in fevers of great morbid excitement,

1. By the sudden suppression or diminution of the natural discharges by the pores, bowels, and kidneys, whereby a plethora is induced in the system.

2. By the habits of the persons who are most subject to such fevers.

3. By the theory of fever. I have attempted to prove that the higher grades of fever depend upon morbid and excessive action in the blood-vessels. It is connected, of course, with preternatural sensibility in their muscular fibres. The blood is the most powerful irritant which acts upon them. By abstracting a part of it, we lessen the principal cause of the fever. The effect of blood-letting is as immediate and natural in removing fever, as the abstraction of a particle of sand is, to cure an inflammation of the eye, when it arises from that cause.

4. By the symptoms of the first stage of violent fevers, such as a sleepiness and an oppressed pulse, or by delirium, with a throbbing pulse, and great pains in every part of the body.

5. By the rupture of the blood-vessels, which takes place from the quantity or impetus of the blood in fevers of great morbid action. Let no one call bleeding a cruel or unnatural remedy. It is one of the specifics of nature; but in the use of it she seldom affords much relief. She frequently pours the stimulating and oppressing mass of blood into the lungs and brain; and when she finds an outlet for it through the nose, it is discharged either in such a deficient or excessive quantity, as to be useless or hurtful. By artificial blood-letting, we can choose the _time_ and _place_ of drawing blood, and we may regulate its quantity by the degrees of action in the blood-vessels. The disposition of nature to cure violent morbid action by depletion, is further manifested by her substituting, in the room of blood-letting, large, but less safe and less beneficial, evacuations from the stomach and bowels.

6. By the relief which is obtained in fevers of violent action by remedies of less efficacy (to be mentioned hereafter), which act indirectly in reducing the force of the sanguiferous system.

7. By the immense advantages which have attended the use of blood-letting in violent fevers, when used at a proper time, and in a quantity suited to the force of the disease. I shall briefly enumerate these advantages.

1. It frequently strangles a fever, when used in its forming state, and thereby saves much pain, time, and expence to a patient.

2. It imparts strength to the body, by removing the depression which is induced by the remote cause of the fever. It moreover obviates a disposition to faint, which arises from this state of the system.

3. It reduces the uncommon frequency of the pulse. The loss of ten ounces of blood reduced Miss Sally Eyre's pulse from 176 strokes to 140, in a few minutes, in the fever of the year 1794. Dr. Gordon mentions many similar instances of its reducing the frequency of the pulse, in the puerperile fever.

4. It renders the pulse more frequent when it is preternaturally slow.

5. It checks the nausea and vomiting, which attend the malignant state of fever. Of this I saw many instances in the year 1794. Dr. Poissonnier Desperrieres confirms this remark, in his Account of the Fevers of St. Domingo; and adds further, that it prevents, when sufficiently copious, the troublesome vomiting which often occurs on the fifth day of the yellow fever[48]. It has the same effect in preventing the diarrh[oe]a in the measles.

[48] Traite des Fievres de l'Isle de St. Domingue, vol. ii. p. 76.

6. It renders the bowels, when costive, more easily moved by purging physic.

7. It renders the action of mercury more speedy and more certain, in exciting a salivation.

8. It disposes the body to sweat spontaneously, or renders diluting and diaphoretic medicines more effectual for that purpose.

9. It _suddenly_ removes a dryness, and _gradually_ a blackness, from the tongue. Of the former effect of bleeding, I saw two instances, and of the latter, one, during the autumn of 1794.

10. It removes or lessens pain in every part of the body, and more especially in the head.

11. It removes or lessens the burning heat of the skin, and the burning heat in the stomach, so common and so distressing in the yellow fever.

12. It removes a constant chilliness, which sometimes continues for several days, and which will neither yield to cordial drinks, nor warm bed-clothes.

13. It checks such sweats as are profuse without affording relief, and renders such as are partial and moderate, universal and salutary.

14. It sometimes checks a diarrh[oe]a and tenesmus, after astringent medicines have been given to no purpose. This has often been observed in the measles.

15. It suddenly cures the intolerance of light which accompanies many of the inflammatory states of fever.

16. It removes coma. Mr. Henry Clymer was suddenly relieved of this alarming symptom, in the fever of 1794, by the loss of twelve ounces of blood.

17. It induces sleep. This effect of bleeding is so uniform, that it obtained, in the year 1794, the name of an anodyne in several families. Sleep sometimes stole upon the patient while the blood was flowing.

18. It prevents effusions of serum and blood. Hæmorrhages seldom occur, where bleeding has been sufficiently copious.

19. It belongs to this remedy to prevent the chronic diseases of cough, consumption, jaundice, abscess in the liver, and all the different states of dropsy which so often follow autumnal fevers.

My amiable friend, Mrs. Lenox, furnished an exception to this remark, in the year 1794. After having been cured of the yellow fever by seven bleedings, she was affected, in consequence of taking a ride, with a slight return of fever, accompanied by an acute pain in the head, and some of the symptoms of a dropsy of the brain. As her pulse was tense and quick, I advised repeated bleedings to remove it. This prescription, for reasons which it is unnecessary to relate, was not followed at the time, or in the manner, in which it was recommended. The pain, in the mean time, became more alarming. In this situation, two physicians were proposed by her friends to consult with me. I objected to them both, because I knew their principles and modes of practice to be contrary to mine, and that they were proposed only with a view of wresting the lancet from my hand. From this desire of avoiding a controversy with my brethren, where conviction was impossible on either side, as well as to obviate all cause of complaint by my patient's friends, I offered to take my leave of her, and to resign her wholly to the care of the two gentlemen who were proposed to attend her with me. To this she objected in a decided manner. But that I might not be suspected of an undue reliance upon my own judgment, I proposed to call upon Dr. Griffitts or Dr. Physick to assist me in my attendance upon her. Both these physicians had renounced the prejudices of the schools in which they had been educated, and had conformed their principles and practice to the present improving state of medical science. My patient preferred Dr. Griffitts, who, in his first visit to her, as soon as he felt her pulse, proposed more bleeding. The operation was performed by the doctor himself, and repeated daily for five days afterwards. From an apprehension that the disease was so fixed as to require some aid to blood-letting, we gave her calomel in such large doses as to excite a salivation. By the use of these remedies she recovered slowly, but so perfectly as to enjoy her usual health.

20. Bleeding prevents the termination of malignant, in the gangrenous state of fever. This effect of blood-letting will enable us to understand some things in the writings of Dr. Morton and Dr. Sydenham, which at first sight appear to be unintelligible. Dr. Morton describes what he calls a putrid fever, which was epidemic and fatal, in the year 1678. Dr. Sydenham, who practised in London at the same time, takes no notice of this fever. The reason of his silence is obvious. By copious bleeding, he prevented the fever of that year from running on to the gangrenous state, while Dr. Morton, by neglecting to bleed, created the supposed putrid fevers which he has described.

It has been common to charge the friends of blood-letting with _temerity_ in their practice. From this view which has been given of it, it appears, that it would be more proper to ascribe _timidity_ to them, for they bleed to prevent the offensive and distressing consequences of neglecting it, which have been mentioned.

21. It cures, without permitting a fever to put on those alarming symptoms, which excite constant apprehensions of danger and death, in the minds of patients and their friends. It is because these alarming symptoms are prevented, by bleeding, that patients are sometimes unwilling to believe they have been cured by it, of a malignant fever. Thus, the Syrian leper of old, viewed the water of Jordan as too simple and too common to cure a formidable disease, without recollecting that the remedies for the greatest evils of life are all simple, and within the power of the greatest part of mankind.

22. It prepares the way for the successful use of the bark and other tonic remedies, by destroying, or so far weakening, a morbid action in the blood-vessels, that a medicine of a moderate stimulus afterwards exceeds it in force, and thereby restores equable and healthy action to the system.

23. Bleeding prevents relapses. It, moreover, prevents that predisposition to the intermitting and pleuritic states of fever, which so frequently attack persons in the spring, who have had the bilious remitting fever in the preceding autumn.

But great and numerous as the advantages of blood-letting are in fevers, there have been many objections to it. I shall briefly enumerate, and endeavour to refute the errors upon this subject.

Blood-letting has been forbidden by physicians, by the following circumstances, and states of the system.

1. By warm weather. Galen bled in a plague, and Aræteus in a bilious fever, in a warm climate. Dr. Sydenham and Dr. Hillary inform us, that the most inflammatory fevers occur in, and succeed hot weather. Dr. Cleghorn prescribed it copiously in the warm months, in Minorca. Dr. Mosely cured the yellow fever by this remedy, in Jamaica. Dr. Broadbelt, and Dr. Weston, in the same island, have lately adopted his successful practice. Dr. Desportes speaks in the highest terms of it in all the inflammatory diseases of St. Domingo. He complains of the neglect of it in the rheumatism, in consequence of which, he says, the disease produces abscesses in the lungs[49]. I have never, in any year of my practice, been restrained by the heat of summer in the use of the lancet, where the pulse has indicated it to be necessary, and have always found the same advantages from it, as when I have prescribed it in the winter or spring months.

[49] Page 35.

In thus deciding in favour of bleeding in warm weather, I do not mean to defend its use to the same extent, as to diseases, or to quantity, in the native and long settled inhabitants of hot climates, as in persons who have recently migrated to them, or who live in climates alternately hot and cold.

2. Being born, and having lived in a warm climate. This is so far from being an objection to blood-letting in an inflammatory disease, that it renders it more necessary. I think I have lost several West-India patients from the influence of this error.

3. Great apparent weakness. This, in acute and violent fevers, is always from a depressed state of the system. It resembles, in so many particulars, that weakness which is the effect of the abstraction of stimulus, that it is no wonder they have been confounded by physicians. This sameness of symptoms from opposite states of the system is taken notice of by Hippocrates. He describes convulsions, and particularly a hiccup, as occurring equally from repletion and inanition, which answer to the terms of depression, and debility from action and abstraction. The natural remedy for the former is depletion, and no mode of depleting is so effectual or safe as blood-letting. But the great objection to this remedy is, when a fever of great morbid excitement affects persons of delicate constitutions, and such as have long been subject to debility of the chronic kind. In this state of the system there is the same morbid and preternatural action in the blood-vessels, that there is in persons of robust habits, and the same remedy is necessary to subdue it in both cases. It is sometimes indicated in a larger quantity in weakly than in robust people, by the plethora which is more easily induced in their relaxed and yielding blood-vessels, and by the greater facility with which ruptures and effusions take place in their viscera. Thus it is more necessary to throw overboard a large part of the cargo of an old and leaky vessel in a storm, than of a new and strong one. I know that vomits, purges, sweats, and other evacuating remedies, are preferred to bleeding in weakly constitutions, but I hope to show hereafter, that bleeding is not only more effectual, but more safe in such habits, than any other depleting remedy.

4. Infancy and childhood. This is so far from being an objection to bleeding, that the excitable state of the blood-vessels in those periods of life, renders it peculiarly necessary in their inflammatory diseases. Dr. Sydenham bled children in the hooping cough, and in dentition. I have followed his practice, and bled as freely in the violent states of fever in infancy as in middle life. I bled my eldest daughter when she was but six weeks old, for convulsions brought on by an excessive dose of laudanum given to her by her nurse; and I bled one of my sons twice, before he was two months old, for an acute fever which fell upon his lungs and bowels. In both cases, life appeared to be saved by this remedy.

5. Old age. The increase of appetite in old people, their inability to use sufficient exercise, whereby their blood-vessels become relaxed, plethoric, and excitable, and above all, the translation of the strength of the muscles to the arteries, and of plethora to the veins, all indicate bleeding to be more necessary (in equal circumstances) in old, than in middle aged people. My practice in the diseases of old people has long been regulated by the above facts. I bled Mrs. Fullarton twice in a pleurisy in January, 1804, in the 84th year of her age, and thereby cured her disease. I am not the author of this practice. Botallus left a testimony in favour of it nearly 200 years ago[50], and it has since been confirmed by the experience of Hoffman, and many other physicians. An ignorance of, or inattention to this change in the state of the blood-vessels, in persons in the decline of life, and the neglect of the only remedy indicated by it, is probably the reason why diseases often prove fatal to them, which in early or middle life cured themselves, or yielded to a single dose of physic, or a few ounces of bark.

[50] Magis esse adjuvandos senes, missione sanguinis dum morbus
postulat, aut corpus eorum habitus malus est, quam ubi hæc (quod
absonum videbitur) juvenibus contingunt.
De Cur. per Sang. missionem, cap. 11. § 11.

6. The time of menstruation. The uterus, during this period, is in an inflamed state, and the whole system is plethoric and excitable, and of course disposed to a violent degree of fever, from all the causes which excite it. Bleeding, therefore, is more indicated, in fever of great morbid action, at this time, than at any other. Formerly the natural discharge from the uterus was trusted to, to remove a fever contracted during the time of menstruation; but what relief can the discharge of four or five ounces of blood from the uterus afford, in a fever which requires the loss of 50, or perhaps of 100 ounces to cure it?

7. Pregnancy. The inflammation and distention induced upon the uterus directly, and indirectly upon the whole system by pregnancy, render bleeding, in the acute states of fever, more necessary than at other times. I have elsewhere mentioned the advantages of bleeding pregnant women, in the yellow fever. I did not learn the advantages of the practice in that disease. I bled Mrs. Philler 11 times in seven days, in a pleurisy during her pregnancy, in the month of March, 1783. Mrs. Fiss was bled 13 times in the spring of 1783; and Mrs. Kirby 16 times in the same condition, by my orders, in the winter of 1786, in a similar disease. All these women recovered, and the children they carried during their illness, are at this time alive, and in good health.

8. Fainting after bleeding. This symptom is accidental in many people. No inference can be drawn from it against blood-letting. It often occurs after the first and second bleedings in a fever, but in no subsequent bleeding, though it be repeated a dozen times. Of this I saw several instances, in the yellow fever of 1794. The pulse, during the fainting, is often tense and full.

9. Coldness of the extremities, and of the whole body. This cold state of fever when it occurs early, yields more readily to bleeding, than to the most cordial medicines.

10. Sweats are supposed to forbid blood-letting. I have seen two instances of death, from leaving a paroxysm of malignant fever to terminate itself by sweating. Dr. Sydenham has taught a contrary practice in the following case. "While this constitution (says the doctor) prevailed, I was called to Dr. Morice, who then practised in London. He had this fever, attended with profuse sweats, and numerous petechiæ. By the consent of some other physicians, our joint friends, he was blooded, and rose from his bed, his body being first wiped dry. He found immediate relief from the use of a cooling diet and medicines, the dangerous symptoms soon going off; and by continuing this method he recovered in a few days[51]." In the same fever, the doctor adds further, "For though one might expect great advantages in pursuing an indication taken from what generally proves serviceable (viz. sweating), yet I have found, by constant experience, that the patient not only finds no relief, but, contrariwise, is more heated thereby; so that frequently a delirium, petechiæ, and other very dangerous symptoms immediately succeed such _sweats_[52]."

[51] Wallis's edition, vol. i. p. 210.

[52] Vol. i. p. 208.

Morgagni describes a malignant fever which prevailed in Italy, in which the patients died in profuse sweats, while their physicians were looking for a crisis from them. Bleeding would probably have checked these sweats, and cured the fever.

11. Dissolved blood, and an absence of an inflammatory crust on its crassamentum. I shall hereafter place dissolved blood at the highest point of a scale, which is intended to mark the different degrees of morbid action in the system. I have mentioned, in the Outlines of a Theory of Fever, that it is the effect of a tendency to a palsy, induced by the violent force of impression upon the blood-vessels. This appearance of the blood in certain states of fever, instead of forbidding bleeding, is the most vehement call of the system for it. Nor is the absence of a crust on the crassamentum of the blood, a proof of the absence of great morbid diathesis, or a signal to lay aside the lancet. On the contrary, I shall show hereafter, that there are several appearances of the blood which indicate more morbid action in the blood-vessels than a sizy or inflammatory crust.

12. An undue proportion of serum to crassamentum in the blood. This predominance of water in the blood has often checked sufficient blood-letting. But it should be constantly disregarded while it is attended with those states of pulse (to be mentioned hereafter) which require bleeding.

14. The presence of petechiæ on the skin. These, I have elsewhere said, are the effects of the gangrenous state of fever. Dr. Sydenham and Dr. de Haen have taught the safety and advantage of bleeding, when these spots are accompanied by an active pulse. A boy of Mr. John Carrol owes his recovery from the small-pox to the loss of fifty ounces of blood, by five bleedings, at a time when nearly every pock on his arms and legs had a purple appearance. Louis XIV was bled five times in the small-pox, when he was but thirteen years of age, and thereby probably saved from the grave, to the great honour and emolument of the single physician who urged it against the advice of all the other physicians of the court. Dr. Cleghorn mentions a single case of the success of bleeding in the petechial small-pox. His want of equal success afterwards, in similar cases, was probably occasioned by his bleeding too sparingly, that is, but three or four times.

Abscesses and sore breasts, which accompany or succeed fever, are no objections to blood-letting, provided the pulse indicate the continuance of inflammatory diathesis. They depend frequently upon the same state of the system as livid effusions on the skin.

14. The long duration of fever. Inflammatory diathesis is often protracted for many weeks, in the chronic state of fever. It, moreover, frequently revives after having disappeared, from an accidental irritant affecting some part of the body, particularly the lungs and brain. I bled a young man of James Cameron, in the autumn of 1794, four times between the 20th and 30th days of a chronic fever, in consequence of a pain in the side, accompanied by a tense pulse, which suddenly came on after the 20th day of his disease. His blood was sizy. His pain and tense pulse were subdued by the bleeding, and he recovered. I bled the late Dr. Prowl twelve times, in a fever which continued thirty days, in the autumn of the year 1800. I wish these cases to be attended to by young practitioners. The pulmonary consumption is often the effect of a chronic fever, terminating with fresh inflammatory symptoms, by effusions in the lungs. It may easily be prevented by forgetting the number of the days of our patient's fever, and treating the pulmonary affection as if it were a recent complaint.

15. Tremors and slight convulsions in the limbs. Bark, wine, laudanum, and musk are generally prescribed to remove these symptoms; but, to be effectual, they should, in most cases, be preceded by the loss of a few ounces of blood.

16. Bleeding is forbidden after the fifth or seventh day in a pleurisy. This prohibition was introduced into medicine at a time when a fear was entertained of arresting the progress of nature in preparing and expelling morbific matter from the system. From repeated experience I can assert, that bleeding is safe in every stage of pleurisy in which there is pain, and a tense and oppressed pulse; and that it has, when used for the first time after the fifth and seventh days, saved many lives. Bleeding has likewise been limited to a certain number of ounces in several states of fever. Were the force of the remote cause of a fever, its degrees of violence, and the habits of the subject of it, always the same, this rule would be a proper one; but, this not being the case, we must be governed wholly by the condition of the system, manifested chiefly by the state of the pulse. To admit of copious bleeding in one state of fever, and not in another, under equal circumstances of morbid excitement, is to prescribe for its name, and to forget the changes which climate, season, and previous habits create in all its different states.

17. The loss of a sufficient quantity of blood is often prevented by patients being apparently _worse_, after the first or second bleeding. This change for the worse, shows itself in some one or more of the following symptoms, viz. increase of heat, chills, delirium, hæmorrhages, convulsions, nausea, vomiting, faintness, coma, great weakness, pain, a tense, after a soft pulse, and a reduction of it in force and frequency. They are all occasioned by the system rising suddenly from a state of extreme depression, in consequence of the abstraction of the pressure of the blood to a state of vigour and activity, so great, in some instances, as to reproduce a depression below what existed in the system before a vein was opened; or it is occasioned by a translation of morbid action from one part of the body to another.

The chills which follow bleeding are the effects of a change in the fever, from an uncommon to a common state of malignity. They occur chiefly in those violent cases of fever which come on without a chilly fit.

The hæmorrhages produced by bleeding are chiefly from the nose, hæmorrhoidal vessels, or uterus, and of course are, for the most part, safe.

Uncommon weakness, succeeding blood-letting, is the effect of sudden depression induced upon the whole system, by the cause before-mentioned, or of a sudden translation of the excitement of the muscles into the blood-vessels, or some other part of the body. These symptoms, together with all the others which have been mentioned, are so far from forbidding, that they all most forcibly indicate a repetition of blood-letting.

I shall briefly illustrate, by the recital of three cases, the good effects of bleeding, in removing pain, and the preternatural slowness and weakness of the pulse, when produced by the use of that remedy.

In the month of June of 1795, I visited Dr. Say in a malignant fever, attended with pleuritic symptoms, in consultation with Dr. Physick. An acute pain in his head followed six successive bleedings. After a seventh bleeding, he had no pain. His fever soon afterwards left him. In thus persevering in the use of a remedy, which, for several days, appeared to do harm, we were guided wholly by the state of his pulse, which uniformly indicated, by its force, the necessity of more bleeding.

In the autumn of 1794, I was sent for to visit Samuel Bradford, a young man of about 20 years of age, son of Mr. Thomas Bradford, who was ill with the reigning malignant epidemic. His pulse was at 80. I drew about 12 ounces of blood from him. Immediately after his arm was tied up, his pulse fell to 60 strokes in a minute. I bled him a second time, but more plentifully than before, and thereby, in a few minutes, brought his pulse back again to 80 strokes in a minute. A third bleeding the next day, aided by the usual purging physic, cured him in a few days.

In the month of March, 1795, Dr. Physick requested me to visit, with him, Mrs. Fries, the wife of Mr. John Fries, in a malignant fever. He had bled her four times. After the fourth bleeding, her pulse suddenly fell, so as scarcely to be perceptible. I found her hands and feet cold, and her countenance ghastly, as if she were in the last moments of life. In this alarming situation, I suggested nothing to Dr. Physick but to follow his judgment, for I knew that he was master of that law of the animal economy which resolved all her symptoms into an oppressed state of the system. The doctor decided in a moment in favour of more bleeding. During the flowing of the blood, the pulse rose. At the end of three, ten, and seventeen hours it fell, and rose again by three successive bleedings, in all of which she lost about thirty ounces of _sizy_ blood. So great was the vigour acquired by the pulse, a few days after the paroxysms of depression, which have been described, were relieved, that it required seven more bleedings to subdue it. I wish the history of these two cases to be carefully attended to by the reader. I have been thus minute in the detail of them, chiefly because I have heard of practitioners who have lost patients by attempting to raise a pulse that had been depressed by bleeding, in a malignant fever, by means of cordial medicines, instead of the repeated use of the lancet. The practice is strictly rational; for, in proportion as the blood-vessels are weakened by pressure, the quantity of blood to be moved should be proportioned to the diminution of their strength.

This depressed state of the pulse, whether induced by a paroxysm of fever, or by blood-letting, is sometimes attended with a strong pulsation of the arteries in the bowels and head.