Chapter X: Part 10

In the middle of May there were disturbances at Bideford, from the poor endeavouring to prevent the exportation of potatoes. There was also a riot and great disturbances at Bury, by the unemployed, to destroy a spinning-jenny. On the 24th, a great body of farmers and labourers assembled in a very riotous manner at Ely, and committed many depredations. They were at length suppressed, after some blood had been spilt. On the 28th, there were great disturbances, amongst the pitmen and others, at Newcastle-upon-Tyne. On the same day a serious tumult occurred at Halstead, in Essex, to liberate some persons who had been taken up for destroying threshing-machines. On the 2d of July, the Prince Regent prorogued the Parliament, after a new Alien Bill, and a Bill to regulate the Civil List, had passed. On the 12th of July, 1816, there was a public funeral of Richard Brinsley Sheridan, Esq. certainly the most brilliant and accomplished orator of the age. In my opinion, he far surpassed either Pitt or Fox in real eloquence, and, in the midst of all his changings and vacillations, he was always, without one exception, the steady and zealous friend of the liberty of the press. Poor Sheridan was always in pecuniary difficulties, and overwhelmed with debt; and he at last became quite a swindler in order to evade his creditors, and he died at a time when he could not obtain credit for a pot of porter. On the 22d, the Duke of Gloucester, who was called by the Royal Family _Silly Billy_, was married to one of his cousins, the Princess Mary. Fortunately for the public, they have, I believe, no children for John Gull to keep. On the 2d of August, a riot took place in the Calton, one of the suburbs of Glasgow, on account of the soup-kitchens, which was not suppressed till some blood was spilt. On the 8th of the same month, a mortar of uncommon size, left by Marshal Soult on his retreat from Cadiz, was fixed in St. James's Park, opposite the Horse Guards. This piece of ordnance is commonly known by the name of the Prince Regent's bomb. On the 27th, Algiers was bombarded, and the batteries destroyed by the English fleet, commanded by Lord Exmouth--a treaty was entered into afterwards, by the Dey of Algiers and Lord Exmouth, in which Christian slavery was abolished. On the 16th of September a riot and great disturbance took place at Preston, in Lancashire, by the distressed and unemployed workmen. There was also a riot at Frome, in consequence of a sudden rise of one-third in the price of potatoes, in which riot the Yeomanry Cavalry sustained a defeat, and were driven from the field of action by the stones, potatoes, and rotten eggs that were hurled at them by the multitude, several of whom were taken into custody. One of that anomalous hermaphrodite race called Parson-justices, a person of the name of Sainsbury, read the Riot Act, and called out the cavalry. But, by the judicious conduct of Mr. Champness, of Orchardleigh, the disturbances were quelled, and peace was restored. A Mr. Thornhill, who was a paid agent and adjutant of the Somerset Yeomanry Cavalry, who came over from Bath on the following day, after all was peace and quietness, wrote a letter to the Editor of the _Courier_ newspaper, giving a most ridiculous and false account of the whole transaction. In order to ascertain the truth, as to what really took place, I drove over from Bath, with Mr. Allen of Bath, and having detailed the circumstances to Mr. Cobbett, he handled the brave blustering Captain in a masterly stile, and fixed upon him the name of Captain Bobadil, which will last him as long as he lives. Captain Bobadil and the battle of Frome will not readily be forgotten in the west of England, nor, indeed, in any place where Mr. Cobbett's Register was read, which was now published at TWO-PENCE a number, and in consequence had increased ten-fold in its circulation. There were also great riots at Nottingham, by persons calling themselves Luddites; these consisted of unemployed workmen, who went about in the most lawless manner, destroying the frames by which the stocking manufactory was carried on. There were riots, too, at Myrthir-Tydvil, in Glamorganshire, by the workmen employed in the iron-manufactories, on a reduction of wages; and at Walsall, in Staffordshire, amongst the distressed and unemployed workmen.

In fact, great distress and dissatisfaction prevailed, not only in England, Ireland and Scotland, but all over Europe, which was in a calamitous state, produced by the reaction of the war, the fatal effects of which now began to be felt most severely. The distress amongst the farmers was very great, and the agricultural gentry began to cry out most unmercifully. The fools now began to find out that what I had told them was true, namely, that the Corn Bill would not ultimately serve them, that it was never intended by its promoters for any other purpose than to enable the Government, by means of keeping up the price of corn, to continue to extract from the farmers high rents and high taxes. In many parts the manufacturers likewise suffered greatly, particularly in Staffordshire, South Wales, and the Metropolis, and especially amongst the poor weavers in Spitalfields. The truth was, that the Bank of England had curtailed the issue of their notes, in order to meet the demands of their creditors, which they expected they should be compelled to pay in cash, instead of being longer protected by a pretended restriction, designed to prevent them from being called upon to pay any thing more than "I promise to pay," in exchange for "I promise to pay." This restriction was nothing more nor less than a _Government protection_ against the demands of their creditors, which enabled them to refuse to pay their just debts with impunity, and according to Act of Parliament. Distress and discontent therefore prevailed from one end of the land to the other, but in no place more than the metropolis, which was full of discharged seamen, who had been dismissed from the British Navy, which was now dismantled almost universally. These poor fellows, who had fancied that they had been fighting the battles of their country, who had suffered all the hardships of a sailor's life, during a long and bloody war, and who had been successful against every power for such a length of time, had become exceedingly disheartened by the checks and defeats they had experienced in the naval warfare with the Americans, who, if I may use a familiar phrase, had completely taken the _shine_ out of the British seamen, a race proverbial for being very superstitious. They had always boasted that an English sailor was a match for two Frenchmen, or any other seamen; but Jack found in the American sailor not only his equal in bravery and skill; but more than his match. Thus dispirited and almost broken hearted, and the British Navy being laid up, our sailors were discharged and treated worse than dogs; they were put on shore at any port, and they had to march to London, barefooted and pennyless, to receive the little pay and prize money that was due to them. Hundreds and hundreds did I relieve, as they passed by Middleton Cottage; broken down in body and in spirit, they were made to feel that they had been fighting for despotism instead of Liberty. Soup Committees were established, and subscriptions raised all over the kingdom, to supply the starving poor with soup; but to the offer of it they replied, that they did not want charity, they wanted work, and they would much rather live upon a scanty meal, the fruit of their own labour, than be feasted by charity.

Some time in the early part of September, I received a letter from London, signed A. Thistlewood, requesting me, when I came to town, to do him the favour of a call, as he had to communicate to me matters of the highest importance, connected with the welfare and happiness of the people, to promote whose interest he had always observed that I was most ready and active, &c. &c. As Mr. Thistlewood was a perfect stranger to me, and as I was a stranger even to his name, I wrote to a Mr. Bryant, a quondam attorney, and Clerk of the Papers at the King's Bench; a man who was said to know every body and every thing that was going on in London, both in high and low life;--I wrote to this gentleman, and requested him to inquire at such a number for Mr. Thistlewood, and let me know who and what he was, as I had received rather a mysterious letter from him, and I wished to know something of him before I gave him any answer. The answer which I received from Mr. Bryant was such that I never replied to the letter of Mr. Thistlewood, or took any further notice of it.

Some time, however, in the beginning of November, I received a letter from London, signed Thomas Preston, Secretary, to say that a public meeting of the distressed inhabitants of the metropolis was advertised to be held in Spafields, on Monday, the 15th of November, and that he was instructed by the Committee to solicit my attendance. This letter was dated from Greystoke-place, and the writer requested an answer, which I gave him by return of post, desiring to be informed what was the object of the meeting. I received a reply, stating, that the object was to agree to a memorial to the Prince Regent, setting forth their grievances, and praying for relief. I instantly wrote, to say that I accepted their invitation, and I would attend the meeting at the time appointed.

On the next day I rode over to my friend Cobbett, at Botley, to consult with him what was best to be done. When I mentioned the circumstance to him, he looked very grave, and said it was a dangerous experiment, and he scarcely knew how to advise me, whether to go or not. "Oh," said I, "make your mind quite easy upon _that_ point; there is no difficulty in it, I have accepted the invitation, and I mean to attend the meeting. The moment that I ascertained that it was for a legal purpose, that of addressing the Prince Regent upon the distressed state of the people, and praying for redress, I no longer hesitated, but accepted the invitation, and promised to be there in time. All that I want you to do, therefore, is, to assist me in drawing up some resolutions, and preparing a proper address to be presented to his Royal Highness upon the occasion." "That," said he, "I will do with great pleasure." After due consideration the resolutions and the address were agreed upon, and drawn up by him. Mr. Cobbett never mentioned one word to me that he had been invited by the same party to attend this said meeting; but he said he should be at his lodgings in London at the time.

I arrived in London the Saturday before the intended meeting, and called at Graystockplace, to inquire for Mr. Thomas Preston. I found no one there but two or three dirtily dressed, miserable, poor children, who told me that I should find their father at some house in Southampton-buildings, Chancery-lane. Thither I repaired, meditating as I went along on the wretched emblem of the distresses of the times, which I had just witnessed in the family of Mr. Thomas Preston. When I reached Southampton-buildings, I knocked at the door, and inquired for Mr. Preston. The servant said there was no such person there, but she would go and inquire of Mr. Thistlewood and the Doctor. She then desired me to walk in, and I was shewn into a very neat and well-furnished dining-room. I could not avoid observing to myself the contrast between the elegant apartment I was now in and that which I had just quitted in Graystock-place; the name of Thistlewood was still tinkling upon the drum of my ear, I having quite forgotten where I had heard it before.

In a few minutes two gentlemen walked in; the one dressed in a handsome dressing-gown and morocco slippers, the other in a shabby-genteel black. The former addressed me very familiarly by name, saying, that he was Mr. Thistlewood, and he begged to introduce his friend Dr. Watson. They at once informed me that they were part of the Committee, for whom Mr. Preston acted as Secretary; that they had called the meeting, and directed their Secretary to invite me to attend it, and that they had also written to invite Sir Francis Burdett, Major Cartwright, Mr. Waithman, Mr. Cobbett, and several other political characters. I then inquired what was the nature of the memorial or address which they meant to submit to the Prince Regent? They answered, that they had it not then by them, but that, if _I wished it_, they would procure me a sight of it before I went to the meeting. To this I replied, that I certainly did not wish merely for a sight of it, but for something more; as, if I attended the meeting to take any part in it, I should choose to have time to peruse the memorial very minutely before I undertook to give it my support. This they promised I should have an opportunity of doing, and the Doctor appeared anxious to have my opinion upon it. I could, however, see that Mr. Thistlewood had set his heart upon this memorial as it stood, and he slightly intimated that the Committee had made up their minds on the subject, and that it was finally settled that the memorial was to be submitted to the meeting. I inquired who the Committee were composed of, and I soon found that Mr. Thistlewood and Dr. Watson, the two gentlemen before me, were in reality the Committee; young Watson, Preston, Hooper, _Castles_, and one or two others, who formed the remainder of the Committee, being merely nominal members. I informed them that I was staying at Cooper's Hotel, in Bouverie-street, which makes part of the Black Lion Inn, in Water-lane, where they promised to wait upon me in the evening with the memorial, that I might look it over.

Mr. Thistlewood and the Doctor came at the appointed hour, and brought the document with them. It was very long, and filled several pages closely written upon foolscap paper. As soon as I had read the first resolution, I was satisfied in my own mind as to how I ought to act with respect to this voluminous production; but when I had read to the bottom of the first page I closed the book, and very seriously informed my visitors that it evidently contained treasonable matter, and that nothing more than the overt act of holding the meeting, to carry the scheme into execution, was required to make all that were concerned in it liable at least to be indicted for high treason. I certainly should not, I told them, countenance any such measures as were proposed even in the first page, and the project of marching in a body to Carlton House, to demand and enforce an audience of the Prince Regent (which formed a part of their design), was quite preposterous, as well as unjust and unreasonable. As a private gentleman, I myself would not submit to be intruded upon in such a manner, and it was very unreasonable to expect that it could be endured by the Chief Magistrate of the country. I found, in fact, that the whole affair was made up of Spencean principles, relating to the holding of all the land in the kingdom as one great farm belonging to the people, or something of that sort. I told them my ideas upon the subject, which were, that the first thing the people had to do, in order to recover their rights, was to obtain a Reform of the Commons' House of Parliament. When once the people were fairly and equally represented in that House, such propositions as were contained in their memorial might then be discussed, but for one set of people to dictate to any other what should be the law, I maintained to be arbitrary and unjust. The Doctor very readily concurred with me, and he asked my advice as to what was best to be done. I replied, that the only course to be pursued was, to pass certain resolutions, pointing out the distressed state of the country, and the absolute necessity of Reform, to save the wreck of the constitution, and declaring that the only Reform that would be of any avail must be upon the principles of Annual Parliaments, Universal Suffrage, and Vote by Ballot. They both at once agreed to the propriety of my suggestions, and requested that I would prepare some resolutions, and an address to his Royal Highness, which they also begged me to propose to the meeting, and they would support them. I asked them if they did not expect the attendance of any other of the public characters to whom they had written? To this they replied, that I was the only person who had accepted the invitation. The Doctor and Mr. Thistlewood promised to take care about the hustings being erected in Spa-fields, and the former was to call on me on Monday morning, to prepare and transcribe the resolutions and the petition which were to be submitted to the meeting.

The Doctor came at the time appointed, and he copied the resolutions and the petition which I had drawn up, which, with some few alterations and additions, were the same as were agreed upon by Mr. Cobbett and myself at Botley. Before we had finished these, a messenger arrived, to say that an immense number of persons were assembled in the front of the Merlin's Cave public-house, in Spa-fields, and that they were impatient for our arrival. Upon this, the Doctor and myself got into a hackney-coach, and drove immediately to the spot, which was covered by much the largest concourse of people I had ever seen together in my life. We were hailed with the most deafening shouts, and, with some considerable difficulty, we were driven to the summit of the hill, surrounded by the multitude. Upon inquiry where the hustings were, I found that nothing had been done or thought of towards the erecting of them. In this dilemma I mounted upon the top of the hackney-coach, and was immediately followed by the Doctor and another person, which person, without further ceremony, hoisted a tricoloured flag, _red, white,_ and _green!_ The bearer of this flag was no less a personage than the notorious Mr. JOHN CASTLES, a gemman that I had never seen before. I soon found that it was impossible to address such an immense multitude from such a situation as that of the top of a coach, and as the wind blew very sharp, our birth was a very disagreeable one. While we were looking round for a better situation, we were hailed by some gentlemen from the window of a house in the neighbouring row, and a young person, whom I afterwards found to be Mr. William Clark, having made his way to the coach, invited me to enter the house opposite, and to address the multitude from the window; and, as the party who were assembled in that room still kept beckoning me to join them, I readily assented. We dismounted and followed Mr. Clark, who led us up stairs into the front room of the Merlin's Cave public-house, which I afterwards found had been taken by, and was partly occupied by, the Magistrates, accompanied by a number of the officers of the police and the reporters of the public press. The sashes were immediately removed from the window, and I presented myself to the assembled multitude amidst universal shouts of applause. I found myself surrounded by strangers, there being scarcely a man in the room I had ever before seen, with the exception of Mr. Clark and some of the reporters of the public press. I proposed that Mr. Clark should take the chair, which proposal was seconded, and carried by acclamation. I was the only person present who was known to the multitude as a public man. I had often appeared before the people at Palace-yard, and at the Guildhall of the city of London, and I was instantly recognized by them. In fact, I believe that it had been publicly placarded and advertised that I had accepted the invitation to attend, which had been sent to me by the Committee, and I was, therefore, expected. The Chairman having, in an appropriate speech, briefly opened the meeting, I stood forward to move the resolutions, which I prefaced by a speech of about an hour in length. I pointed out the enormous sums paid by the public for what is called the Civil List, amounting in the last year to 1,038,000£; and in the same year, on account of deficiencies of the said Civil List, 584,713£ more; and for the Civil List for Scotland, 126,613£ additional, making in the whole, for the Civil List of that year, ONE MILLION SEVEN HUNDRED AND FORTY-NINE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND TWENTY-SIX POUNDS. I showed that the expense of keeping up the army, including the ordnance, was 26,736,017£; that the additional allowance to the Royal Family that year was 366,660£; that the secret service money was 153,443£; and that the sum voted for the poor clergy of the Church of England was 100,000£. I also read a list of some of the most profligate sinecurists and pensioners, male and female, in which I included a sufficient sprinkling of ladies and gentlemen belonging to both the great factions of Whigs and Tories, taking as nearly as I could an equal number from each of them. Among those whom I specified were the Marquis of Buckingham and Lord Camden, the two Tellers of the Exchequer, whose sinecures at that time were about thirty-five thousand a-year each; Lord Arden, the elder brother of Perceval, thirty-eight thousand a-year; Lords Grenville and Erskine, &c. &c. &c. Amongst the number of lady pensioners I noticed Lady Auckland, Lady Louisa Paget, Mrs. Hunn, the mother of Mr. Canning, &c. &c. I represented these persons as contributing to the distresses of the country, by taking such large sums out of the taxes, without doing any thing for it. I contended that the enormous weight of taxation alone produced the misery under which the people were groaning, and that the sole cause of such heavy impositions being placed upon the people, arose from the corrupt state of the representation in the Commons' or people's House of Parliament; and I laboured strenuously to convince them that the high price of bread and meat did not originate with the bakers and butchers, as was falsely asserted to be the case by the corrupt conductors of the daily press. I demonstrated to them the folly of wreaking their vengeance upon unoffending tradesmen, who were suffering from the weight of taxes nearly as much as themselves; and I endeavoured to convince them of the _superiority of mental over physical force_; contending that it would be an act of injustice, as well as folly, to resort to the latter while we had the power of exercising the former. Above all things, I took the greatest pains to promote peace and good order, as the only means by which they were likely to obtain any redress for their grievances, or any alleviation of their miseries, and to convince them that to commit acts of violence was to prove themselves unworthy of relief. I concluded by reading and recommending to their adoption the four following resolutions. These resolutions were received with long continued shouts of approbation:

Resolved 1st, That the country is in a state of fearful
and unparalleled distress and misery; and that the principal
immediate cause of this calamity, which has fallen
upon all classes of persons, except that class which derive
their incomes from the Taxes, is, that enormous load
of taxation, which has taken, and which still takes, from
the Farmer, the Manufacturer, and the Tradesman, the
means of maintaining their families, and paying their
debts, and of affording, in the shape of wages, a sufficiency
to employ and support their Labourers and Journeymen.

Resolved 2d, That the causes of this intolerable burden,
are, 1st, the amount of a Debt contracted by Boroughmongers
for the purposes of carrying on a _long, unnecessary,
and unjust War_, the main objects of which
now appear to have been to _stifle_ Civil, Political, and Religious
Liberty, and to restore Despotism and Persecution;
2d, The maintenance of an Army in France, in order to
uphold the restored Despots and Priests in opposition to
the express wishes of the whole French Nation; 3d, The
keeping up of an enormous Standing Army in these Kingdoms,
with a view of overawing the People, and compelling
them to submit to War Taxes in time of Peace;
4th, A lavish and profligate expenditure of the Public
Money on innumerable men and women, who are the
holders of Sinecures, Pensions, Grants, and Emoluments
of various descriptions, without having ever performed
the smallest service to their Country.

Resolved 3d, That the _sole cause_ of these desolating
measures and practices, _is the want of the People being represented
in the Commons' House of Parliament_, and the
return of Members to that House by those base and corrupt
means, which were by the Members themselves
shamelessly confessed to be "as notorious as the sun at
noon-day."

Resolved 4th, That a Petition be presented to the
Prince Regent, beseeching him to take into his gracious
consideration the sufferings of this industrious, patient, and
starving People, praying that he will be pleased immediately
to cause the Parliament to be assembled, and to recommend
to them, in the most urgent manner, to reduce
the Army, to abolish all Sinecures and all Pensions, Grants,
and Emoluments not merited by Public Services; and to
apply the same to feed the "HUNGRY AND CLOTHE THE
NAKED," so that the unhappy and starving People may
be saved from desperation; and above all, to listen, before
it be _too late_, to those repeated prayers of the People, for
being restored to their undoubted right of enjoying the
benefit of Annual Parliaments chosen freely by the People.

Dr. Watson seconded these resolutions, and they were carried unanimously, amidst the cheers of the multitude, without one dissenting voice. I then read the following petition, which, after having been seconded by the Doctor, was unanimously adopted by the greatest concourse of people that had ever, within the memory of man, been known to assemble for any political purpose.

_"To his Royal Highness the Prince Regent of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland._

"The Petition of the distressed Inhabitants of the Metropolis,
held in Spa-fields, the 15th day of November, 1816,

"HUMBLY SHOWETH--That this kingdom is in a state
of unparalleled distress and misery, and that the principal
immediate cause of this calamity, which has fallen upon
all classes of persons (except that class which derive their
incomes from the taxes), is that enormous load of taxation
which has taken, and which still takes, from the
farmer, the manufacturer, and the tradesman, the means
of maintaining their families, and of paying their debts,
and of affording, in the shape of wages, a sufficiency to employ
and support their labourers and journeymen.

"That the causes of this intolerable burden are--First,
The amount of a debt, contracted by Borough-mongers
and their agents, for the purpose of carrying on a long,
unnecessary, and unjust war, the object of which now appears
to have been to stifle civil, political, and religious
liberty, and to restore despotism and persecution. Second,
The maintenance of an English Protestant Army in France,
in order to uphold the restored Despots and Priesthood,
whom we have been taught to hold in abhorrence. Third,
The keeping up in these kingdoms of an enormous Standing
Army, with all its _colleges, barracks_, and _arsenals_,
with a view of overawing the people, and compelling
them to submit to War Taxes in time of Peace. Fourth,
A lavish and profligate expenditure of the public money
on innumerable men and women, who are holders of _sinecures,
pensions, grants_, and _emoluments_ of various descriptions,
without having ever performed the smallest
service to the country.

"That the _sole cause_ of these desolating measures and
practices is, _the want of the people being represented in
their own House of Parliament_, and the return of Members
to that House by those base and corrupt means,
which means were, by the Members themselves, shamelessly
confessed 'to be as notorious as the sun at noonday.'

"Upon the ground of these facts, the existence of which
must be familiar to the mind, and painful to the heart of your
Royal Highness, we earnestly beseech your Royal Highness
to take into your gracious consideration the sufferings of this
_industrious, patient, and starving people_; and we earnestly
pray,

"That your Royal Highness will be pleased to cause
the Parliament to be assembled immediately, and, as the
friend of your Royal Father's people, to urge the two
Houses to reduce the Army, to remove those barracks,
military colleges, and all those menacing parades so hateful
to our eyes and so hostile to that Constitution which
your Royal House were placed on the Throne to defend;
to abolish all sinecures and all _pensions, grants,_ and _emoluments_
not merited by public services, and to apply the
amount of the same to _feed the hungry and clothe the
naked;_ and, above all, to listen, before it be TOO LATE,
to those repeated prayers of the people for being restored
to their undoubted right of annually choosing their own
Representatives. In the mean time we implore your
Royal Highness to appropriate a _few hundred thousands_
of the enormous Civil List for the immediate relief of the
_numerous suffering, starving,_ and _dying_ people.

"And we shall ever pray, &c. &c."

The following resolutions were then proposed and carried
unanimously:Resolved 5th, That Sir Francis Burdett, Bart.
be requested to wait on the Prince Regent, and deliver this
Petition into his hands as soon as possible.

Resolved 6th, That Henry Hunt, Esq. be requested to
accompany Sir F. Burdett.

Resolved 7th, That Sir Francis Burdett, Bart. assisted
by Major Cartwright, be requested to prepare and bring
into Parliament, as soon as they meet, a Bill for a Reform
thereof, agreeable to the Constitution.

Resolved 8th, That this Meeting do adjourn to Monday
fortnight, then to assemble to hear the answer of
the Prince Regent, in Spa-fields, at One o'Clock precisely.

Resolved 9th, That this Meeting do re-assemble the
first day after the meeting of Parliament, in Palace-yard,
Westminster, at One o'clock, to petition Parliament for
a Reform thereof, agreeable to the Constitution.

Resolved 10th, That our fellow-countrymen of Bristol,
Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, Nottingham, Leicester,
Glasgow, Paisley, and of every City, Town, and
populous place in the United Kingdom, are hereby invited,
and requested by this Meeting to assemble and meet on
the _same day_, at the same hour, and for the SAME PURPOSE.

Resolved 11th, That the Thanks of the Meeting be given
to H. Hunt, Esq.

Resolved 12th, That the Thanks of the Meeting be given
to Mr. Dyall and Mr. Preston, and those Gentlemen who
called the Meeting.

Resolved 13th, That the Thanks of the Meeting be given
to the Chairman, William Clark, Esq.

The parties thanked having briefly returned the compliment, the meeting was dissolved by the Chairman, who accompanied me into a coach, which the multitude immediately took possession of, and drew amidst the most unanimous cheers, to my inn, the Black Lion, Water-lane, where I had appointed to meet a friend to dine. As soon as they had safely conveyed us, they dispersed to their several homes, in the most peaceable manner.

Just as we were sitting down to dinner, four of us, Mr. Bryant, his son, Mr. Clark, and myself, to our great surprise in marched Messrs. Watson, Thistlewood, and three or four strangers, whom they introduced as Mr. Watson, jun. Mr. Castles, Mr. Hooper, &c. who had followed us from the meeting, with an intention, as they said, of dining with me. I was very much disconcerted by this intrusion, and told them that I had private business to settle, that I had no idea of dining in public, and that dinner was only ordered for four. As, however, they did not appear to take the hint (although it was a pretty broad one), Mr. Bryant ordered more fish and some chops to be added to our dinner, and the table being lengthened, down we all sat together. Mr. Bryant took the chair, at my request.

Dinner being ended, Mr. Bryant drank the health of the King, which toast passed round till it came to Mr. Castles, who, having filled a bumper, substituted the following vulgar and sanguinary toast for that of the King--"_May the last of Kings be strangled with the guts of the last priest_;" a piece of brutality which had not even the miserable merit of being original, he having copied it from one of the French anarchists. This was a pretty specimen of the company that had intruded upon us! I remonstrated against such blackguardism, and declared that I would not remain in the room if there was any repetition of it. Mr. Castles, nevertheless, soon began again in a similar strain, and having put forth some most outrageous speech, as vulgar as it was seditious, both myself and Mr. Bryant insisted upon the worthy gentleman leaving the room, or holding his peace. He promised to do the latter, and he soon dropped off, or appeared to drop off, into a very sound sleep. This was a circumstance which struck me as being very suspicious, and therefore I was particularly guarded in what I said, and in what was said by others. At length two of the party, young Watson and Hooper, made a move to retire, and I insisted upon it that they should take their friend Castles with them; but he shammed so sound a sleep that it was with difficulty he was got out of the room, and it was only effected by my pulling the chair from under him; upon which he was in an instant as wide awake as any man in the room. This convinced me that his sleep was all a mere pretence. Soon after this the rest of the party left us, and Mr. Bryant and myself remained to talk over the curious adventures of the evening. We were both convinced that Castles was at any rate a great villain, and I was determined in future not to be in a room where he was.

On the next morning, Dr. Watson and Mr. Thistlewood came to apologise for the ill-behaviour of their friend Castles, who they assured me was at heart a very good fellow, but that he was overcome with liquor on the preceding evening, and that he now wished very much to have an opportunity of making an apology in person, for which purpose he was waiting hard by. I, however, positively refused to see him, saying, that I believed him to be a great scoundrel, and that I would on no account suffer him to come into my room again; and I not only cautioned the Doctor against him, but I believe I told him to take care, or Castles would bring him to the gallows. In fact, I made up my mind that as long as the Doctor and Mr. Thistlewood kept company with such a fellow, I would have nothing to do with them in private, nor would ever see them alone. The Doctor will recollect that, when they called on me in the evening afterwards, to make some inquiry about the proceedings which were to be adopted on the following meeting, intended to be held on the 2d of December, I declined to enter into any particulars, and did not even ask them to take a seat, although Mr. Mitchell, a liveryman of the city, was with me. I felt that I had been in very dangerous company, and, though I would not neglect my public duty, I was determined that I would not place myself in the power of such a man as Mr. Castles appeared to me to be.

On the day of the meeting of the 15th of November, the _Courier_ newspaper roundly stated that HUNT had arrived at the meeting about one o'clock, and, after having addressed the multitude in a most inflammatory speech, had submitted to them a memorial to be presented to the Prince Regent, full of _treasonable matter_; and the corrupt knave, who conducts that paper, actually inserted one of the resolutions of the memorial which Dr. Watson and Mr. Thistlewood had submitted to me, and which I had rejected. The truth was, that the Government had previously procured a copy of the said memorial, from a person of the name of Dyall, one of the party who had called the meeting, and as this memorial had been unanimously agreed to by the Committee, my Lord Sidmouth, the Secretary of State, and his agents, made so certain that I should fall into this _trap_, and propose it to the meeting, that their principal organ, the editor of the _Courier_ newspaper, actually inserted a copy of it in the paper, as having been proposed by me at the meeting. But they soon found, to their sorrow, that old birds were not to be caught with chaff; for that I had blasted their fondest hopes of bloodshed, by proposing a petition to the Prince Regent, of a nature totally the reverse of the said memorial; which petition was universally adopted by the meeting; and that I had undertaken to present it to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, and had also promised to report the answer, if I received any, at the next meeting, which was appointed to be held on Monday, the 2d of December.

On the following day, not only the _Courier_ and the _Morning Post_, but every paper published in the metropolis (with the exception of the _Statesman,_ which was then conducted by Mr. Lovell), joined in pouring forth a torrent of falsehood, misrepresentation, and abuse of me. I do not know that I can give a more correct account of what took place in London, more fairly represent the conduct of the public press upon this occasion, than by giving an extract from Mr. Cobbett's Register, which was published the ensuing week, as follows, headed "SPA-FIELDS MEETING:"

"Since my long acquaintance with the press, I do not
think that I have ever witnessed so much baseness of conduct
as this Meeting has given rise to. If Mr. Hunt had
been the most notorious pick-pocket; if he had been a
raggamuffin covered with a coat hired for the day; if he
had been a fellow who took up his lodgings in the brick-kilns
or in the niches on Westminster Bridge; and if he
had actually proposed to the Meeting to go directly and
plunder the silversmiths' shops and cut the throats of all
those who opposed them; if he had drank off a glass of
human blood by way of moistening his throat: monstrous
as this is, it is a real fact, that, if he had been and had
done all this, the London press could not have treated
him in a worse manner than it has. The _Statesman_ newspaper
is an exception; but, I believe, that it is almost
the only exception. Talk of _violence_ indeed! Was there
ever violence _like this_ heard of in this world before?
And, what is the monstrous _crime_ which has emboldened
these literary ruffians to make this savage assault, and
which induces them to suppose that they shall finally escape
with impunity? They, the vile wretches, are the
_real mob_. They attack in body; they know that _defence
is impossible_; they know, that a hundred times the fortune
of Mr. Hunt would not purchase enough of their columns
to contain an answer to their falsehoods. Is this
_manly_, is this _fairness_, is this _discussion_, is this _liberty of
the press_? Infamous cowards! They merit to be dragged
by a halter fastened round their necks, and whipped
through the streets. They talk of _decency_ and _decorum_
indeed! _They_ call people _blackguards_ and ruffians!
_They_ pretend to complain of _misrepresentation_ and _exaggeration_!
They! who set up one common howl of foul
abuse and viperous calumny.

"But, what is the act which has awakened all those
filthy curs, and put them in motion? Some persons, no
matter who, but, I believe, some suffering tradesmen, in
London, agreed to call a meeting of _distressed_ people in
Spa-fields, in order to present a petition on the subject of
their sufferings: one of the Committee, who had called
this Meeting, wrote to Mr. Hunt to come and assist at it.
This he did. Being there, he proposed a Petition, which
was agreed to. This Petition has appeared in the _Statesman_
newspaper, to which I refer the reader; and when
he has looked at it, he will be convinced, that, if the language
of _moderation_ be desirable, the language of this
petition is much _more moderate_ than that of almost any
petition, which has recently appeared in print. Upon
what _ground_, then, is this outrageous abuse founded? The
Meeting separated very quietly; never did any Meeting
partake less of riotous behaviour. In the evening of the
same day, a mob of boys and others attacked some _bakers'_
and _butchers'_ shops. But, whose fault was this? Was
it Mr. Hunt's, who seems to have spent a quarter of an
hour in endeavouring to convince his hearers, _that to commit
such acts was to prove themselves unworthy of relief_;
or, was it the fault of those pestiferous vehicles of falsehood,
the _Courier_ and the _Times_, who are incessantly
_inveighing against the avarice of bakers and butchers_?

"It is clear, that these proceedings of the evening had
no connection with the Meeting, but, on the contrary,
that every thing which was said at the Meeting had a
natural tendency to prevent them. As to the _attack on
the office of the Morning Chronicle_, that might possibly
arise out of what Mr. Hunt said at the Meeting. And,
what then? Was he to endure the calumnies, the unprovoked
calumnies, of that paper _for years_, and never reply
a word? It would have _cost him hundreds of pounds_ to
cause to be published in that paper _answers_ to a hundredth
part of the base attacks upon him contained in that
same paper. And, was he never to answer in any way?
Was he, when he had a hundred thousand men within his
hearing, to abstain from expressing his indignation at the
conduct of that paper, lest, by possibility, the indignation
might be catching? _The Morning Chronicle_, _The Courier_,
and _Times_, make no scruple to endeavour _to cause
him to be knocked in the head_; they point him out for
either hanging or murdering; they are ready beforehand
with an apology for any one who may take his life. And
is he, who can find no entrance into their columns, without
covering his paragraph with gold, to abstain from uttering
a word against them when he comes before a public
meeting, lest the people should espouse his cause and
demolish their windows? Whence have _they_ derived this
privilege of assaulting him with impunity? He has no
newspaper in his hands. He has no means of answering
them through the press. They assail him, sitting snugly
in their offices. They assail him daily. And, is he never
to open his lips at any time, or at any place?

"Where, then, is the ground of all this infamous abuse?
After accusing Mr. Hunt of having raised a mob for _treasonable_
purposes, some of the papers have, in the most
_serious_ manner, asserted that he was _insane_, and that he
had been to a _madhouse_! Is not this a pretty stretch of
calumny? Is a man bound to endure this in _silence_? 'He
has his redress _at law_.' Oh! the base cowards! Their
answer is worse than their crime.

"Was it any _fault_ in an Englishman, living in the country,
to come to London to take part at a _Meeting of Englishmen
in distress_? Was this any _fault_? No one can
say that it was.--The Meeting had been advertised many
days before any knowledge of it reached Mr. Hunt; he
was requested to come up; and who can blame him for
coming? However, it is not a question of blame or no
blame; he had _a right_ to come, and he chose to exercise
his right. If, indeed, the invitation had been from persons
in _prosperity_, he might have easily declined; but, I
do not see how he was to resist the call of people in distress.

"But his speech, that was '_inflammatory_.' Good God!
what is _not_ inflammatory now-a-days? But, though the
speech might, and, I dare say, did contain matter much
stronger than that which I have read in the report of it,
I am very sure that it could not surpass what I have read in
the _Morning Chronicle_ within this month; and that it
could not surpass (for nothing can surpass) the inflammatory
matter in the _Times_ and the _Courier_ on the subject
of their alleged extortions of the Bakers and Butchers.
Besides, as to the printed reports of the speech, Mr. Hunt
was wholly _at the mercy of the Reporters_. They have
made him say just what they pleased, and he has no redress;
no means of correction; no chance of being heard
in explanation. They impute to him the having asserted,
that _Lady Oxford_ is on the _pension list_. This was false,
as he has since proved to me by the list which he read.
It has been asserted, that he went to the Meeting with a
tri-coloured flag. This is also false, he never having
known of the existence of any flag until his arrival on the
spot; and, was he to go away merely because some whimsical
persons had _hoisted a flag and a cap of Liberty?_ Besides,
are there not flags enough at contested elections?
Do not freemasons and others parade about with flags?
Why was this meeting not to have a flag, if it chose it?
Call the thing _nonsensical_ if you please, and I shall not
dissent. But, where was the _harm?_ Where was the
justification for all this vile, this atrocious abuse?

"It is said, that Mr. Hunt urged the people to use _physical
force_ if their petition was not granted. This also is
false; or, at least, he assures me that it is; and I believe
him, because it was too foolish for him to think of. But,
how often have we heard of _resistance_ being recommended?
Mr. Fox once recommended it, and he never was
calumniated in this outrageous manner. I have no doubt
that many things escaped Mr. Hunt during his speech,
that he himself wished he had uttered in more select
phrases; but, who is there who is so very choice upon
such occasions? If any one say, that he would do better
to remain in Hampshire or Wiltshire, and take care of his
farms, the answer is, that _he_ is seemingly of a different
opinion. He _chooses_ to take a part in public matters.
He prefers this bustle to the tranquillity of a country life.
The boisterous hallooing of multitudes is more pleasing to
his ears than the chinkling of the plough traces, the bleating
of lambs, or the song of the nightingale. His taste
may be bad; but, a'God's name, do not cover him with
all sorts of infamous names and imputations, on account of
his want of taste. Besides, if this sort of objection were
made to leaders at Public Meetings, we should, I imagine,
have very few meetings. One might be told to keep to
his snuff shop, another to his haberdashery, and so on.
Indeed, the tools of Corruption are so very nice upon this
head, that I have never yet heard of any one trade, or
calling, which they did not despise, if a man who came
forward against abuses happened to be of that trade or
calling; and, on the other hand, there is nothing too low
or vile for them, if it be put forward in Corruption's defence,
or employed as one of her agents.

"We shall see in the end how this most calumniated
gentleman conducts himself. He has engaged to carry
the Prince's answer to the Spa-fields Meeting next Monday
week. Now, if, in the conducting of this business, he
shall be found to have acted the part of a stupid country
jolterhead, or of a head-strong insolent ass, let him be
left to the public contempt; but, if he shall be found to
have carried the matter through with due respect towards
the Prince and his Ministers, and at the same time, with
the spirit and resolution of an independent man, let him
have the praise that will be his due.

"In the meanwhile it must be not a little mortifying
to the _Morning Chronicle_ in particular to see, that _votes of
thanks to Mr. Hunt_ have been passed at many of those
meetings, in different parts of the kingdom, the proceedings
at which meetings Mr. Perry has very highly and
very justly _praised!_ How will this calumniator of Mr.
Hunt account for this? And how will he account for
the speech of Mr. Hunt, at the late Westminster Meeting,
having been re-published in _Norfolk_, and widely circulated
in that county? There can have been no _trick_
made use of by Mr. Hunt to produce these effects. He
has no acquaintances and cronies about the country. Ten
times his fortune would not have purchased him these
marks of popularity. And, why should the people of Spa-fields
be abused for having chosen to ask the assistance of
him, who has received votes of thanks from those very
meetings, both in England and Scotland, the proceedings
of which meetings Mr. Perry of the _Chronicle_ has _praised_
to the skies? Surely, the people in Scotland, in Norfolk,
in Lancashire, cannot have had their judgment _unduly
biassed_ in his _favour!_ They have heard the former outrageous
_abuse_ of Mr. Hunt; never have heard, except by
mere accident, a word in his defence; and, yet they have
most solemnly decided, that his efforts are worthy of their
praise and of their specific thanks.

"Were I, who am acquainted with Mr. Hunt, to say to
him, 'why do you not stay quietly at home and attend
to your country affairs, and pursue the foxes, and hares,
and pheasants, when you find yourself in need of recreation?
You will be much happier in so doing, than in getting
into all this turmoil of politics, and exposing yourself
to so much calumny, and, indeed, to the hatred of
those, whose hatred is full of danger to you.' If I were
to say this to him, would he not be fully justified in asking
me, why _I did not myself_ act upon the principle of
my own advice? _Times_ and _circumstances_ create _men;_
or, at least, they call men forth, who would otherwise
have remained unknown to the end of their days; and the
present are times when it is impossible for such men as
Mr. Hunt to remain dormant.

"Since writing the former part of this article, I have
discovered, that the report of Mr. Hunt's speech in the
_Statesman_ was taken, word for word, or nearly so, from
the _Chronicle_. The evening papers have, I find, _no
reporters_. So that _no true_ account has gone forth; and
thus has the misrepresentation circulated without the
_possibility_ of defence! There is a gentleman in Wiltshire,
whose name is Benett, whose speech, at an agricultural
meeting, about the Corn Bill, was published in all the
London papers, and which speech, as published, drew
down on him the _execrations_ of those same papers, and,
indeed, of the public in general. He said, that he never
uttered such words; that he bad been very grossly
misrepresented. He wrote to some of these same papers a
_contradiction_ of the statement; a _defence of himself_. But,
in order to get in a short paragraph, he was called upon
to pay to one paper _nineteen guineas!_ and, though he
has a fortune of, probably, 10,000_l_. a year, he declared
that his fortune would have been insufficient to obtain the
means of defending himself through the same channels
which had attacked him. A hundred such fortunes would
not have obtained the means of such defence; for, the
moment he had paid for inserting a defence against one
calumny, he would have found another to defend himself
against. What, then, is a calumniated man to do? The
_law!_ The reptiles know how to evade that; and, besides,
where is the fortune sufficient for _law?_ Therefore,
the calumnies must go and take their course. If men
cannot hear up against them, they must hold their peace,
and retire from before the public. Whether Mr. Hunt is
to be driven off by these means remains to be seen.

"WM. COBBETT."