Chapter XXI: Appendix: A

(_Vide page 147._)

These Armenian letters are apparently written in humble imitation of the Persian, but greatly inferior to them; they are calculated solely for the meridian of Ireland, and contain little else besides a few severe strictures on the politics and government of that kingdom, with a particular account of the late divisions there, and the persons chiefly concerned in them. As these are topics, which, however well treated, would scarce afford our readers any entertainment, an extract from this part of the performance would be unnecessary. The affairs of England are, however, now and then, introduced, and treated in these letters with the same freedom as those of Ireland. The following characters of two or three of our most celebrated orators are not ill drawn.

“When I was last in England,” says our Armenian, “curiosity led me to hear the Judicial, Parliamentary, and Ecclesiastical eloquence of that kingdom, in all which there are men very eminent. Among the foremost was a native of North Britain; he excelled in order and ornament, yet his ornaments were never studied, they flowed from his matter, and with such ease, that, though no man could speak more elegantly, it seemed that he could not speak less so. He was quick in distinguishing, of memory so tenacious that he could range the testimonies of thirty persons in different cells, and immediately call them forth with the same ease as if he took them from paper. As a judicial speaker, he seemed but little inferior in subtlety and elegance to the celebrated Greeks; in decency he was superior; in his narrations plain; in ranging his arguments, concealing his weakness, and displaying his strength, he had no rival; he concluded always strongly, sometimes with his best argument; with a short and weighty enumeration, when many arguments had been lightly dispersed through his oration; he could mix raillery, but seemed to avoid it, and hasten to serious arguments, as if he blamed himself for using others. His voice was clear and musical, to some it was too acute.”

“Charles Townshend, a young man, was at the same time in Parliamentary debate nervous, copious, and vehement; in order not most exact, but in sentiment strong, in expression animated; his figures were glaring, and his illustrations grand; a tide of matter and words bore his hearers with him, even when he digressed; and though there was something in his eloquence which calm judgment might prune, there was nothing which a warmed audience would not admire.”

“There is an Ecclesiastic,[89] who was Preacher to an Academy of Law, whom I have heard with delight. He was grave, dignified, and elegant; his subjects, whether of things human or divine, he treated with becoming majesty. Thou hast seen him, Aza; he is a great and a good man, and true eloquence comes from such only; look through all experience, virtue produces eloquence, and adversity calls forth virtue.”

B.

[In a note to page 41 a reference is made to the correspondence
of Mr. Fox with Lord Hartington, as printed in the Appendix
to Lord Waldegrave’s Memoirs. The part, however, of the
correspondence which is at variance with the statement in Lord
Oxford’s text is not to be found in the extracts there printed;
and it is therefore here subjoined, with some additional extracts
from unpublished letters of the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Fox,
illustrative of the views of parties at that time.]

_Extract of a Letter from Mr. Fox (Secretary at War) to the
Marquis of Hartington (Lord Lieutenant of Ireland), August 10,
1755._

... We have made a treaty with Hesse and another with Russia, to be followed with other subsidies, or these will be useless; and if followed by other subsidies, how can we find money to pay or place to assemble these troops? And, perhaps, I may add, members to vote them? For the Duke of Devonshire is so determinately against them, that I believe he will think it his duty to declare his opinion, and how far that may operate (most people, I find, being in their own minds of the same opinion) there is no saying. Legge did not sign the order for the Hessian money at the Treasury, and, I believe, makes no scruple of declaring his opinion. I have been more cautious in giving, I may say, in _forming_ mine; but have, by not signing it at the Cockpit, kept myself at liberty. Pitt’s and Egmont’s opinions, in this regard, I don’t know.

_Extract of a Letter from Ditto to Ditto, August 29, 1755._

... Your father is certainly against subsidies, and will, I think, be hardly kept from making his opinion, by some method or other, public, which will the less embarrass your Lordship, as I suppose whatever passes of this kind will be over before you can come here, make what haste you will. Lord Granville has had a conversation with the Duke of Newcastle, in which his Grace told him his scheme, which the other says is no scheme at all. You know Lord Granville talks the language Stone talked. It was one of my crimes,[90] in Lord Hillsborough’s garden, that Lord Granville was my friend, who was so much his, (that is) Pitt’s enemy. Well, the scheme is this: to gain Lord Egmont with Yonge’s place; to try, by Lord Chancellor, to gain Pitt; to trust to my acquiescence, from the influence H. R. H. has over me, and to carry every thing through, without parting (as Lord Granville expresses it) with the least emanation of his power to any body.

_Extract of a Letter from the Duke of Newcastle to the Marquis of
Hartington, August 30, 1755._

... I took this opportunity, in concert with my Lord Chancellor, to lay before the King, in a very strong letter to my Lord Holderness, the necessity of forming forthwith a system for the House of Commons; that Mr. Pitt must make a material part of it; that if he would take a cordial and an active part, with other arrangements proposed, the King’s business might be done with ease; that otherwise _we_ could not answer for it. We therefore proposed to be authorized to assure Mr. Pitt of his Majesty’s countenance and gracious acceptance of his service, and that Mr. Pitt might be called to the Cabinet Council if he desired it. This authority _we_ have, though with evident marks of reluctance and resentment to Mr. Pitt. My Lord Chancellor has seen Mr. Pitt, and I am to have that honour next Tuesday. If nothing but the Secretary’s office will do, I am persuaded nothing will induce the King to consent to it; but if proper regard and confidence with his rank of the Cabinet Council, and I hope a proper, or at least a better, behaviour from the King towards him will do, that I should think might be brought about, and I dare say your Lordship thinks Mr. Pitt ought to be satisfied. We also advised the getting of Sir William Yonge’s place (which indeed is now vacant) for my Lord Egmont; that was most readily consented to, and I hope and believe my Lord Egmont will do well; and upon these conditions he will have it. Nothing is determined about the Chancellor of the Exchequer; your friend Legge would not countersign the Lords Justices’ warrant for the Hessian levy money. That is a new symptom of the Treasury Board, and not very complaisant for the First Commissioner. I wish your Lordship would find out some expedient for Legge: I would not willingly do anything to disoblige him, but his continuance at the Treasury cannot be agreeable to either of us. As Mr. Fox is already in the Cabinet Council, which was what he desired, and is now, in consequence of it, one of the Lords Justices; if Mr. Pitt will be satisfied with these marks of distinction, and some other arrangements can be made, which I hope will not create much difficulty, when the great ones are over, I should hope things might go on well in the House of Commons. Your Lordship sees I do not suffer my private resentments to have any effect on the public service: I must, however, be entire master at the Board where I am, and not put myself under the tutelage of anybody. I can go out, and _easily_; but not be a cipher in office.

_Extract of a Letter from Mr. Fox to the Marquis of Hartington,
Sept. 1, 1755._

... The Duke of Newcastle has seen Egmont, who at first talked very high; but at length, “such was his submission to the Princess and duty to the King, that he believed he should accede to what was proposed;” but dropped that he should be unwilling to act offensively to Mr. Pitt. The Duke then asked if he might write to Hanover: Lord Egmont said he could not quite authorize his Grace to go so far yet, but desired a few days; which the Duke of Newcastle interprets to be to consult Pitt. His Grace is to see Pitt, but Legge says Pitt is in no disposition to be paid with such counters as his Grace has to give him. The Chancellor, too, has told him, as he did your father, though not so positively, that he knew of no subsidy but that of Hesse. I think he told your father that the Russian was not _done_ yet, (he must mean ratified, which is an equivocation;) but he told Pitt absolutely that he knew of no other but the Hessian, which was, to my knowledge, an absolute falsehood. The Duke of Newcastle told a friend of mine that he had an overture from me by Lord Granville, which is not true; but his Grace might, perhaps, from what Lord Granville said, conclude it came from me. My friend asked him why he did not close with me then? He answered, _the Duke_ would govern them; and likewise talked of his own family, as he calls it, (Lady C. Pelham and Lord Lincoln,) and he might have added, his expectations through Egmont, &c., at Leicester House. But all or either of them show how sincere at any time his professions have been.

_Extract of a Letter from Ditto to Ditto, Sept. 11, 1755._

... I hear Pitt declares against the Russian subsidy, which, I am told, is growing as unpopular as the excise.

_Extract of a Letter from Ditto to Ditto, Sept. 23, 1755._

... I have never declared my opinion of the subsidies till this morning to the King. His Majesty is in great distress: they have been obliged to tell him that the House of Commons could not go on without some authority within it; that almost every principal person there had declared against subsidies, and they could not name one who had declared for them. They had tried Pitt, Sir George Lee, and Egmont: that the two first and Legge had declared against them; that Egmont doubted and declined accepting the place; that in this situation they had spoken to me. Lord Grenville had spoke of me to him, but could not tell him my opinion.

I told his Majesty that he should, on this occasion, have my best service as a private soldier or as an officer, but I could not be both. I had a great deal of discourse, but he entered into no particular destination of me. He lamented the harm the Duke of Devonshire’s opinion would do him, and commended your Lordship exceedingly. I told the Duke of Newcastle (whom I saw by appointment with Lord Waldegrave, Saturday) that this was the last time I would ever come to see if we could agree. And so it is. Lord Granville says, if Legge won’t keep it (and to be sure he will not) I must be Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Duke of Newcastle says, that in that case we shall not agree a fortnight, and that it must not be. They quarrelled about it. I give readily into the Duke of Newcastle’s opinion. Nothing then remains but Secretary of State. How to make a vacancy I can’t tell, but there is nothing else. If this be done, I shall behave just as both you and they would have me; if not, I shall still be for the subsidies. It is my opinion. But I will be for them _out of place_; and in the act of vindicating the measure, declare war with the Minister. So you see that instead of the quiet state I thought of, I am brought, and indeed without my seeking, into such a one that I must (I hope you see with me the necessity) be within this week more, or within these six weeks less, than Secretary at War.

I forgot to tell you that Lincoln advises the Duke of Newcastle to agree with me, and even prefers me to the others, or to any measure but that of his uncle’s retiring quite, which he thinks best. The Attorney and Stone are of the same mind. I am sorry to tell you that it is certain the latter has lost his credit at Kew for being my friend. You know where that must point; to the Duke, who has not been once mentioned in the negotiation. I think _he_ must have been Pitt’s reason for discarding me, and yet that does not quite solve it.

_Extract of a Letter from Ditto to Ditto, Sept. 25, 1755._

... If you have not yet received my letter by last Tuesday’s post, it is not now worth reading. The matter is settled, and I am to be Secretary of State in the room of Sir Thomas Robinson, and in order to have the conduct of the House of Commons.

C.

(_Vide page 234._)

[As our author derived his information on Northern and German
Courts, especially Dresden, from Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, of
whose letters from abroad he speaks (p. 205, vol. i.) in terms
of such high commendation, and has already given extracts in
the Appendix, vol. i., a short account of that lively writer’s
Embassies, taken in substance from the same author’s MS. notes,
together with a farther specimen of his correspondence concerning
the Court of Saxony, will not be misplaced here; at least they
will afford some entertainment to the reader.]

Sir Charles Hanbury Williams was appointed envoy to Dresden in 1747, was commissioned in July, 1749, along with Mr. Anstis, Garter at Arms, to carry the Blue Riband to the Margrave of Anspach; and on Mr. Fox waving, at the request of the King, his pretensions to the Treasurership of the Navy, was, with a view of gratifying that gentleman, who was his intimate friend, named Envoy Extraordinary at Berlin. He set out for that Court in May, 1750, and passed through Hanover when the King was there. From thence he was sent to the King of Poland, who was holding the Diet at Warsaw, to engage his vote for the Archduke Joseph to be King of the Romans. On this progress he wrote a celebrated letter to the Duke of Newcastle at Hanover, which was sent over to England and much admired, as his ministerial letters generally were. About this time he met the Ministers of the two Empresses of Germany and Russia; reconciled these two Princesses, and set out for Berlin, where he was very coldly received, and soon grew so offensive to the King, that he was, as he had predicted, recalled at his request, and sent back to Dresden in February, 1751. Sir Charles had detected the Saxon Minister at Berlin, in betraying his master’s and Russia’s secrets to the Court of Prussia; and had also exposed an artifice of the King of Prussia in making a Tartar, sent to release a countryman who had enlisted in the Prussian Army, pass for a Deputy or Minister for the disaffected in Russian Tartary. These circumstances, and his satirical tongue, and yet more[91] satirical pen, combined to exasperate the King of Prussia. It was, he said in his private letters, “in vain to contend with so mighty a Prince, and he became the sacrifice.” However, in 1753, he was sent to Vienna to demand the assistance of that Court in case Prussia should proceed to extremities after stopping the Silesian loan; and in his triple capacity of Minister, Courtier, and Poet, he composed the following distich on the Empress-Queen:

“Oh Regina orbis prima et pulcherrima! ridens
Es Venus, incedens Juno, Minerva loquens.”

The general style of his poetry was far from being so complimentary; and that of his prose, though not so well known, and often too licentious for publication, was to the full as easy, lively, and humorous as his verse. After returning to England he was again appointed to Dresden, and attended the King of Poland to Warsaw, in 1754, where, upon espousing very warmly the interests of the Poniatowskys in an affair called the disposition of the Ostrog, he came to an open rupture with Count Bruhl. He shortly afterwards concluded a subsidiary treaty with Russia, and was named Ambassador to Petersburg in 1755. He returned to England in 1758, and died in 1759.

The following letter was written on his first arrival at Dresden, and before any quarrel with Count Bruhl. Though addressed to a private friend, it seems nearly a duplicate of his public dispatch. It is no unfavourable specimen of his correspondence, but is perhaps less enlivened by anecdote, as well as less disfigured by indecencies, than many of his epistolary compositions from Germany.

Dear Sir,

The short time that I have been abroad, would, in any other
Court, have hardly been sufficient to have formed a judgment, or
given a description of it; but this, where I am, is so easy to be
understood, that an understanding as mean as mine may see into it
as clearly in a month’s time as in ten years.

The King’s absolute and avowed hatred to all business, and his
known love for idleness and low pleasures, such as operas, plays,
masquerades, tilts and tournaments, balls, hunting, and shooting,
prevent both him and his country from making that figure in
Europe which this noble Electorate ought to do, and often has
done. As to the King himself, he is very polite and well-bred,
and his natural abilities far from bad ones. I have very often
(much oftener than any Minister here) the honour of conversing
with him, and I must say, that he talks better, and makes juster
judgments on affairs than any other person I have met with in
this Court: but he wont dwell long upon politics. ’Tis visible
that he soon grows uneasy, and then you must change the discourse
to the last stag that he hunted, the last opera that was acted,
or the last picture that he has bought. Immediately, you perceive
that his countenance clears up, and he talks on with pleasure.
From these subjects ’tis easy to lead him back to any other you
please, always taking care to observe his countenance, which is
a very speaking one. He is seldom seen, when at Dresden, but at
dinner. He always dines with company, and his buffoons make a
great noise, and fight with one another during the whole repast,
which is quite over by two o’clock; and then his Majesty retires
to his own apartments, undresses totally, and then puts on his
night-gown, in which he sits the rest of the day. Nobody must
come to him at that time but Count Bruhl, Father Guerini, and
the buffoon. He has had a great loss in the Electress of Bavaria
being married, for she often came to him in the afternoon, and
they have been surprised together in very indecent postures. The
Queen knew this, and was furious about it. She complained of it
to her Confessor; but the good Jesuit told her, that since things
were so, it was much better that the King’s affections should
remain in his own family, than be fixed upon a stranger, who
might be a Lutheran, and do prejudice to their holy religion; and
by this these holy casuists appeased her angry Majesty.

The whole Court is now gaping to see who will succeed the
Electress, for his Majesty’s constitution requires somebody
besides the Queen. The King is excessively fond of hunting, and
’tis reckoned that the game of all sorts (which is strictly
preserved for him) do 50,000_l._ per annum of damage to this
country. I have myself seen fifty stags a feeding in one
corn-field; and to take care of all his game and forests, there
are no less than 4000 persons in constant pay.

The expenses of this Court of every sort are in proportion with
that of the chase. After this, Sir, you will not be surprised
when I tell you, that the debts of this Electorate (all incurred
since this King came into possession of it) are near four
millions sterling, and that their credit is quite ruined; but the
King will not hear of the expenses of the Court being lessened.
He has no idea of the state of his country; but as he finds
himself easy, he thinks and wishes his people to be so too. He
is not beloved nor respected. His never heading his Army, and
his precipitate flight from Dresden at the King of Prussia’s
approach, did him more injury in the minds of the Saxons, than he
will ever be able to retrieve.

Her Majesty the Queen is very devout, but not a bit the better
for her devotions: she does nothing but commit small sins,
and beg forgiveness for them. She is ugly beyond painting,
and malicious beyond expression. Her violent hatred to the
Empress-Queen, and her great love to all her enemies, make me
rejoice that she has not the least influence at this Court. She
has much impotent aversion to Count Bruhl: he hates her Majesty
in return, but then he makes her feel his power. She meddles
much in the lowest things, such as disgracing or restoring a
buffoon to favour; disposing the parts of an opera, and giving
the preference to such and such a dancer; and even this she never
does by merit, but he or she that comes oftenest to mass has the
best parts and the first rank. The Italians are much favoured
here. They are divided into two parties, one of which is headed
by Father Guerini, who first placed the colony here; the other,
which is the most powerful, has the Faustina for its leader; and
the two chiefs have by turns vented their complaints against each
other to me, till I could hardly keep my countenance. But to
return to her Majesty: I look upon her to be thoroughly in the
French interests. She is not at all beloved, nor does she deserve
it, for she does no good to anybody but converts, and very little
to them.

I am next to speak of the Electoral Prince. You know, Sir, his
person is bad, and his backbone so disjointed, that he cannot
stand without two people to support him. The weakness of his
body has hurt his mind. His parts, if he ever had any, are much
decayed; but he is civil, good, and well-tempered. His education
has been extremely bad; he knows nothing. He asked ’tother day
at table, whether, though England were an island, one could not
go there by land? Judge of the rest by this. When he walks,
supported or rather dragged along by two people, his knees almost
touch his stomach; and the Duchess of Courland (who is our good
friend at this Court) told me that she saw him in bed on his
wedding-night, and that he lay in the same posture there; so that
she did not comprehend how matters could be accomplished. The
Court, however, swear that (the marriage was then consummated).
He is at present wholly devoted to his new bride, about whom I
must say a little, having the happiness, by her permission, to
see her very often.

She is far from being handsome or well made; but then she is
infinitely agreeable in her manner, and very well-bred. She
talks much, and is very entertaining. When she first came, she
had flattered herself with hopes of succeeding the Electress,
and attacked the King the first night, but without success. He
seemed rather disgusted with her advances, and since that time
she has not recovered the ground she then lost. All[92] this I
have also from the Duchess of Courland. Before she came here
she was reckoned to meddle much in politics, and to be in the
French interests. She denies all this herself, and declares
against women’s meddling in state affairs; but I will venture to
prophesy, that if ever the Prince Electoral should outlive his
father, she will govern this country most absolutely. Hitherto
she is much liked and admired by all who come near her, for her
address is very engaging, and not at all like the Queen’s.

The King has four younger sons, and three unmarried daughters. As
to the Princesses I can say nothing of them, but that they are
very young and very plain.

Prince Xavier is next to the Prince Royal, and has always been
the Queen’s favourite, and she tried every way to persuade the
Prince Electoral to go into orders that this Prince might succeed
his father. His person is good, and I believe his natural parts
are so too, but his education has been very unfortunate. He is
sixteen years of age, and has hitherto been taught nothing but
bodily exercises; and they do not seem to think in this country
that a Prince wants any accomplishments who can dance, fence,
ride at the ring, and shoot at the mark. This Prince has not yet
learned common good manners, and is almost a stranger to common
decency. The French Ambassador and I dined with him the other
day, and the whole time we were at table he talked to the Pages
behind him, and what he said to them was in German. Monsieur des
Issarts was quite out of humour at the treatment he met with: I
was only sorry for the Prince. But to end his character, those
who are best acquainted with him tell me he is very proud and
very malicious. ’Tis publicly known that he hates his elder
brother; but his pride is much abated, and his spirits much sunk
since the Electoral Prince’s marriage, which was a thing that he
had been taught to believe never would happen. Still he flatters
himself with the hope that if the King his father should die, he
should succeed him in the Throne of Poland.

Prince Charles is next; he is a fine youth about thirteen; his
person is good, and he has great quickness of parts; but as
he labours under the misfortune of having the same wretched
education as his brothers have had, ’tis impossible to say how
he will turn out; and here I must observe, that the scarcity of
men of ability is so great in this country, that out of four
governors employed in the education of these Princes, there is
not one who is a Saxon.

The two other Princes, Albert and Clement, are both so young,
that I can say nothing about them.

Having now, Sir, gone through the Royal Family, I shall speak
of their fine country, which I believe produces more to its
sovereign than any other district of land of the same size in
Europe. The last grant of the Diet of Saxony was between eight
and nine millions of dollars (each dollar exactly three shillings
and sixpence English money) per annum for nine years; yet ’tis
likely that the whole may be anticipated and spent in five, and
then the King calls a new Diet, and gets fresh supplies, so that
’tis not possible to say exactly what the King’s revenues are;
but everybody must see that they are very large, and how the
people will continue such payments begins to be a question. It is
certain this country grows daily poorer, which is very visible
by the decay of Leipsick fair. Everybody agrees that the last
Easter fair was not half so good as it used to be; and this fair
is the touchstone of the trade and money in this Electorate. The
loss and expenses their own bad politics have drawn them into
during this war have been very great; and the visit the King of
Prussia made to Dresden was very expensive to this country; but
above all, the visible decay of their linens and tinned iron
manufactures (which England has been wise enough not to want
any longer in such great quantities from foreign countries,) is
a blow that is felt more severely than can be expressed. The
Stier Bills, which are the funds here, and which always used
to bear a premium, are now at 5 and 6 per cent. discount, and
’tis very difficult to negotiate them even at that price, though
they carry 5 per cent. interest. I have been offered some, whose
principal is due at Michaelmas, 1748, at 7 per cent. discount.
This being so, you see that their credit is exhausted, and that
they would hardly be able to borrow under 10 per cent.; and yet
they must take up money, or their Army will mutiny, for their
officers are most of ’em twelve or fifteen months in arrear. In
the midst of all these difficulties the Court has squandered
away above 200,000_l._ sterling at the late double marriages;
given 100,000_l._ sterling for the Duke of Modena’s gallery
of pictures; and Count Bruhl alone cannot spend so little as
60,000_l._ sterling a year. The pensions also that the King gives
in Poland exceed the revenues he receives from thence by full
50,000_l._ per annum.

It is now necessary I should say something of the person to whom
the King commits the entire care of this country. Count Bruhl is
originally of a good family, but as he was a Page to the late
King, so he had the education of a Page. His natural parts,
without being very good, are certainly better than any other
person’s I have hitherto conversed with at this Court. He was
employed by the late King in high employments, but never touched
the zenith of power till after the fall of Monsieur Sulkowsky,
who was his predecessor in the present King’s favour. Sulkowsky
lost it by absenting himself from the King’s person to make
campaigns in Hungary and upon the Rhine. As Count Bruhl profited
by this false step of Sulkowsky, he is resolved no person shall
ever have such an advantage over him. He is never absent from
the King’s person, and he pays the closest attention to every
thing his Majesty says or does, though he himself is naturally
very idle. His every day is passed in the following manner: he
rises before six in the morning, then Father Guerini comes to him
to talk upon business, and to read over whatever letters they
receive, and then they send such of them as they please to the
Privy Council; but if anybody comes in, business is laid aside,
and he is very ready to talk upon indifferent matters. Afterwards
he dresses, which takes up above an hour, and he is obliged to
be with the King before nine. He stays with him till his Majesty
goes to mass, which he does exactly at eleven; and then Count
Bruhl goes to the Countess Moyenska, where he stays till twelve;
from thence he goes either to dinner with the King, or to his own
house, with a few of the lowest and worst people of this Court.

After dinner he undresses and goes to sleep till five, when
Father Guerini comes and sits with him while he dresses, and at
six he goes again to the King, with whom he stays till after
seven; from thence he goes to some assembly, where he plays at
cards very deep, the Countess Moyenska being always of the party,
who plays very well, and wins considerable sums of the Count;
rather before ten he sits down to supper, and from thence he goes
to bed about twelve.

Now as everything of the kind, from the highest affairs of state
down to operas and hunting, are all in Count Bruhl’s immediate
care, I leave you to judge how his post is executed, by the
time he takes to do business in. His expenses are immense. He
keeps three hundred servants and as many horses. His house is in
extreme bad taste and extravagance. He has, at least, a dozen
country seats, where he is always building and altering, but
which he never sees. It is said, and I believe it, that he takes
money for everything the King disposes of in Poland, where they
frequently have very great employments to bestow. Everybody here
reckons that he is not sincere, but for my own part I have as
yet no great reason to think so. He is very communicative to me,
and very patient to hear whatever I have to say. He is certainly
not an ill-natured man, having never done a hard or cruel thing
to any person that I heard of since he has been in power. He is
very vain, and a little flattery is absolutely necessary for
those who intend being well with him; and my notion of the duty
of a Foreign Minister is, that after serving his master to the
utmost of his power and ability, he ought to make himself as
agreeable as possible at the Court he is sent to. From this way
of thinking, I have endeavoured to cultivate the King of Poland
and his Minister as much as possible, because a time may come
when my being well with this Court may be of some small service
to the King my master.

Count Bruhl is polite, civil, and very ready to oblige, and,
after the first ceremonies are over, without any forms. If
he has any principle in politics, ’tis certainly favourable
to the House of Austria. That, indeed, is not much, but it is
more than any other person has that belongs to this Court, and
whenever he falls we shall fall into worse hands. He has been
very negligent of support at Court, having never, during his long
Administration, made himself one friend of any great consequence.
The clamours now against him are very high, for the two reasons
of the fall of the Stier Bills, and the non-payment of the Army.
The man that heads these complaints, and whom ’tis possible
his Majesty may remember to have seen at Hanover, is one Count
Linard, a Saxon, whom I take to be thoroughly in the French
interests. He has but moderate parts, and very little literature,
but in Saxon learning he is very deep. He rides, shoots, and
dances better than anybody here, and by these accomplishments
he has got himself into a good degree of the King’s favour, and
flatters himself that whenever the Minister falls, he is the man
that is to succeed him. I know he has been contriving to get
a body of officers to throw themselves at the King’s feet to
complain of Count Bruhl, and to demand their pay. By means of a
spy that I had at Court I discovered this affair, and told Count
Bruhl of it. He owned things were as I said, and added, that he
did not expect nor deserve such usage from Count Linard; but two
days afterwards he told me that my information was very true,
and that he had taken such measures upon it as would perfectly
secure him. I have since had the misfortune to lose my spy, who
is fled for having got a woman with child, he being a married
man, and adultery in this country is punished with death.

The next person I shall speak of is father Guerini, a Jesuit, who
is more in the King’s favour than in any credit. He has been long
in the service, and is now kept, like an old horse, for what he
has formerly done. He is Count Bruhl’s absolute creature, and has
his confidence. He is perpetually with the King and Queen, and
constantly employed in making up some quarrel among the singers
and dancers. If he ever had any parts, they were gone before I
came; but he is a good, trifling old man, and, though a priest,
has no ambition. He has twice refused a Cardinal’s hat; and the
last time, which was not above half a year ago, the King pressed
him to it very much, but in vain. I go to him very often; for he
often comes out with things that he is trusted with, and which I
am sure he ought not to tell.

The next person to Count Bruhl in business is one Heinnech, a low
man, who once wore a livery, though he now wears the Blue Riband
of Russia. He talks no French, and we converse in Latin; but
Monsieur Heinnech has so quarrelled with all moods and tenses,
numbers and cases, that it is with difficulty I understand him.
If I guess right at what he says to me, he is very ignorant of
the affairs I talk about. He is _Chef des finances_; and it is
said that Count Bruhl and he know so many had things of each
other with respect to the disposal of public money, that it is
impossible they should ever quarrel. He is the Minister’s right
hand for domestic affairs, as Mr. Saul is for foreign ones, who
in that province does everything. He is also a very low man;
but he has parts, quickness, and knowledge without the least
appearance of fashion or manners of a gentleman. There is not a
man in Saxony that does not detest him, except his patron, Count
Bruhl, to whom he is certainly very useful. Heinnech went so far
once as to propose in the Privy Council to hang him. He has very
strange schemes in his head; he is certainly for the House of
Austria, but in a manner peculiar to himself; _for he wishes to
see that House strictly united with that of Bourbon, and believes
that a[93] practicable business_. He is secretary to the Cabinet
Council, in conjunction with Mr. Walter, who is a very honest
knowing man, well-intentioned, and quite in the true system, but
at present hardly employed at all, to our great misfortune.

These persons govern under Count Bruhl, as the Countess Moyenska
does over him--

... orbi
Jupiter imponit jura, sed illa Jovi.

She is thoroughly hated, having all had qualities that can unite
in one person, among which pride, avarice, and revenge shine
most conspicuous. She has certainly received money in large sums
from France; but as that is received, and there is no immediate
prospect of more, I think her violence against us seems to abate.
I thought it my business to do all I could to be well with her,
and I am now of all her parties. My reception, when I first went,
was very cold; but I expected that, and persisted in going till I
came to be very well received.

I shall now say a word or two of their Army. They aver that
they have 44,000 men, but they really have but 33,000. To all
appearance they are very fine ones, especially the Cavalry; but
as I have already told you how ill they are paid, you must see
that without a large sum to put them in motion, ’tis impossible
they should act out of their own country. As to their generals,
Count Rotosha and the Chevalier de Saxe, both natural sons of
the late King of Poland, are at the head of the Army. They
are not wanting in abilities and knowledge; but they are both
the idlest and most inactive of all mankind, and both bitter
enemies of the House of Austria, because they reckon they were
sacrificed by Prince Charles at the battle of Keisersdorf. There
is also in this service a Prince of Anhalt-Dessau, who was
formerly in the King of Prussia’s, but who was discharged from
thence upon suspicion of cowardice. He afterwards served as a
volunteer in the armies of the Empress-Queen; but they would
not give him any command at Vienna. At last the father, about
a year and a half ago, brought him to Leipsick fair, presented
and recommended him to the King of Poland, and begged he would
make him a Lieutenant-General in his army. The King answered he
would consider of it. Upon this the old Prince came out into the
ante-chamber, and told everybody that the King had made his son
Eugene a Lieutenant-General, and got his Commission immediately
made out, which the good King, rather than have the trouble of a
dispute, signed; and he is in this service.

There is another general here, a Frenchman, named D’Ollone, who
was in the service of their Imperial Majesties; but being sent
hither, about eight months ago, to regulate some differences
about the Saxon troops, when they were in Bohemia, he talked so
fast, and played so deep with Count Bruhl, that he thought him
the greatest officer of the age, and at once offered to make
him General of Foot (whereas he had been but Lieutenant-General
under their Imperial Majesties.) This offer D’Ollone readily
accepted, and entered into this service; but in a month’s time
all D’Ollone’s talk was out, and he had won too much of Count
Bruhl’s money: so he quickly grew out of favour, and was found to
be a man of no parts or consequence. In short, both parties are
heartily sick of their bargain. He curses the day he was taken,
and they the day they took him.

I hope you will excuse my mentioning these two last stories; but
I mean them more for entertainment than information, though they
are both strictly true, and serve a little to illustrate the
characters of the King of Poland and his First Minister.

I must now inform you of what I judge to be the views and wishes
of this Court. The King of Poland most ardently desires to see a
peace made. He loves peace so much, that I believe he is not much
concerned about what sort of a one it may be; but till that happy
hour arrives, their system here (if they have any system) is to
observe an impracticable neutrality; and by the fear they have
of offending anybody (which is the natural consequence of such
a system), they take care to oblige nobody. The Court of Vienna
is very much dissatisfied with their proceedings at Dresden; but
the Ministry of Versailles are often full as discontented with
the steps they take. Russia alone is the power to which the King
pays real court. ’Tis by the Czarina only that the King keeps
possession of the Throne of Poland: for his affairs in that
kingdom are in so bad a situation, and his interest there so
very low, that the Grand Marshal, the Grand Chancellor, and many
other Poles of distinction that came here upon the late double
marriages, told me, in my first week’s acquaintance with them,
that if it was not for fear of Russia they would dethrone their
King in half a year and choose another; for that he had broken
through every promise that he had ever made them, and had not
kept one tittle of the _pacta conventa_. The Ministry were so
sensible that all this is true, that the Court goes into Poland
early the next spring in order to manage that people, and to
conciliate their minds to the House of Saxony; for the King has
the succession of that Crown in his family much at heart; and
this, if ever it does happen, must be brought about by Russia.
After all this, judge of the weight the Court of Petersburgh must
have with that of Dresden. For my part, I give it as an opinion,
by which I will abide, and which I can prove by facts, that
whenever there is a Minister at Dresden, sent by the Czarina with
absolute instructions to act in concert with those of his Majesty
and his Allies, Saxony must do whatever they please.

There is something unfortunate between this Court and that of
Vienna. They never were perfectly well together for six weeks
at a time. This King thinks that it was entirely owing to him
that the Imperial dignity returned to the House of Austria,
and that their Imperial Majesties can never do enough to repay
that obligation. The Court of Vienna says, that she placed the
Elector of Saxony on the Throne of Poland, (for doing which she
has certainly since been a great sufferer,) without having any
returns of gratitude from the Court of Dresden. ’Tis indeed true,
that at a time when the Empress-Queen is fully employed, and
unable to pay much attention to small things, this Court shows
her very little regard. The Austrian Court sees this, and resents
it tacitly very much. They have not yet thought fit to appoint
anybody to succeed Esterhazy here, and they talked of sending
only a Resident, at which this Court seems much offended. As to
Prussia, this Court has not yet recovered the wounds nor the
fright which it lately received from that quarter. With respect
to France, their heads here were so turned with the marriage
of the Dauphiness, that they are not yet quite settled. They
are still pensioners to that Crown, but their treaty of subsidy
expires next February. I flatter myself that it will not be
renewed: nothing but poverty can make them do it.

I have asked Count Bruhl twenty times, how it was possible to
rely in the least upon a power who would at any time sacrifice
this country (because it is their interest so to do, which the
French understand but too well), at a moment’s warning, to their
hated and dreaded foe, the King of Prussia. But the real cause
that lost the Allies this Court, and threw it into the arms of
France, was Mr. Calhoen, who, when Minister from Holland, had
orders from his masters to treat about the taking a body of Saxon
troops into their pay. He did indeed make the proposition; but
at the same time prevented the success of it, by telling Count
Bruhl, that though, by his office, he was obliged to ask for a
body of Saxon troops, yet, as a friend to the Court of Dresden,
he could not help saying that he doubted whether they would
be well or regularly paid for them. Thus did this perfidious
Dutchman talk, and easily persuaded Count Bruhl (who thought of
nothing but the money) to refuse the troops. The Minister from
this Court to the States General is a Frenchman, and heartily in
the interest of his country; and all his letters that come here
are as partial to our enemies and as prejudicial to his Majesty
and his Allies as possible; and indeed this whole Court is so
thoroughly Frenchified, that upon the late successes of our
fleets, and the late battle won by our Allies in Italy, I don’t
think that I was congratulated by five people here, and those few
that did wish me joy did it in a whisper. I can’t help mentioning
one thing upon which this Court value themselves, and make a
merit of to me. They say it is their influence over the King of
the Two Sicilies (because he married their daughter), that has
prevented his marching against our Allies in Lombardy; but such
counters as these are never taken in payment.

Thus far I got Mr. Stephens to copy almost word for word a letter
I wrote to Lord Chesterfield, by the same messenger that brings
you this; and therefore it should not be shown to everybody; but
I hope it will divert Lord Ilchester and the Duke of Marlborough.
If it had been wrote to you in my own way, I could have made you
laugh heartily. You observe that Monsieur Bruhl, like all First
Ministers, keeps the lowest company. I wish I dared write all I
could; but things are not yet ripe. The first opportunity, you
shall have a packet of curiosities.

I am ever entirely yours,

C. HANBURY WILLIAMS.

* * *

Dresden, 27th August, 1745, N. S.

FOOTNOTES:

[89] Supposed to be Dr. Sherlock.

[90] This alludes to an interview between Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, May 9, 1755. See Melcombe’s Diary, p. 319; and Mr. Fox’s Letter to Lord Hartington of May 13, 1755, in Appendix to Waldegrave.

[91] See Appendix, vol. i.

[92] It is perhaps more reasonable, and certainly more charitable, to suspect Sir Charles of credulity, and his female informant of malignity, than to believe the tales of incest and licentious effrontery reported in this letter. On the other hand, it must be acknowledged that the general state of manners in German Courts, in the middle of last century, by no means disprove such imputations.--E.

[93] This passage, written in 1747, is remarkable; for Mr. Saul’s “_scheme_” was proved to be “_practicable business_” in the course of a few years.--E.

END OF VOL. II.

T. C. Savill, Printer, 4, Chandos-street, Covent-garden.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
the text and consultation of external sources.

Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained: for example,
everybody, every body; meantime, mean time; partizan; catched;
meaned; honester; tragical; subtilty; Pensylvania; Massachusets.

Pg 18: ‘lived i na Court’ replaced by ‘lived in a Court’.
Pg 22: ‘nor to be wiped’ replaced by ‘not to be wiped’.
Pg 28: ‘to recal him’ replaced by ‘to recall him’.
Pg 31: ‘his Aid-de-camp’ replaced by ‘his Aide-de-camp’.
Pg 124: ‘forsesaw a war’ replaced by ‘foresaw a war’.
Pg 140: ‘Edgcumbe, the one’ replaced by ‘Edgecombe, the one’.
Pg 218: ‘inclined to pronouce’ replaced by ‘inclined to pronounce’.
Pg 239: ‘Saxony, to faciliate’ replaced by ‘Saxony, to facilitate’.
Pg 239: ‘reduced to recal’ replaced by ‘reduced to recall’.
Pg 262: ‘Oct. 27.--The King’ replaced by ‘Oct. 27th.--The King’.
Pg 298: ‘every the most’ replaced by ‘even the most’.
Pg 304: ‘Feb. 7.--The younger’ replaced by ‘Feb. 7th.--The younger’.
Pg 321: ‘was at at a loss’ replaced by ‘was at a loss’.
Pg 374: ‘be expelled Oxford’ replaced by ‘be expelled from Oxford’.

Footnote [76]: ‘Ramilies proved’ replaced by ‘Ramillies proved’.
Footnote [84]: ‘villany, murder’ replaced by ‘villainy, murder’.