Chapter M: Coquebert De Montbret (6)

In the mean while, as I had pretended to have sent the young lady on a message, I was obliged to return up stairs and go back to my lord’s room, in the same feigned anxiety of being too late, so that every body seemed sincerely to sympathize with my distress. When I was in the room, I talked to him, as if he had been really present, and answered my own questions in my lord’s voice, as nearly as I could imitate it. I walked up and down, as if we were conversing together, till I thought they had time enough thoroughly to clear themselves of the guards. I then thought proper to make off also. I opened the door, and stood half in it, that those in the outward chamber might hear what I said, but held it so close, that they could not look in. I bid my lord a formal farewell, for that night, and added that something more than usual must have happened to make Evans negligent on this important occasion, who had always been so punctual in the smallest trifles; that I saw no other remedy than to go in person; that if the Tower were still open when I finished my business, I would return that night; but that he might be assured I would be with him as early in the morning as I could gain admittance into the Tower, and I flattered myself I should bring favourable news. Then, before I shut the door, I pulled through the string of the latch, so that it could only be opened on the inside. I then shut it with some degree of force, that I might be sure of its being well shut. I said to the servant as I passed by, that he need not carry in candles to his master till my lord sent for him, as he desired to finish some prayers first. I went down stairs, and called a coach. As there were several on the stand, I drove home to my lodgings, where poor Mr. Mackenzie had been waiting to carry the petition, in case my attempt had failed. I told him there was no need of any petition, as my lord was safe out of the Tower, and out of the hands of his enemies, as I hoped; but that I did not know where he was.

I discharged the coach, and sent for a sedan chair, and went to the Duchess of Buccleugh, who expected me about that time, as I had begged of her to present the petition for me, having taken my precautions against all events, and asked if she was at home; and they answered, that she expected me, and had another duchess with her. I refused to go up stairs, as she had company with her, and I was not in a condition to see any other company. I begged to be shewn into a chamber below stairs, and that they would have the goodness to send her grace’s maid to me, having something to say to her. I had discharged the chair, lest I might be pursued and watched. When the maid came in, I desired her to present my most humble respects to her grace, who they told me had company with her, and to acquaint her that this was my only reason for not coming up stairs. I also charged her with my sincerest thanks for the kind offer to accompany me when I went to present my petition. I added, that she might spare herself any further trouble, as it was now judged more advisable to present one general petition in the name of all; however, that I should never be unmindful of my particular obligations to her grace, which I would return very soon to acknowledge in person.

I then desired one of the servants to call a chair, and I went to the duchess of Montrose, who had always borne a part in my distress. When I arrived, she left her company to deny herself, not being able to see me under the affliction which she judged me to be in. By mistake I was, however admitted; so there was no remedy. She came to me; and as my heart was in extasy of joy, I expressed it in my countenance as she entered the room. I ran up to her in a transport of joy. She appeared to be extremely shocked and frightened; and has since confessed to me that she apprehended my trouble had thrown me out of myself, till I communicated my happiness to her. She then advised me to retire to some place of security; for that the king was highly displeased, and even enraged at the petition that I had presented to him, and had complained of it severely. I sent for another chair, for I always discharged them immediately, lest I might be pursued. Her grace said she would go to court to see how the news of my lord’s escape was received. When the news was brought to the king he flew into an excess of passion, and said he was betrayed; for it could not have been done without some confederacy. He instantly despatched two persons to the Tower to see that the other prisoners were well secured, lest they should follow the example. Some threw the blame upon one, some upon another. The duchess was the only one at court who knew it.

When I left the duchess I went to a house which Evans had found out for me, and where she promised to acquaint me where my lord was; she got thither some few minutes after me, and told me that when she had seen him secure, she went in search of Mr. Mills, who, by this time, had recovered himself from his astonishment; that he had returned to her house, where she found him, and that he had removed my lord from the first place, where she had desired him to wait, to the house of a poor woman, directly opposite to the guard-house; she had but one small room up one pair of stairs, and a very small bed in it.—We threw ourselves upon the bed, that we might not be heard walking up and down. She left us a bottle of wine and some bread; and Mrs. Mills brought us some more in her pocket the next day. We subsisted on this provision from Thursday till Saturday night, when Mrs. Mills came and conducted my lord to the Venetian ambassador’s.

We did not communicate the affair to his excellency; but one of his servants concealed him in his own room till Wednesday, on which day the ambassador’s coach and six was to go down to Dover to meet his brother. My lord put on a livery, and went down in the retinue, without the least suspicion, to Dover, where Mr. Mitchell (which was the name of the ambassador’s servant) hired a small vessel, and immediately set sail for Calais. The passage was so remarkably short, that the captain threw out this reflection, that the wind could not have served better if his passengers had been flying for their lives, little thinking it to be really the case. Mr. Mitchell might have easily returned without being suspected of being concerned in my lord’s escape; but my lord seemed inclined to have him continue with him, which he did, and has at present a good place under our young master.

This is as exact and full an account of this affair, and of the persons concerned in it, as I could possibly give you, to the best of my memory, and you may rely on the truth of it. I am, with the strongest attachment, my dear sister, your’s most affectionately,

WINIFRED NITHSDALE.

ACCOUNT OF THE FIRST RISE OF FAIRS IN ENGLAND, AND THE MANNER OF LIVING
IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES.

Before the necessaries or ornaments of life from the convenience of communication and the increase of provincial intercourse could be procured in towns, through the medium of shops, goods and commodities of every kind were chiefly sold at fairs, to which, as to one universal mart, the people resorted periodically, and supplied most of their wants for the ensuing year.

Fairs and markets were at first held near the castles of the great barons, and near the cathedrals and principal churches in the cities and great towns, not only to prevent frauds in the king’s duties or customs, but also as they were esteemed places where the laws of the land were observed, and as such had a very particular privilege.

The display of merchandize and the conflux of customers at these principal and only emporia of domestic commerce were prodigious, and they were, therefore, often held on open and extensive plains.

It appears from a curious record containing the establishment and expenses of the Earl of Northumberland in the year 1512, that the stores of his lordship’s house at Wressle, for the whole year were laid in from fairs; “He that stands charged with my lord’s house for the whole year, if he may possible, shall be at all fairs, where the gross emptions (that is the principal articles) shall be bought for the house for the whole year, as wine, wax, beeves, muttons, wheat and malt.”

This quotation is a proof that fairs were at that time the principal marts for purchasing necessaries in large quantities, which now are supplied by trading towns, and the mention of buying beeves and muttons, (oxen and sheep) shews that at so late a period they knew but little of breeding cattle.

The great increase of shops in the retail trade in all the towns and villages through the kingdom since the commencement of the eighteenth century, by means of which the inhabitants are supplied with every article necessary for subsistence as well as for luxury, has in a great measure rendered useless the purposes for which fairs were originally established. This change in the domestic trade of the country may be attributed partly to the facility of payment given by the notes of the bank of England and inland bills of exchange, and partly to the more speedy and certain intercourse which has been produced by the regularity of the post office. The latter may be looked upon as the cause and the former the effect of this change which has so completely altered the state of fairs throughout the kingdom.

Connected with fairs as furnishing the necessaries of life may be given an account of the living of the people in England in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

From the household book of the Earl of Northumberland above-mentioned it appears, that his family, during winter, lived mostly on salted meat and salt fish, and on that account there was an order for providing 180 gallons of mustard. On flesh days through the year, breakfast for the earl and his lady was a loaf of bread, two manchets, a quart of beer, a quart of wine, half a chine of mutton, or a chine of beef boiled. On meagre days, a loaf of bread, two manchets, a quart of beer, a quart of wine, a dish of butter, a piece of salt fish, or a dish of buttered eggs. During Lent, a loaf of bread, two manchets, a quart of beer, a quart of wine, two pieces of salt fish, six baconed herrings, or a dish of sprats. The other meals had as little variety, except on festival days.

At that time capons, chickens, hens, pigeons, rabbits, plovers, woodcocks, quails, snipes, partridges, and pheasants, were accounted such delicacies as to be prohibited except at the earl’s table.

From the same book it appears that the earl had only two cooks for dressing victuals for his household which consisted of 229 persons.

Hollinshed, who wrote about 1577, observes that white meats, i. e. milk, butter and cheese, formerly the chief food of the English people, were in his time degraded to be the food of the lowest sort, and that the wealthy fed upon flesh and fish.

Feasts in those times were carried beyond all bounds of moderation. There is preserved an account of a feast given by Archbishop Nevill at his installation, 1466, in which are mentioned, among a great variety of others, the following articles, viz. wheat 300 quarters, ale 300 tuns, 80 oxen, 6 wild bulls, 1000 sheep, 300 calves, 300 swine called porks, 2000 pigs, 200 kids, 4000 rabbits, upwards of 400 harts, bucks and roes, 3000 geese, 2300 capons, 2000 chickens, 4000 pigeons, 100 peacocks, 200 cranes, 4000 mallards and teals, 500 partridges, 400 woodcocks; 1500 hot, and 4000 cold venison pasties, 2000 hot custards, and 4000 cold ones. On the tables at this feast it is mentioned there were 4 porpoises and 8 seals.

There were 62 cooks and 515 servants to assist them, and not less than 3000 persons in all were at this feast.

At the above period there was not discovered in society, any pleasure but that of crouding together in hunting and feasting. The delicate pleasures of conversation, in communicating opinions, sentiments and desires, were wholly unknown.

About the year 1512 the breakfast hour was eight, and at ten they sat down to dinner; at three in the afternoon they had a drinking, and four was the hour for supper. The gates of the Earl of Northumberland’s castles were shut at nine in the evening throughout the year, “to the intent that no servant shall come in at the said gate, that ought to be within, who are out of the house at that hour.”

By a household establishment of Lord Fairfax’s, about 1650, it appears that eleven had then become the hour of dining, and towards the end of that century the hour was twelve, but from the beginning of the last century it has gradually grown later to the present times, when seven has become the fashionable hour in noblemen’s houses.

In the country, and in moderate families in the metropolis, one and two are the more general hours for dining.

From the Percy household book it may be observed, that several dishes were then in use which have been long banished from our tables; among these may be reckoned cranes, herons, sea-gulls, bitterns and kirlews, and at archbishop Nevill’s feast, porpoises and seals were served up.

After the accession of Henry the seventh to the throne, the nation began to rest from the scenes of war and blood which for several years had subsisted between the Houses of York and Lancaster, and in the next reign the people turned their attention more to trade and the arts of peace, so that we find the mode of living considerably changed, for luxury being ever the attendant of extended commerce, this brought us acquainted with the produce of foreign countries till then unknown in England.

Previously to 1509 the principal vegetables used at the tables of the great were imported from the Netherlands, so that when Catherine, queen of Henry the eighth wanted a sallad, she was obliged to despatch a messenger to Flanders. Asparagus and artichokes were introduced into England about 1578, and cauliflowers somewhat later. Celery was not introduced into England till after 1709, when Marshal Tallard being made prisoner at the battle of Malplaquet, and brought into England, first introduced this plant on the English tables.

There is an article in the Percy household book which says, “That from henceforth there be no herbs bought, seeing that the cooks may have herbs enough in my lord’s gardens.”

Since the introduction of tea into England at the close of the seventeenth century the living of all classes of the people has experienced a total change, but it was not till about 1740 that tea came to be generally used in the country, for previously to that time those who made use of it got it by stealth, each being afraid of being known to be in possession of what was then termed a great luxury.

Waller has a poem addressed to the queen Maria d’Este, wife of James the second in 1683, “On Tea commended by her Majesty,” whereby it seems it was even then a new thing, though Mr. Hanway in his Essay on Tea says that Lord Arlington and Lord Ossory introduced it into England in 1666, and that it was then admired as a new thing. Their ladies introduced it among the women of quality, and its price was then £3 per pound, and continued the same till 1707. In 1715 green tea began to be used, and the practice of drinking tea descended to the middling classes of the people.

In the Tatler (No. 86, Oct. 27, 1709) the author mentions inviting his friends, seemingly as though tea was common, to drink a dish of tea, which they refused, saying they never drank tea in the morning.

The same author observes, that dinner had in his memory, crept by degrees from twelve o’clock to three, and in the Spectator it is said that coffee houses were frequented by shopkeepers from six in the morning, and that the students at law made their appearance in them in their night gowns about eight. A lady who sends her journal to the Spectator represents herself as taking chocolate in bed, and sleeping after it till ten, and drinking her Bohea from that hour till eleven. Her dinner hour was from three to four, and she did not sit up later at a card party than twelve. A citizen out of trade, in the same work, describes himself as rising at eight, dining at two, and going to bed at ten if not kept up at the club he frequented.

The history of Taverns in this country may be traced back to the time of king Henry the fourth, for so ancient is that of the Boar’s Head in East Cheap, London, the rendezvous of prince Henry and his riotous companions. Of little less antiquity is the White Hart without Bishopsgate, which now bears in the front of it, the date of its erection, 1480.

SIR RICHARD CLOUGH.

Sir Richard Clough was a man of distinguished character, who raised himself by his merit, from a poor boy at Denbigh to be one of the greatest merchants of his time. He was first a chorister at Chester, then had the good fortune to become apprentice to the famous Sir Thomas Gresham, and afterwards his partner, with whom he may be considered as joint founder of the Royal Exchange, having contributed several thousand pounds towards that noble design. His residence was chiefly at Antwerp, where after his death his body was interred; his heart at Whitchurch, in the vicinity of Denbigh. He is said to have made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and to have been a knight of the holy sepulchre; and he accordingly assumed the five crosses, the badge of that order, for his arms. His wealth was so great, that his name became proverbial, and the Welsh have a saying, on any person’s attaining great riches, that he _is become a CLOUGH_. Sir Richard left two daughters, but it is probable that they enjoyed but an inconsiderable part of his wealth, which is said to have gone to Sir Thomas Gresham, according to an agreement in case of survivorship. Sir Richard died first, but the time is unknown. Sir Thomas survived till the year 1579.

The original hint of the Royal Exchange was given to Sir Thomas Gresham by Sir Richard Clough, who in the year 1561, had been advanced by the former, to be his correspondent and agent in the then emporium of the world, Antwerp. Clough wrote to his master, to blame the citizens of London for neglecting so necessary a thing; bluntly saying that “they studied nothing else but their own private profit; that they were content to walk about in the rain, more like pedlars than merchants, and that there was no kind of people but had their place to transact business in, in other countries.” Thus stimulated, Sir Thomas, in 1566, laid the foundation, and the next year completed what was then called the _Bourse_, which three years after on being visited by queen Elizabeth, was dignified by her with the title of _Royal Exchange_.

An original picture of Sir Richard Clough is preserved at Llanywern, the seat of Sir Thomas Salusbury, Bart. It is a half length extremely well painted on board, his hair is very short, and of a dark brown. He is dressed in a short close jacket, black, striped with white, and great white breeches. In his right hand a glove; his left on his sword; on his right side is a dagger. The arms of the holy sepulchre, which he had assumed, are on one side of the picture. It was probably painted at Antwerp, which at this period abounded with artists of the first merit.

ROYAL CLEMENCY.

Lewis the thirteenth of France being desirous to sit as judge at the trial of the Duke de la Vallette, assembled, in his cabinet, some members of the Parliament, together with some counsellors of state, to consult on the propriety of such a step. Upon their being compelled by the king to give their opinions concerning the decree for his arrest, the president, De Believre, said, “That he found it very strange that a prince should pass sentence upon one of his subjects; that kings had reserved to themselves the power of pardoning, and left that of condemning to their officers; that his majesty wanted to see before him at the bar, a person, who by his decision was to be hurried away in an hour’s time into another world. That this is what a prince’s countenance, from whence favours flow, should never bear; that his presence alone removed ecclesiastical censures; and that subjects ought not to go away dissatisfied from their prince.” When sentence was passed, the same president said, “This is an unprecedented judgment, and contrary to the example of past ages, to see a king of France, in the quality of a judge, condemning a gentleman to death.”—It may be proper to add, that the sentence was afterwards revoked.

It has always been urged against king James the second, as a proof of the inveterate cruelty of his disposition, that he should have ordered the Duke of Monmouth into his presence, and not pardoned him. Welwood, in his Memoirs, says, that James, in this instance, made an exception to a general rule observed inviolably by kings, “never to allow a criminal, under sentence of death, the sight of his prince’s face, without a design to pardon him.”

The custom of pardoning criminals, by admitting them into the presence of the sovereign, is of very ancient date. When Agag, king of the Amalekites, had been taken prisoner by Saul (1 Sam., xv. 20-33) and his life spared by that monarch, contrary to the divine command, and was afterwards brought into the presence of Samuel, he exclaimed “Surely the bitterness of death is past,” evidently in allusion to this custom. But Samuel executed the command of GOD, by putting Agag to death, which ought to have been done by Saul, on taking him prisoner.

LOTTERIES.

As a source of revenue, this is only a modern invention; and it is evident, were it not for the monopoly of this species of gambling, which the government insists on enjoying, that it could not possibly prove of any material advantage; for individuals would soon set up private lotteries, could afford to carry them on with less profit, and would soon draw all the benefit of such speculations to themselves.

The Romans had lotteries, particularly whilst they were under the government of the emperors. The tickets were distributed gratis among those guests who attended their entertainments, and all of them gained some prize. Heliogabalus took pleasure in making the prizes of very disproportionate value. Some of the prizes were ten camels, others ten flies, some ten pounds of gold, ten eggs, and the like. The plays which Nero gave, were concluded by lotteries, consisting of prizes of wheat, wine, stuffs, gold, silver, slaves, ships, houses, and lands.

In England, lotteries certainly took place in the reign of queen Elizabeth. According to Raynal, the two American companies in her reign, were favoured with the first lottery that ever was drawn in her dominions. The first however, of which we have any regular account was drawn in the year 1569. It consisted of 400,000 lots, at ten shillings each; the prizes were plate, and the profits were to go towards repairing the havens of this kingdom. It was drawn at the west door of St. Paul’s Cathedral. The drawing began on the 11th of January, 1569, and continued incessantly, day and night, until the sixth of May, following. There were then only three lottery offices in London. It was at first intended to have been drawn at the house of Mr. Derricke, the queen’s jeweller, but was afterwards drawn as above mentioned.

The proposals for this lottery were published in the years 1567 and 1568. Dr. Rawlinson shewed the Society of Antiquaries in 1748, “A proposal for a very rich lottery, general, without any blanks, containing a great number of good prizes, as well of ready money as of plate and certain sorts of merchandizes, having been valued and prized by the commandment of the queen’s most excellent majesty’s order, to the intent that such commodities as may chance to arise thereof, after the charges borne, may be converted towards the reparations of the havens, and strength of the realm, and towards such other public good works. The number of lots shall be 400,000 and no more, and every lot shall be the sum of ten shillings sterling and no more. To be filled by the feast of St. Bartholomew. The shew of prizes are to be seen in Cheapside, at the sign of the Queen’s Arms, the house of Mr. Derricke, goldsmith, servant to the queen.”

In the year 1612, king James in special favour for the plantation of English colonies in Virginia, granted a lottery to be held at the west end of St. Paul’s, whereof one Thomas Sharplys, a tailor of London, had the chief prize, which was 4000 crowns in plate.

Lotteries were revived in the reign of William the third, and as all our evils were then attributed to Dutch counsels, the blame of lotteries, those banes of industry, frugality, and virtue, was ascribed to an imitation of the example of Holland, and a wish in the natives of that country to ruin our morals, as well as to cramp our trade.

In the reign of queen Anne it was thought necessary to suppress lotteries as nuisances to the public. They have, however, been revived of late years, and are now carried forward in a more extensive manner than at any former period.

HERCULANEUM MANUSCRIPTS.

The following account of the ancient rolls of Papyrus, discovered at Herculaneum, and the method employed to unroll them, is extracted from a letter written in 1802, by the Hon. Henry Grey Bennett, addressed to the late Rev. Samuel Henley, D. D.

“The _papyrus_ of the Greeks and Romans was the inside coating of a plant of the same name; which was formerly common in various parts of Sicily; a small river now choaked up near Palermo was called the _Papyrus_, probably from the number of that species of plant which grew in its bed; the same name was also given to various rivulets in the island. It is however most common in the neighbourhood of Syracuse, where a Sicilian a few years ago established a manufactory of that article, more indeed to gratify the wishes of the curious, than to reap any immediate profit. The texture is not so fine as in the Egyptian or eastern manuscripts, which exist in the libraries of Paris. This may be owing probably to the method of preparation, and not to any difference in the plant.

“The _papyri_ are joined together, and form one roll, on each sheet of which, the characters are painted, standing out in a species of _bas relief_, and singly to be read with the greatest ease. As there are no stops, a difficulty is found in joining the letters, in making out the words, and in discovering the sense of the phrase. The manuscripts were found in a chamber of an excavated house, in the ancient Herculaneum, to the number of about 1800, a considerable part of which were in a state to be unrolled. That city was buried for the most part under a shower of hot ashes, and the manuscripts were reduced by the heat to a state of tinder, or to speak more properly, resembled paper which has been burnt. Where the baking has not been complete, and where any part of the vegetable juice has remained it is almost impossible to unroll them, the sheets towards the centre, being so closely united. In the others as you approach to the centre, or conclusion, the manuscripts become smoother, and the work proceeds with greater rapidity. A manuscript, by Epicurus, was unrolled in March, 1802, twenty seven sheets of which were taken off, not indeed so well as could have been hoped, but a great part sufficiently intelligible, to judge of the style of the author, and the nature of its contents. It unfortunately fell to the lot of a young beginner, who in his hurry to conclude, spoiled much more than he saved.

“The _papyri_ are very rough on the outside, and in some there are great holes. All the inequalities are made smooth, previous to unrolling them, with facility; in consequence much must inevitably be lost. Great care, however, is taken to preserve all the pieces, and when broken off, they are placed in the same sheet, preserving their original position.

“When first Mr. Hayter began this process, there was one man tolerably expert, and three only who had ever seen the manner of it; consequently, all were to be taught. This may serve as a reason why, as yet, so little has been done. One Latin manuscript was found, but it was in too bad a state to promise any chance of success. They are of different sizes, some containing only a few sheets, as a single play, others some hundreds, and a few, perhaps, two thousand. We may hope from the first, Menander, and from the others, the histories of Livy and Diodorus Siculus, perhaps the Doric poetry of the Sicilian muse, or the philosophy of the schools of Agrigentum and of Syracuse. We are led from the nature of the manuscripts to trust, that the indefatigable labours, the attention, and industry of Mr. Hayter will not be thrown away, and that the assistance to be derived from the English minister, Mr. Drummond, as well on account of his classical knowledge, and his love of literature, as the advantages arising from his situation, may command ultimate success, and secure to those who are engaged in this business, the protection of the Neapolitan government, and the thanks of the literary world.”

WOLVES IN ENGLAND.

King Edward the first commissioned Peter Corbet to destroy the wolves in the counties of Gloucester, Worcester, Hereford, Salop, and Stafford, and ordered John Gilford to hunt them in all the forests of England.

The forest of Chiltern was infested by wolves and wild bulls in the time of Edward the Confessor. William the Conqueror granted the lordship of Riddesdale, in Northumberland, to Robert de Umfraville, on condition of defending that part of the country against enemies and wolves. King John gave a premium of ten shillings for catching two wolves.

In the reign of king Henry the third Vitalis de Engaine held the manors of Laxton and Pitchley, in the county of Northampton, by the service of hunting the wolf, whenever the king should command him. In the reign of Edward the first, it was found by inquisition that John de Engaine, held the manor of Great Gidding in the county of Huntingdon by the service of hunting the hare, fox, wild cat, and wolf, within the counties of Huntingdon, Northampton, Buckingham, Oxford, and Rutland. In the reign of Edward the third, Thomas de Engaine, held certain manors by the service of finding at his own proper cost, certain dogs for the destruction of wolves, foxes, martins, and wild cats, in the counties of Northampton, Rutland, Oxford, Essex, and Buckingham.

PROFESSOR PORSON.

This eminent scholar and acute critic was born at East Ruston, in the county of Norfolk, on the 25th of December, 1759. At a very early period he displayed talents which gave promise of future excellence, and some gentlemen who admired his acquirements in learning, sent him to Eton, from whence he was afterwards entered of Trinity College, Cambridge. The following account of Mr. Porson, when an Eton boy, is extracted from the evidence of Dr. Goodall, the present Provost of Eton, given before the Education Committee of the House of Commons.

Dr. Goodall being asked if he was acquainted with what happened to the late Professor Porson to prevent his election to King’s College, replied as follows:—

“Every account that I have read about him, in relation to that
circumstance is incorrect. When he came to the school he was placed
rather higher by the reputation of his abilities, than perhaps he
ought to have been, in consequence of his actual attainments; and I
can only say that many of the statements in the life of Porson are
not founded in truth. With respect to prosody, he knew but little,
and as to Greek he had made comparatively but little progress when
he came to Eton. The very ingenious and learned editor of one
account of him, has been misinformed in most particulars; and many
of the incidents which he relates, I can venture from my own
knowledge to assert, are distorted or exaggerated. Even Person’s
compositions, at an early period, though eminently correct, fell far
short of excellence; still we all looked up to him in consequence of
his great abilities and variety of information, though much of that
information was confined to the knowledge of his schoolfellows, and
could not easily fall under the notice of his instructors. He always
undervalued school exercises, and generally wrote his exercises fair
at once, without study. I should be sorry to detract from the merit
of an individual whom I loved, esteemed, and admired; but I speak of
him when he had only given the promise of his future excellence; and
in point of school exercises, I think he was very inferior to more
than one of his contemporaries; I would name the present Marquis
Wellesley as infinitely superior to him in composition.

“On being asked whether he wrote the same beautiful hand as he did
afterwards, Dr. Goodall replied he did, nor was there any doubt of
his general scholarship.

“To a question whether he made great progress during the time he was
at Eton, or after he left? Dr. Goodall said he was advanced as far
as he could be with propriety, but there were certainly some there
who would not have been afraid to challenge Porson as a school-boy,
though they would have shunned all idea of competition with him at
Cambridge. The first book that Porson ever studied, as he often told
me, was Chambers’s Cyclopædia; he read the whole of that dictionary
through, and in a great degree made himself master of the algebraic
part of that work entirely by the force of his understanding.

“Dr. Goodall was then asked if he considered there was any ground
for complaint on the part of Porson, in not having been sent to
Cambridge, to which he answered no; he was placed as high in the
school as he well could be; as a proof however of his merits, when
he left Eton, contributions were readily supplied by Etonians in aid
of Sir George Baker’s proposal, to secure the funds for his
maintenance at the university.”

In the year 1793, Mr. Porson was elected professor of Greek in the University of Cambridge, that office being then vacant by the death of professor Cooke. The following letter relating to this election from Mr. Porson to the Rev. Dr. Postlethwayte, master of Trinity College, is now first printed:—

“_Essex Court, Temple, 6th October, 1792._

“Sir,—When I first received the favour of your letter I must own
that I felt rather vexation and chagrin than hope and satisfaction.
I had looked upon myself so completely in the light of an outcast
from Alma Mater, that I had made up my mind to have no farther
connection with the place. The prospect you held out to me gave me
more uneasiness than pleasure. When I was younger than I now am, and
my disposition more sanguine than it is at present, I was in daily
expectation of Mr. Cooke’s resignation, and I flattered myself with
the hope of succeeding to the honour he was going to quit. As hope
and ambition are great castle-builders, I had laid a scheme, partly
as I was willing to think, for the joint credit, partly for the
mutual advantage, of myself and the university. I had projected a
plan of reading lectures, and I persuaded myself that I should
easily obtain a grace, permitting me to exact a certain sum from
every person who attended. But seven years’ waiting will tire out
the most patient temper, and all my ambition of this sort was long
ago laid asleep. The sudden news of the vacant professorship put me
in mind of poor Jacob, who having served seven years in hopes of
being rewarded with Rachel, awoke, and behold it was Leah.

“Such, sir, I confess were the first ideas that took possession of
my mind. But after a little reflection, I resolved to refer a matter
of this importance to my friends. This circumstance has caused the
delay, for which I ought before now to have apologized. My friends
unanimously exhorted me to embrace the good fortune which they
conceived to be within my grasp. Their advice, therefore, joined to
the expectation I had entertained of doing some small good by my
exertions in the employment, together with the pardonable vanity
which the honour annexed to the office inspired, determined me; and
I was on the point of troubling you, sir, and the other electors
with notice of my intentions to profess myself a candidate, when an
objection which had escaped me in the hurry of my thoughts, now
occurred to my recollection.

“The same reason which hindered me from keeping my fellowship by the
method you obligingly pointed out to me, would, I am greatly afraid,
prevent me from being Greek professor. Whatever concern this may
give me for myself, it gives me none for the public. I trust there
are at least twenty or thirty in the university, equally able and
willing to undertake the office; possessed, many of talents superior
to mine, and all of a more complying conscience. This I speak upon
the supposition that the next Greek professor will be compelled to
read lectures; but if the place remains a sinecure, the number of
qualified persons will be greatly increased. And though it was even
granted that my industry and attention might possibly produce some
benefit to the interests of learning and the credit of the
university, that trifling gain would be as much exceeded by keeping
the professorship a sinecure, and bestowing it on a sound believer,
as temporal considerations are outweighed by spiritual. Having only
a strong persuasion, not an absolute certainty, that such a
subscription is required of the professor elect; if I am mistaken, I
hereby offer myself as a candidate, but if I am right in my opinion,
I shall beg of you to order my name to be erased from the boards,
and I shall esteem it a favour conferred on, Sir,

Your obliged humble servant,

R. PORSON.”

* * * * *

_Letter from the Rev. Joseph Goodall, D. D. Upper Master (now
Provost) of Eton College, to Mr. Porson._

“_Eton, Nov. 16th, 1806._

“Dear Porson,—The bishop of Rochester [Dr. Dampier] has written to
me requesting my assistance on the following subject. ‘On summing up
matters the Oxford people find no account of the Eton MS of Strabo,
of which use has been made, and want one for their preface.’ Now the
said bishop, urged by his brother of Oxford [Dr. Randolph] at the
same time he hints that you have examined the MS in question, and
advises me to enter upon the subject with you, which I most gladly
do, praying for such information as you may be disposed to give me,
being fully persuaded that you are not likely to forget what you
have once seen.

“I write to the bishop by this post to acknowledge my incompetence.
How glad should Mrs. Goodall and myself be, if you would take the
trouble of once more inspecting the MS and dating your kind
communication from the Eton library. Should you be a prisoner
in——street will you suffer me to bring the MS to town about the
middle of December, and then give me your opinion of its value, age,
&c. The master of the Charter-House, [Dr. Raine] whom I hope soon to
greet by some other title, will I am sure, have the goodness to
forward this petition to you.

“Charles Hayes, who, with his wife is now on a visit to us, desires
his kindest remembrance. Mrs. Goodall is fatigued to death with
nursing a sick nephew and niece, and I am sorry to add that I am on
the invalid list myself, but we hope to be all well in the course of
a few days. She unites in every good wish with

Dear Porson,

Yours most faithfully,

J. GOODALL.”

* * * * *

_From Mr. William Laing of Edinburgh to Mr. Porson._

“_Edinburgh, 3d of Jan. 1807._

“Sir,—The edition of Herodotus being now compleated after the plan
you proceeded on, I have taken the liberty of dedicating to you,
which I hope will meet your approbation. Mr. Dunbar who has
succeeded poor Mr. Dalzel has paid the utmost attention to it. I
shall order Cuthell to forward a copy for your use. A selection has
been made of the best notes from Wesseling; which with his Index
Rerum, will make it very compleat. I return you my best thanks for
the trouble you voluntarily undertook in promoting this speculation.
I hope soon to see you in town, and shall personally repeat my
obligations.

“I am about to print a new and elegant edition of Pindar in two
volumes from Heyne’s—You see there is still some spirit for
enterprize existing here.

“I hope all my little editions will possess beauty and correctness.
I believe you have still a volume of Herodotus which belongs to a
person here who wants it. Please deliver it to my son who will call
for it.

I remain with the highest respect,

Sir, your very obedient servant,

WILLIAM LAING.”

* * * * *

_From Dr. Charles Burney to Mr. Porson._

“_Greenwich, June 20th, 1808._

“My dear Porson,—My friends at Cambridge direct me to request you
will go down as speedily as may be, to vote, and collect votes, for
a degree of M. A. to be conferred on me. Now though I know your
objections to expeditions of such a nature, yet I cannot help
intreating you, if you have not sound reasons against it to go down
and aid my cause.

“Kaye tells me that no time is to be lost. So if you can, pack up a
small portion of wardrobe and visit _alma mater_, so will you
greatly oblige and favor