Chapter XXI: Part II: By THOMAS BLENER-HASSET (4)

The minde and not the man dooth make or marre,
For as the stearne dooth guide the _Argocy_:
So by their mindes all men they guyded are:
From out the minde proceedeth fantasie,
All outwarde actes, vertue or vanitie,
Not from the man, but from the minde proceede:
The minde dooth make the man to do eache deede.

2.

For _Phalaris_ with beastly bloudy minde,
And _Nero_ dyd in murther much delight,
To mercy _Antoninus_ was inclinde,
_Midas_ for golde extended all his might:
For worldly pompe how dyd _Pompeius_ fight?
The mountyng minde of _Alexander_, made
Hym winne the world, his fame can neuer fade.

3.

How dyd the minde moue _Calicratides_,
_Xerses_, _Cirus_, and _Argantonius_?
_Philip_ of _Macedon_, _Theramines_,
_Aiax_, _Iason_, and _Aurilianus_,
_chilles_, and the olde king _Priamus_,
_Hector_, and _Hercules_, with false _Sino_,
Their mindes dyd make them weaue the web of woe.

4.

The twig dooth bende as _Boreas_ blastes dooth[1234] blow,
So man dooth walke euen as his minde dooth moue:
Then happy hee who hath a minde to know
Such thinges as be the best for his behoue:
No doubt the minde which vertuous actes dooth loue,
Dooth make a man euen _Cæsar_ to surpasse
For noble deedes, who prince of prowesse was.

5.

But he who hath his minde to mischiefe bent,
All his delight from vertue dooth decline,
Lyke mee too late hee shall his faultes repent,
His sinfull soule shall feele the fall in fine
That I haue felte: which makes me to repine
Against my minde, for nature dyd her parte,
My euil inclyned minde dyd spoyle my hart.[1235]

6.

What though I were of comely personage?
Joyntly my ioyntes were ioynde with perfect shape,
Adorned eke with so sweete a visage,
That neuer yet from nature’s handes dyd scape
A worke ymade of such a perfect shape?
But what of that? these giftes for want of grace,
Deformed quite the feature of my face.[1236]

7.

For why, my minde to ruthful ruine bent,
I did delyght in lothsome lecherie:
I neuer did my odious deedes repent,
In drunkennesse, in extreme crueltie,
I did delight in euerye villannye.[1237]
As for delyght in princely exercise,
The feates of armes I did them most despise.

8.

By meanes whereof my subiectes did me hate,
And forrayne foes, to burne my realme were bolde:
With warre the _Danes_ did alter strayght the state:
First fortune did my common-weale vnfolde,
Then pestilence did make my courage colde:
And last of al, the dreadful diuelish _Danes_[1238]
Did make me pay them tribute for theyr paynes.

9.

Euen now the realme of _Englande_ dyd decaye:
For when the _Danes_ theyr tribute had consumde,
Forthwith they made vs greater summes to paye:
From ten to fifteene thousand they presumde
Of poundes to make vs pay, so I redeemde
With money bagges my careful common-wealth:[1239]
The onely meanes reserued for my health.

10.

When thus the wante of courage on my parte,
Had geuen my foes so sure footing[1240] here,
And when disease with her destroying darte,
Had wypte away my subiects euery where:
Euen then to late my wisemen did appeare,
Whom heretofore I alwayes did detest
Their counsayle graue, at last they thus exprest:

11.

“O _Egelrede_ the fruite of fearfulnesse,
Of riote thou the right reward dost reape:
But if thou wilt auoyde this wretchednesse,
Be wise, and looke about before you leape:
Of hateful happes you see a hidiouse heape
Before your face, therefore in time geue eare,
And wisely way the wordes which thou shalt heare.

12.

“That noble duke _Richarde_ of _Normandy_,
A sister hath, whom thee we wishe to wed,
By meanes whereof from this captiuity
We may be brought, and that without bloodshed:
For why these _Danes_, these _Normans_, so do dread,
That if from thence an ayde we can procure,
Thy foes no doubte can neuer long endure.

13.

“The mayd she may a prince’s fancye please,
Her brother is a man of greate renowne:
This way, O king, may make thy subiectes ease,
It may restore the freedome of thy crowne:
This onely way will force thy foes to frowne:[1241]
If thou thy crowne and common-weale dost loue,
Do thou the thing so much for thy behoue.”

14.

So by their meanes I maried the mayde,
She _Emma_ hight, the floure of _Normandie_,[1242]
Of whom I was so glad and wel apayde,
That al the world with my prosperitie
Could not compare: and in that iollitye
I did deuise by traynes of secrete treason,
To bring the _Danes_ to death, in a good season.

15.

I did a feast through al my realme proclame,
At which both _Danes_ and _Englishmen_ did meete,
Then secretely my friendes, and I did frame,
That _Englishmen_ the _Danes_ shoulde friendly greete,
And at the feast that they shoulde doo their feate:
And that they might the better woorke their wyl,
They thus were plast according vnto skill.

_Two before one, and three before fiue,
Here two, and there two, and foure them beliue:
Here one, and there one, and three at a cast,
Then one, and twice two, and one at the last._

16.

They mingled thus, the watchworde wysely geuen,
And _Englishmen_ with weapons wel bestead,
The _Danes_ amidst their cuppes were shauen and shriuen:
Fiue hundred thousand in one day were dead:[1243]
Now note the ende of blood so beastly shed,
For _Swane_ the king of _Denmarke_ did ariue,
He for reuenge did me to _Richard_ driue.

17.

Marke here how lawlesse polices preuaile,
Their good successe doo promise present payne:
What, may man’s vayne deuises ought auaile?
Dishonest deedes no honour can obtayne,
Al murthering massacres be vile and vayne,
Such suttle slayghtes haue neuer good successe;
The proofe whereof with payne I here expresse.

18.

For _Swane_ with swoorde and fyre did[1244] destroye,
Both man and beast, and euery earthly thing,
He did that noble _London_ much annoy,
He wonne the realme and was the _Englishe_ king:
When tract of time him to his beere did bring,
_Canutus_ then his sonne did him succeede,
Whom to displace I did despatch with speede.

19.

My brother _Richarde_ duke of _Normandy_,
Of _Normans_ gaue to me a goodly bande,
By helpe of whom _Canutus_ forst to flee,
I got agayne the kingdome of _Englande_,
But out (alas) what thing may fyrmely stande,
Whose vnder-propt is of so litle might?
That want of strength dooth let thinges drop downright.

20.

_Canutus_ did from _Denmarke_ nowe returne,
The wrathful wight appoynted passyng strong,
My subiects slue, my cities he did burne;
Which when I hearde I liude not very long,
My faynting hart was thronged with a throng
Of cares, which broke it in my feareful brest,
And so at last death brought my bones to rest.

21.

Twice tenne and eight I ranne my ruthful race,
And then in _Paule’s_ my cursed corps was layde,
_Canutus_ did my common-weale deface,
The _Danes_ were kinges, my kingdome was decayde,[1245]
This worlde is frayle, and euery thing must fade,
But alwayes that which wanteth gouernment,
That fyrst dooth feele the force of danger’s dent.

[THE INDUCTION.

“O Memory,” quoth _Inquisition_, “what dyd become of _Edmunde Ironsyde_, of whom you made mention in your former induction?” “That vertuous valiaunt prince,” quoth _Memory_, “was miserably made away by an earle.” “By an earle,” quoth _Inquisition_, “I haue here an earle called _Edricus_, who murthered a kynge, it may bee, that chaunce hath yeelded vntoo vs the factour vnlooked for.” “He is euen the same,” sayd _Memory_, “and hys tragedye is very necessarie, for hee as thys woorthie kyng was set on a priuie, to doo as nature and necessitie dooth constrayne, caused hym miserably to bee thrust vp into the fundament wyth a speare, wherewith the good prince ended hys dayes.” “If we doo heare hym, geue hym warnyng,” quoth _Inquisition_, “that hee be briefe: for wee haue no tyme to bestowe in hearing the complayntes of those miserable princes, and yet wee muste needes heare one more besyde hym. Let him therefore goe roundly to the purpose.” “He shal not be tedious,” quoth _Memory_. Wherewith the wretched man sayde as foloweth.]

THE COMPLAINT OF EDRICUS.

Howe Edricus destroyed the valiant king Edmunde Ironsyde,
hoping to haue greate preferment for his labour of
Canutus the Dane, and howe the same Canutus
caused him to be be-headed for his
labour. A necessary example for
al such as thinke by craft
and deceite to increase
their credited.[1246]

1.

You hellish hagges of limbo lake belowe,
Which dayly doo my cursed corps torment,
Come forth, come forth, come forth, (I say) and shewe
How I on earth my dismal dayes haue spent:
And wil you not, you wretched wightes, assent
To helpe me here to tell that drierie tale,
Which may amongst men liuing much preuayle?

2.

O cursed ghost condemde to endelesse thrall,
Sith they refuse to aide thee in this neede,
Doo thou declare and tel the truth of al,
That men aliue my wretched woorkes may reade,
And see the fruite of suttle Satan’s seed,
Auoyding vice, and fancie’s fonde delight,
Note wel my tale, the truth I shal recite.

3.

When _Etheldrede_ had geuen _Canutus_ place,
_Edmunde_ his sonne, surnamed _Ironside_,
Deuising howe he might his foe deface,
By wrath of warre the cause they did decide:
And in the ende the realme they did deuide:
_Edmunde_ had halfe, _Canutus_ had the rest,
Then they with peace and quietnesse were blest.[1247]

4.

O blinde beleefe, O hope of higher hope,
Why did you moue my minde to meditate,
Howe I in woe king _Edmunde_ might inwrap,
And howe I might depresse my kinge’s estate?
Thou blinde beleefe, thou breeder of debate,
I wanting grace did let thee moue my minde,
Causlesse to kil a courteous king, and kinde.[1248]

5.

He being kilde, I to _Canutus_ went,
To whom I sayd: “See here a faithfull friend,
I for thy loue with bloody blade haue bent,[1249]
And brought my king to his vntimely ende:
Thou by that meanes shalt rule thy realme with rest,
My friendly fist with happie good successe,
Hath thee inricht with blisse and happinesse.”

6.

“Hast thou,” quoth he, “destroyde thy souerayn king?
Thou faythlesse fauning friende, for loue of me?
Thou verlet vile, and couldste thou doo the thing
The which might more abridge my libertie?
O heynous acte! O bloody crueltie!
But sith that loue did moue thee doo that deede,
Thou for thy paynes shalt be preferde with speede.”

7.

Wherewith in haste he to the hangman said:
“Let this man’s head the hyghest place obtayne
On _London_ walles:” wherewith I neuer stayde,
But on a blocke my necke was cut in twayne,
In all men’s sighte, my head did long remayne:
See here what wit the grape of hope dooth yeeld,
See on what sand such busie braynes do builde.

8.

O hateful thing that fancie’s fonde delight,
The sense of mortal man should senselesse make:
When vice’s vaunts with vertue’s deedes dare fyght,
Then dooth the soule the happie heauens forsake,
Then man makes haste to _Plutoe’s_ lothsome lake:
Why should man loue that sugered sowre sweete,
Which wisedom’s lore to lothe hath thought most meete?

[THE INDUCTION.

“The iust rewarde for so vile an offence dothe proue,” quoth _Inquisition_, “this _Canutus_ to bee both a wise and a worthy prince.” “Yea,” saide _Memory_, “yf he had liued amongst those pratling poetes which made so muche tattle of _Hector_ and _Hercules_, certaynely he should not haue been inferiour vnto eche of them. This _Canutus_ was king at one time of foure kingdomes: as for _Englande_, and _Scotland_, and _Norway_, he held them by conquest: by birth he was the kyng of _Denmarke_: yea, he so demeaned himselfe, that duryng his lyfe all these foure kingdomes honoured him with the honoure due vnto a natiue king. But not long after his death, that good king, saint _Edmunde the Confessour_, obtayned agayne the rule of _Englande_, but chiefely through the helpe of his nephewe _William_, duke of _Normandy_, to whom, for that after his death he by lineall descent was next, he promised the crowne of _Englande_, if that he dyed without issue.” “Howe chaunced it then,” quoth _Inquisition_, “that the duke made such sharpe warre vppon _Harolde_, for the obteynyng thereof.” “Howe dyd it chaunce?” quoth _Memory_, “that is necessarie too be knowne, for that chaunce dyd not onely destroy the _Danes_, but it brought both _Harolde_ and the _Englishmen_ to confusion: and although nowe our idle houres be spent, tyme and our affayres doo call vs from the further hearing these men’s complayntes, yet let vs, as we may, heare what thys _Harolde_ wyll saye: hys story wyll furnishe our woorke with a fit conclusion. And for the better vnderstanding of this man’s matter doo you imagine that you see this king comming from the conquest of the _Danes_, euen sweating in hys armour, to saye, as followeth.”]

THE COMPLAINT OF HAROLDE.

Howe king Harolde raygnyng but niene monthes, had continuall warre
with the Danes, with the Norway kyng, with his brother Tosto,
and with duke William, who partely by hys strength, but
chiefly by policie, overcame hym, and by killyng him
in the feelde, obteyned the kingdomeof Englande.
Thys historie dooth declare that no manhoode
nor courage can keepe the crowne from
the right heyre’s head[1250].

1.

Woulde he haue warre, and we to warre proclame?
O bastarde duke, and dost thou dare to fyght?
My noble men, come forth, and purchase fame:
Geue me my swoorde, let me defende my right:
Steppe foorth with speede my martiall men of myght:
With bowes and bylles, let vs their course restrayne:
And teach them that their vaunting vowes be vayne.

2.

But that we may with wysedome wisely woorke,
It vs behoues in _Normandy_ to fight
With hym, and not to let his souldiers lurke
Here in my realme, we shal thereby achiue
No noble acte, though hence we him do driue:
But if we deale with him in _Normandy_,
We shal receiue renowne and victorie.

3.

It is the best with forraine foes to fyght
Abroade, as did the haughtie _Hannibal_,
And not at home to feele their hatefuil spight:
Of all the rest it is the greatest thrall,
That foes ariud shoulde spoyle our subiectes all:
And for a truth this alwayes hath bin found,
He speedeth best which fightes on forrayne grounde.

4.

[My men of warre were mustered in hast,
But hast to late was then of none auayle,
The duke ariude, he in my realme was plaste,
He euery where my subiectes did assayle,
And euery where he caused them to quayle:
For which I bode hym battaile by and by,
Where equall warres gaue neither victorye.

5.

For both our strengthes were weakned in such wise,
We both for breath to pause were wel content,
Euen then the duke he wisely did deuise,
How here to yeeld my crowne I might be bent:
For whiche to me a pursiphaunt he sent,
With letters, suche as here I shall recite,
Wherein he claimes the _Brittayne_ crowne his right.][1251]

William Duke of Normandie, and ryght heyre to the Englyshe
crowne, to Harolde the Vsurper.

Though birthright cannot cause thee yeeld to me my crown,
Yet haue thou some respect of honour and renowne,
For thou by oth didst sweare to yeeld to me my right,
When as I thee prefer’d, and stalde thee there by might:
Mine vncle _Edwarde_ he, thy father’s faythfull freende,
Gaue me his crowne, and thou thereto didst condescend,
Yet now thou wouldest fayne defeate me of my right,
And proue thy selfe forsworne of former promise plight:
Shall _Harold_ haue his hest? shal _Godwine’s_ sonne here[1252] guide?
Shall _William_ want his wyl, and haue his ryght denide?
Well _Harolde_, if thou canst with warres determine so,
I am content: if not, prouide, I am thy foe:
My sonnes and al my kinne shal neuer stint to striue,
To plucke thee from thy place, whilst one is left aliue:
But if thou wylt be wise, to me my right resigne,
And thou shalt haue the place belonging to thy line:
If not, with fyre and swoorde I meane thy realme to spoyle,
I neuer hence[1253] wyll starte till I haue forst thy foyle:
And now thou knowste my wyl, determine for the best,
Thou maist haue warres, and if thou wylt, thou maist haue rest.

WILLYAM duke of Normandy.

6.

These letters were of little might, to make My manly minde to
graunt hym his request, For which I did to fortune me betake,
To wage new warres with hym I deemde it best, So from his fist
his threatning blade to wrest: But see the force of fortune’s
changing cheare, Another cloud before me did appeare.

7.

My brother _Tosto_[1254] who from me was flead, Did now
returne, and brought the _Norway_ kyng: They did deuise to
haue from me my head, Which made me to indite another thing Vnto
the duke, then playne and true meaning: I gaue him hope of that I
neuer meant: These were the lines which to the duke I sent.

Harolde the English King, to thee William,
Duke of Normandie.

_Harold_ the _English_ king, thee _William_ Duke doth greete:
Thy letter being read, I haue not thought it meete,
Without a parliament to do so great a thing,
As of a forrayne duke, to make an _Englishe_ kyng:
But if my three estates will follow mine[1255] aduise,
Thou shalt receiue the crowne, and beare away the price:
Therfore delay a time, thou shortly shalt receiue
With full consent the thing, which now thou seek’st to haue.

HAROLDE.

8.

Then I in hast my power did prepare,[1256]
For why, I hearde my brother _Tostoe’s_[1257] trayne,
Two of my earles by north he had destroyd,[1258]
And manye a thousand men he there had layne:
But when we met, his triumphe was in vayne:
For I and myne the _Norway_ king there kilte,
And I my selfe my brother’s blood there spilte.

9.

Now when the duke my friendly lines had read,
And heard how I my men did muster newe,
“There lies a snake within this greene grasse bed,”
Quoth he, “therefore come forth my warrelike crewe,
We will not staye to see what shall insue:
By long delayes, from forrain coastes he may
Procure an ayde, to scourge vs with decay.”

10.

But when he heard with whom I had to deale:
“Well done,” quoth he, “let hym go beate the bushe,
I and my men to the lurche line will steale,
And plucke the net euen at the present push,
And one of them we with decaye will crushe:
For he who doth the victor there remaine,
Shall neuer rest, till he hath dealt with twaine.”

11.

So I in vaine who had the victorie,
Within fewe dayes was forst againe to fight,
My strength halfe spoylde, the rest wounded and wearie,[1259]
His campe was comne vnwares within my sight,
There was no hope to flee by day nor night:
I _Harold_ then, a haraude sent in haste,
To know whither the duke his campe[1260] had plaste.

12.

He sent me woord, my yfs and ands were vaine,
And that he knewe the driftes of my delay,
For which he sayde he woulde yet once agayne
Make trial, who shoulde beare the crowne away:
If I would yeelde, he sayd his men should stay,
If not, he then was present presently,
To trye the cause by _Mars_ his crueltie.

13.

Which when I hearde, and sawe him march amayne,
His trumpets did defy me to my face,
In hast I did appoynt my very trayne,
And souldier-like I al my men did place,
I neuer sude, nor prayde, nor gapte for grace:
For hauing plaste my men in battayle ray,
[Myne ancient bearer did my armes display.[1261]

14.

The battayle, vanard, and the rerewarde,
Were plaste in frunte, that men might fyght at wyll,
The forelorne hope of bowmen I preparde,
In skirmishing who had the perfect skil:
With archers eke I did the winges fulfyl,
To rescue them my men at armes were prest,
Then thus my speech amongst them I exprest.]

15.

“My mates, in armes see here the last assault,
Winne now the fielde, and be you euer blest:
This bastarde base borne duke, shal be exalt
Himselfe so high? giue eare vnto my hest,
This day no doubt we shall haue quiet rest:
For good successe shal set vs free from feare,
Or hateful happe shal bring vs to our beare.

16.

“Euen here at hand his power doth appeare,
March forth my men, we must no longer stay,
Let euery man abandon faynting feare,
And I as guyde wyl lead you on your way:
Euen I my selfe the formost in the fray,
Wyl teach you how you shal abate his pride:
Fight, fight my men, Sainct _George_[1262] shal be your guide.”

17.

His cros-bowe men my archers did assayle
With three to one, yet were they al to weake:
And when his forlorne hope could not preuayle,
Them to assist his horsemen out did breake,
Three troopes I sent on them the wrath to wreake,
And by and by the battayles both did ioyne,
With many a thrust, and many a bloudie foyne.

18.

Of three mayne battayles he his armie made,
I had but one, and one did deale with three:
Of which the first by me were quite dismayde,
The other two they did discomfort me,
Not yeelding, but in yeelding blowes we bee
(With losse of life) constrayn’d at last to yeelde
The crowne, the kingdome, and the foughten feelde.

19.

Note now the lot which on my limmes did lyght,
Nine monthes no more, I wore the _Englishe_ crowne,
In euery month I in the feelde did fight,
In euery fyght, I wonne a freshe renowne,
Yet at the last my strength was beaten downe:
And here before you, now I do protest,
I neuer had one day of quiet rest.

20.

For fyrst with warre I wonne the princely seate,
With ciuil strife I dayly was distrest,
My brother twise indeuorde to defeate
Me of my throne, the _Norway_ king was prest,
The dreadful _Danes_ they dayly mee distrest:
At last, this duke did make me strike my sayle,
When winde, nor tide, nor oares, myght[1263] preuayle.

21.

My kingdome then was proude his lawful price,
With conquest he recouered his right,
And as you see of conquering the guise,
The _Englishmen_ they were defaced quite;
Then of his trayne he did prepare[1264] ech wyght:
And this was that which onely brought me blesse,
I did not liue to see this wretchednesse.

22.

But woe to me which caused al this coyle,
I was an earle my father being dead:
Why did my brest with scalding malice boyle,
To kepe the crowne from the right heyre’s head?
O fancye fonde, thy fuminges hath mee fed,
The stinking stinch of thyne inclined hest,
Hath poysoned al the vertues in my brest.

23.

The ruthful roodes[1265] of proued euil[1266] successe,
Who hath sustaynde that passing pinching[1267] payne,
That woful wight al wrapt in wrecthednesse,
Can well report man’s fancye is but vayne:
That man doth know, by proofe he findes it playne,
That he who stoopes to fancie’s fond desires,
Doth grope for grapes amidst the bramble briers.

24.

Let no man thinke by fetches finely filde,
By double drifts conuayed cunningly,
To get or gayne by any craft or guile,
A good estate with long prosperitie:
His lust obtaynde, he liues in miserie,
His guiltie ghost dooth see his plague appeare,
Who goeth straight he needeth not to feare.

FINIS.

_Goe straight and feare not._

END OF PART II.

VOLUME THE FIRST.

T. Bensley, Printer,
Bolt Court, Fleet Street, London.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] In discussing the first and second heads, it must be recollected that the subject confines the inquiry to that portion of the work, which was edited by _William Baldwin_, and forming Part III. in the present edition.

[2] _Hist. of English Poetry_, vol. iii. p. 209.

[3] _Bibliographia Poetica_, p. 88.

[4] See vol. ii. p. 7.

[5] This must have been Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, who was made Chancellor 21 Sept. 1553, and died the 13 Nov. 1555. On his death the great seal was entrusted to Sir Nicholas Hare, Master of the Rolls, and on the first of January following it was given to Dr. Nicholas Heath, the Archbishop of York.

[6] The copy before me wants the title. The colophon as follows: _Thus endeth the nynth and laste boke of Iohnon Bochas, whiche treateth of the fall of princes, princesses, & other nobles. Imprinted at London in flete strete by Richarde Pynson, printer vnto the kynges moste noble grace, & fynisshed the xxi. day of Februarye, the yere of our lorde god. M. CCCCC. XXVII._ Folio. Has sig. P. P. viij, the preceding signatures in sixes and the first alphabet wanting Y & Z. Ends at fo. CCXVI. This edition differs materially from the one printed by Tottell.

[7] _A treatise excellent and compendious shewing and declaring, in maner of Tragedye, the falles of sondry most notable Princes and Princesses with other Nobles, through y^e mutabilitie and change of vnstedfast Fortune together with their most detestable & wicked vices. First compyled in Latin by the excellent Clerke Bocatius, an Italian borne. And sence that tyme translated into our English and Vulgare tong, by Dan John Lidgate Monke of Burye. And nowe newly imprynted, corrected, and augmented out of diuerse and sundry olde writen copies in parchment._ Colophon. _Imprinted at London in Fletestrete within Temple barre at the sygne of the hande and starre, by Richard Tottel, the x day of September in the yeare of oure Lorde._ 1554. _Cum Privilegio ad imprimendum solum._ Folio: folds in Sixes. Extends to Pp. vj. the first alphabet wanting Z, and the dance of Machabree having for sig. ¶ ¶, in six. Ends at fol. CC. xxiiii.

[8] Head title: _The daunce of Machabree wherin is liuely expressed and shewed the state of manne, and howe he is called at vncertayne tymes by death, and when he thinketh least theron; made by thaforesayde Dan John Lydgate Monke of Burye._

[9] It is entitled: _The tragedies, gathered by Jhon Bochas, of all such Princes as fell from theyr estates throughe the mutability of Fortune since the creacion of Adam, until his time; wherin may be seen what vices bring menne to destruccion, wyth notable warninges howe the like may be auoyded. Translated into Englysh by John Lidgate, Monke of Burye. Imprinted at London, _by_ John Wayland, at the signe of the Sunne ouer against the Conduite in Fletestrete. Cum Priuilegio per Septennium._ The title is in the architectural compartment of John Day the printer, where the two Atlas figures upon pedestals support the entablature, having the royal arms central, and at the bottom Day’s rebus, of one person awaking another, pointing to the rising sun, in a frame before a bar, having “ARISE, FOR IT IS DAY.” Folio, 189 leaves.

[10] History was always recommended as supplying interesting lessons for youth, and a fit amusement for the avoiding idleness for gentlemen.--“Cosmography,” says the intelligent Sir Thomas Eliot, “beyng substancially perceyued, it is than tyme to induce a chylde to the redyng of histories. But fyrst to set hym in a feruent courage, the maister in the most pleasant and elegant wise, expressyng what incomparable delectacion, vtilitee, and commoditee shall happen to emperours, kinges, princis, and all other gentylmen, by redyng of histories.” _The boke named the Gouernour._ 1553. B. I. Ch. XI.--As a proper study for gentlemen it is more largely enforced by an anonymous author, who says: “To auoyd this blemyshe of idlenes, whiche defaceth vtterly the lyfe of gentlemen, it behoueth them alwayes to be occupyed, and although there wante sumetyme mete occacion of corporall exercyse, yet the mynde of man maye be occupyed much to the increase of hys knowledge and vnderstandyng: wherin ther can be nothynge more meete for gentlemen then the readyng of histories, a most excellent and laudable exercise for them, euen so muche as historyes are called the bokes of kynges and princes, because vnto rulers of this earthe the knowlege of histories is most profitable, and very necessary to be read of all those whyche beare office and authority in the communwealth. Siculus affirmeth that the reading of histories is to younge men moste proffitable, for because by them they learne the righte institucion of their liues, and that by meanes of readynge sundrye thynges their wittes are made equall with their elders that haue gone before them. Moreouer he saieth that it maketh priuate men worthy to becom rulers ouer others, it prouoketh Capitaines in the warres to seke immortal glory throughe their worthye deedes, it maketh soldiers more earnest to enter into perilles for the defence of their country, by reason of the laud and fame that is geuen vnto men after theyr deathe, and also it feareth euill disposed men, and maketh them ofttimes refraine from dooing of mischiefe by reason of the shame that commeth therof, regestred in histories to their dishonoure. In histories are to be learned manye morall lessons to the vnderstanding of thinges past, the ordre of thinges present. By them we lerne to knowe howe princes and rulers of thys worlde haue passed their liues, as sum geuen to knowledge of sciences, sume to see iustice truelye executed, other geuen to pitie, others to peace, quyetnes, and care of the commune wealthe.” _The Institvcion of a Gentleman_, 1568.

[11] With that view Hearne noticed the Mirror for Magistrates as a work in which “are several things of note to be consulted by those who write of the English history.” MSS. Col. vol. i. p. 133. Bod.

[12] The title was repeatedly borrowed even by popular writers. There was: “_The Mirrour for Mutabilitie, or principall part of the Mirrour for Magistrates, describing the fall of diuers famous Princes, and other memorable Personages. Selected out of the sacred Scriptures by Anthony Munday, and dedicated to the Right Honorable the Earle of Oxenford. Honor alit Artes. Imprinted at London by John Allde and are to be solde by Richard Ballard, at saint Magnus Corner. 1579._”--“_Mirrour of Mirth, a story book by R. D. 1583._” CAPELL’S _Shakesperiana_, N^o 150. _A Mirrour for Magistrates of Cities, &c. by Geo. Whetstone_, 1584, and _The English Myrror_, in three parts, by same Author, 1586. Also the _Mirrour for Mathematikes_; a _Mirrour of Monsters_, &c. Warton also mentions, upon the manuscript authority of Coxeter: _The Mirrour of Mirrours, or all the tragedys of the Mirrour for Magistrates abbreuiated in breefe histories in prose. Very necessary for those that have not the chronicle. London, imprinted for James Roberts in Barbican, 1598._ No copy of this work has yet been discovered.

[13] In 1560 was published GODET’S _Chronicle_. It may be conjectured that that work was printed, to the reign of William the Conqueror, before the appearance of the M. for M. in the year preceding, when the compiler, from the reception of that poem, was induced to alter his descriptions from prose to octave stanzas. As this Chronicle is of more than usual rarity, I shall venture to extend this note with some account of it, premising, that in the continuance of Ames, Mr. Dibdin will give a minute analysis of the work, accompanied with a specimen of the very curious wood cuts.

This Chronicle takes its name from the colophon: “Imprinted at London by Gyles Godet dwellinge in Blacke Frieres.” It was printed on a long roll in divisions, with bold well executed portraits, cut in wood, of our ancient patriarchs and monarchs, each having an ensign of arms, and beneath a brief narrative of the principal events of each life. The Roll commences with the following address:

“To the reader. Beholde here (gentle reader) a brief abstract of the genealogie and race of all the kynges of England, from the floudde of Noe, vntill Brute, at whiche tyme this contrye was called Albion, takyng that name of one of the thirtie sisters (as some saye) whose name was Albion: or as other some saye, so named by mariners, bicause of the white Cliffes that are on the costes of the same. And afterward from Brute to Athelscaine, at which time it was named Britaine, taing name of Brute: from Athelscaine, the first of the Saxons, (at which tyme it chaunged that name of Britayne, & was called England) to william Conquerour. And from william Conquerour to this present day. And if by chaunce thou fynde any thyng herein fautye, or not agreeing with some other cronicles, vnderstand that the diuersities of the cronicles of our realme, be so great, (especially in thinges long past) that it is very difficult, to make a certain & true report thereof. Not with standing, I haue vsed the helpe of the best Cronicles that haue [been] wrytten therof, & gone so neare to the truth, as to me seemed possyble. I haue also set forth the pourtraiture of their personages, with their true armes: also briefly their gestes, & deedes with the yeares of their raygnes & places of their burials, according as I haue found mention therof: Beesechyng the to accept my good wyll, and to receyue thys my laboure in good part: which if thou do, it shal not only be the accomplishyng of my request, but also shal encourage me hereafter, to vse my little talent, farther. Farewel.”

The “portraitures” commence with a square compartment representing “Noe” asleep in a vineyard and his three sons. See Genesis, C. IX. v. 22, 23. Then follows a three quarter length of each monarch, with a summary of their “gests” or acts printed underneath. Their names are

Noe, Cham, Mesraim, Laabin, Tuscus, Altheus, Camboblascon, Dardanus Ericthonius, Tros, Eneas, Ascanius, Siluius, Brutus.

Here another square compartment exhibits “the foundation of the cytie of London,” in a view of the Thames, with a Tower nearly built on the one side and foundations for buildings upon the other, with workmen, &c. Brutus “founded the cytye of Troynouant; (whiche is as muche to say, as:) New Troye, whiche afterward, was repayred & garnyshed with Towers and faire buyldynges, by Kynge Lud: And from his tyme, it was called Ludstone: and afterwarde by corruption of speache, was called London. So that from the begynnyng of the foundacion of the same Cytye, to this present yeare, (whiche is the yeare of our Sauiour 1560) we fynde it to be 2690. yeares, or there about.” Then succeed

Locrinus, Maddan, Memprise, Ebrancke, Brute the ii, Leyl, Lud Hurdibras, Bladud, Leir, Queen Cordeile, Morgan & Conedag, Riueall, Gurgustius, Sysyllus, Jago, Kymar, Gorbonian, Dunwallon, Bellinus, Gurgwin Batrus, Guitellin, Sicilius, Morindus, Gorbonianus, Archigall, Elidurus, Vigenius & Peridurus, Gorbonias, Morgan, Emerianus, Idwall, Rimo, Geruntius, [Here the names of 26 kings are given in genealogical circles, according to succession, of whom “we fynd not much written” and we may presume, that circumstance the reason for omitting any supposed resemblance of them.] Elinguellus, Hely, Lud, Casseuelanus, Tenentius, Kimbeline, Guinderus, Aruiragus, Marius, Coell, Lucius, Bassianus, Carasius, Asclepiodotus, Coell, Constantius, Constantyne, Octauius, Traherus, Maximianus, Gratian, Constantyne, Constans, Vortiger, Vortimerus, Aurelius Ambrose, Vter Pendragon, Arthur the great, Constantyne, Aurelius Conan, Vortiporuis, Malgon, Cathericus, Cadwan, Cadwallon and Edwyn, Cadwallader.

“Here endeth the raignes of the Britaines, from the time of Brute to Cadwallader, and then this realme being in great misery, the English Saxons inuaded it, and so raigned vntill the comming in of willyam Conqueror.” As

Athelscayne, Egbrut, Edelnulph, Alfred, Edward, Athelstone, Edmond, Edred, Edwin, Edgar, Edward, Etheldred, Edmond Ironsyde, Ciuiton or Swayne, Herauld, S. Edward, Harauld.

“Here endeth the raignes of the Saxon kinges: & beginoneth the raigne of willyam Conquerour, who slewe the last of the Saxons ligne, & conquered the land: & from him, to our Souueraine lady the Queenes maiestie that nowe is, whom god prospere. Amen.”

From William the Conqueror to Q. Elizabeth, the names of the portraits are according to the general regal table. With that king the compiler of the Chronicle commences his description in octave stanzas, of which a specimen for comparative use may be here preserved.

Willyam Conquerour i.

William Conquerour Duke of Normandy
Conquered England and began there to raign
The thousand syxty syx yeare truelye
Of Christ: but the Englysh men rebelled again
Yet he subdued them to their great paine,
And brought y^e king of Scottes to his obeissance
With his eldest son Robert, warre he did sustain
In Normandy: & with king Philip in France.

In Fraunce he fell sycke and tooke his death
And to his son Robert which then was most old,
The Dukedome of Normandy he did bequest.
To his Sonne called William Rous he wolde
The Realme of Englande; but his gold
He wylled to his yongest sonne Henrye
And XXI. yeare he raigned it is told
And lyeth buried at Cane in Normandy....

Phillip and Mary.

The yeare a thousand fyue hundreth fyftythre
was Mary cround in England queen to raigne
who then allowed the Popes authoritie
Erectinge eke all Papistry agayne
And after maried with Phyllip king of Spaine
who raignde with hir as king, and yet was he
Not crounde, wherby no claime he could attain
She being dead of England kyng to be.

Hir raigne, hir port and eke hir gouernment
So rife in memory still with vs remaines
That it to shewe the tyme in vayne is spent
And eke to me it seemes but needlesse paynes:
Hir soule is fled, hir body still remaines
At Westminster the same eke buryed ys
fiue years she raygnd: Lo thus is death y^e gains
And eke the end of all this worldly blysse.

Elizabeth.

O England nowe of right thou mayst reioyce,
Sith myghtye Joue hath placed in princely throne,
Elisabeth, therfore with heart and voyce,
Prayse God: and giue all laude to him alone,
Whose myghtye hand hath placed nowe suche one,
As vertues force full amply hath endued:
More hope of welthe and ioye we haue had none,
Then God his grace to vs nowe hath renued.

For we his wrath against vs stil did moue,
And he his grace thus vndeserued sent,
We did rebell and he did shewe his loue,
In placing hir, whiche with our whole intent
We so did wishe: nowe let our heartes relent,
And pray to God that as she gracious is,
We maye be worthye tyll our lyues be spente,
Hyr to enioye, and thankfull be for this.

Only two copies of this rare chronicle are at present known, and those are in the collections of Earl Spencer, and the right honourable Thomas Grenville.

[14] Warton, in the account of the Mirror for Magistrates, given in his History of English Poetry, Vol. III. at p. 216, has copied the title of the edition of 1559, then extracted Baldwin’s Dedication from that of 1563, as from the same. In another place he refers to the Induction as printed in 1559. But this confusion is still more exceeded by the following note at p. 220. “These lines in Collingbourne’s legend are remarkable, fol. cxliiii. a.

Like Pegasus a poet must have wynges,
To flye to heaven, or where him liketh best;
He must have knowledge of eternal thynges,
Almightie Jove must harbor in his brest.”

The reference of roman capitals can only be to the edition of 1563, where the second line stands thus:

“To flye to heaven, _thereto to feede and rest_.”

The above alteration first appeared in 1571.

[15] The following critical disquisition upon the claim of Sackville, contained in a letter from my intelligent and excellent friend Sir Egerton Brydges, it would be unjustifiable on my part to suppress, however militating against the position I have above sought to establish:

“You have made out (he writes) a strong case; and some of your inferences cannot be controverted: but I think that others are pressed a little too far. That no contribution of Sackville appeared in the first edition of the Mirror cannot be denied. That Sackville was not one of the party engaged in the original design stopped by the Lord Chancellor, is at least equivocal. According to my construction of Baldwin’s words, he was one of that party, who, when a stop was put to the plan adopted by him, in common with his partners, purposed to execute the work by himself on a new plan of his own; and, in aid of that work, intended to obtain of Baldwin what had been finished by others, and to fit them to his own scheme. It is clear, that this happened before the publication of the first edition of the Mirror, because it was while the prohibition was in force. “How happened it then,” it may be asked, “that Sackville’s pieces did not appear in the first edition?” Perhaps because the hope of completing his own design, though delayed, might not then have been abandoned. The delay might have caused his coadjutors not to wait for him, though he himself might not yet be prepared to bend his own nobler scheme to theirs. Four important years from 1559 to 1563, the interval which elapsed between the appearance of the first and second edition, might, and if we examine the history of his life, most probably would effect this change. In the days of Q. Mary he had the opportunity of cultivating and ripening into fruit his poetical genius, which would require, as in most other cases, the nurture of leisure and solitude. The accession to the throne at this time of a Princess, to whom he was nearly allied, and with whom he soon became, and always continued, a favourite, opened to him other and more active prospects. The paths of ambition, however thorny and full of dangers they might prove to long experience, were too alluring to an high fancy and vigorous talents, when thus invited. At first he might be still unwilling to abandon the pursuits of his youth, of which he could not be insensible to the dignity and the virtue, and which the conscious grandeur of genius must tell him that wealth and birth could not rival, and princes could not qualify him for. But he who once accustoms himself to the intoxicating cup of worldly ambition, too generally feels that it gradually undermines the strength of his higher intellect and nobler resolves; and that he sinks into the common notions, feeble sentiments, and groveling amusements of ordinary men. In four short years, the vigorous and inspired hand of Sackville might no longer possess either the impulse, or the skill, or the strength, to strike the lyre, which formerly returned to his touch alternate strains of sublime morality and glowing description. In this state of mental apostacy or dereliction, he might finally abandon his youthful project of poetical glory, and give the mighty fragment to his old coadjutor Baldwin, who seems to have had taste enough to perceive its superiority; and to resolve not to lose the attraction of so splendid a patch to his work, though its execution, as well as its plan, rendered it impossible to make it coalesce with the rest of the performance.

Warton therefore, though he cannot be entirely freed from the charge of having expressed himself somewhat ambiguously in the application of the words _primary inventor_ to the general plan of the Mirror for Magistrates, yet may be justified in substance, if he meant, as I conceive he did, to apply it to the only part to which the praise of invention could be applied; that is, to the _plan of Sackville_.

Warton has well called the whole of this work, except the part executed by Sackville, “biographical details.” This is their precise character: they are scarcely ever animated by any of the ingredients of poetry, at a period when true poetry was not utterly unknown, as not only the antiquated strains of Chaucer, but the later performances of Surrey and Wyat decisively prove. The popularity of this large collection of historical legends shews that the general taste of the nation was then low, vulgar, and uncultivated. Powerful and brilliant genius will at all times seize striking circumstances, produce picturesque effects, and omit disgusting, low, or uninteresting particulars: but more ordinary minds, which require long discipline, and example, and experience, to lead their taste, are insensible to these arts, either as writers or readers, in early stages of literature. In an advanced age of mental polish, even inferior authors catch a considerable portion of this skill; and even the multitude, who seek amusement in books, have learned to demand it. To a common eye therefore, there does not _then_ appear such an immeasurable distance between the Works of natively-gifted poets, and the herd of imitators who borrow their outward garb. In our days there would not have been put forth a publication, combining such poetical excellence of the highest kind, as Sackville’s Induction and Legend contain, with a number of productions deficient in the very elements, and even shape, of poetry. All would have been polished into something like the same external form.

But this very discordancy gives _The Mirror for Magistrates_ a high value among the records of the history and progress of the human mind. For the purposes of the English philologist; for the development of the first dawnings of our poetical phraseology; for the investigation of the commencement of that “_ornate style_,” as it has been well called by a modern critic, which at length became so copious and laboured, as to make the greater part of that which assumed the name of poetry, little better than a piece of hollow mechanism, till one or two poets, of genuine inspiration, disgusted with its emptiness, put it out of fashion, by a plainer and more vigorous style; for these purposes, the _Mirror for Magistrates_, is a treasure meriting the most serious attention and study of the English scholar; and therefore well worthy of the reprint, which will render it accessible to his inquiries.

S. E. B.”

[16] See it described p. iv. note §[i.e. Footnote 9 in this text].

[17] The copy of the quenes Maiesties letters Patentes. Mary by the grace of God, Quene of Englande, Fraunce, and Ireland, defendour of the faith, and in earth of the Churche of Englande, and also of Ireland, the supreme head. To al Prynters of bookes, and bookesellers, and to al other our Officers, Minysters, and Subiectes these our letters patentes hearing or seing gretyng. Knowe ye that we of oure especial grace and meare mocion: haue geuen and graunted, and by these presentes doo geue and graunte full power, licence, auctoritie, and Priuilege vnto our welbeloued Subiect Jhon Wayland, Citezeyn and Scriuenour of London. That he & his Assignes only and none other person or persons shal from hensforth haue auctoritie, & lybertie to prynt al and euery such vsual Primers or Manual of prayers by whatsoeuer other title y^e same shal or may be called, which by vs our heyres, successours, or by our clergy by our assent shal be auctorised, set furth, and deuysed for to be vsed of all our louing subiects thoroughout all our Realmes, and domynyons, duringe the full tyme and terme of seuen yeares next ensuing the date of these our letters patentes. And farther that it shal not be lawful for any maner of other person, or persones of our said Subiectes, to Prynt or to procure to be imprinted, anye Prymers or Manuall of prayers by whatsoeuer title the same shall or may be called, or set furth, during the said tearme, nor any booke, or bookes, which the said John Waylande or his Assignes at his or theyr costes and charges shall first Prynte, or set furth during the said terme of seuen yeares next ensuing the printing of the same booke or bookes, vpon payne of forfature, and confiscacion of the same Prymers, Manuall of prayers, and bookes, to thuse of vs and oure successours. Wherfore we woll and commaunde all you our Printers, and other our Subiectes that ye nor any of you, do presume, procure, or attempt to print or set furth any maner Prymers, Manuall of prayers, booke or bookes, which the said Jhon Wayland or his assignes shal first print during the tyme of thys our Priuilege, and licence, vpon payne of forfature and confiscacion of the same Prymers, Manual of prayers, and bookes, as aforsaide. And as ye tendre oure pleasure, and wyl auoyde the contrarie. In witnes wherof we have caused these our letters to be made patentes. Wytnes ourselfe at Westminster the foure and twentith daye of Octobre, in the fyrst yeare of our reigne. Per bren de priuato sigillo et de data predicta.

[18] A license for the first part was obtained through the means of Lord Stafford in 1559, and when published that nobleman continued to make earnest calls upon Baldwin for that he had got from other men, which is given in the second part printed 1563. Whether the whole of the first, and what portion of the second part, was inserted in the folio edition is uncertain. The following passage in the prose conclusion of the second part bears incontestible evidence that it was written in the time of queen Mary. “The frantyke heades whiche disable our Queene, because she is a woman, and our kynge because he is a straunger, to be our princes and chiefe governours, hath caused me to saye thus much.” It is therefore probable that forming the conclusion of the suppressed edition, it was reprinted from the original text, and, as happens frequently by inadvertence at the press, without being corrected.

[19] Herbert possessed a copy, ad conjectured it was “printed to fill up a spare leaf, and perhaps to try the pulse of the public.” _Typographical Antiquities_, p. 565.

[20] The inspection of a larger proportion of the suppressed edition can alone solve many doubts as to the contents: nor does there appear any reason for not expecting to find the whole of the matter then printed, either in the library at Knowle, or some other unexamined collection of early English books! Why may it not be expected to discover the copy no doubt gotten by Sackville from Baldwin, before he wrote the Induction, when he intended to have all the tragedies “preserved in one volume?” Vol. II. p. 307.

[21] It appears probable that some addition was made to the work in 1559. See Vol. II. p. 53, note, and p. 111, note 1.

[22] That reviler of fashions, Philip Stubbs, exhibits by the following notice of the _Mirrour for Magistrates_ its early popularity, and a sign of his contracted reading by not knowing the contents, as, at the time he wrote, the legend of Henry the VIth had been twice printed. He says: “Holy king Henry [the sixth] was crowned in Paris, and yet lost all on that side before he was a man; and, before hys vnhappy death, he lost thys land also. So that he may with more reason be recorded among those fallen princes at the lowest of Boccace’s while; or in our English booke of _fallen Maiestrates_, there to be reconed up by any faythfull English man for a patent of imitation to our present Q. Elizabeth.” _Discouerie of a gaping Gulf._ 1579.

[23] See Vol. II. p. 8.

[24] Vol. II. p. 43.

[25] See upon that subject Vol. II. p, 168, note 1, &c.

[26] The title of this and the later editions by Marsh are in the compartment given with the title of each part of the present reprint.

[27] A copy is mentioned in Capell’s _Shakesperiana_, N^o 149.

[28] Higgins formed his plan on what had already appeared. In imitation of Sackville there is a poetical Induction, wherein the author is conducted by Morpheus, as the servant of Somnus, to a goodly hall, wherein successively appear the ghosts of all those whose legends are pronounced. Little invention was needed for these prolegomena, and in the selection of Morpheus, as an appropriate conductor, there exists a rivalry in one of the imitations of the Mirror for Magistrates also published in 1574. It is entitled

_The rewarde of Wickednesse Discoursing the sundrye monstrous abuses of wicked and ungodly worldelinges: in such sort set downe and written as the same haue beene dyuersely practised in the persones of Popes, Harlots, Proude Princes, Tyrauntes, Romish Byshoppes, and others. With a liuely description of their seuerall falles and finall destruction. Verye profitable for all sorte of estates to reade and looke upon. Newly compiled by Richard Robinson, Seruaunt in housholde to the right Honorable Earle of Shrewsbury. A dreame most pitiful, and to be dreaded._

_Of thinges that be straunge,
Who loueth to reede:
In this Booke let him raunge,
His fancie to feede._

In the dedication to Gilbert Talbote, Esq. second son of the Earl of Shrewsbury, the work is described as composed to eschew idleness, when the author’s “turne came to serue in watche of the Scottishe Queene:” I then (he says) euery night collected some part thereof, to thend that nowe it might the better appeare, that I vsed not altogeather to sleepe: Though one time I chaunsed among many watchfull nightes to take a slumber, which incited mee to compile this fiction of poetry as more largely appeareth in my prologue.

The address to the reader is dated the XIX of Maie, 1574, and the Prologue describes the time of the dream as in December, after a “good ale feast,” when the author says: