Chapter IX: Front Matter (9)

| 6000 | Bushels in one year.
| 100 | Bushels was the least that
| | could be paid by the Husbandman
| | to the _Priests_ for
| | the first-fruits of the threshing
| | floor.
| 5900 | Bushels remained to the Husbandman,
| | out of which he
| | payed two Tythes.
| 590 | Bushels were the first Tithe to
| | the _Levites_.
| 59 | Bushels the _Levites_ paid the
The Husbandman | | _Priests_, which was called
had growing | | the _Tithe of the Tithes_.
| 5310 | Bushels remained to the Husbandman,
| | out of which he
| | paid his second tithe.
| 531 | Bushels were the second
| | Tithe.
| 4779 | Bushels remained to the Husbandman
| | as his own, all being
| | paid.
| 1121 | Bushels are the sume of both
| | Tithes joyned together,
| | which is above a sixth part
| | of the whole, namely _nineteen_
| | out of an hundred.

We are to know moreover, that through the corruption of the times, in time of _Hezekiah_’s reign, Tithes began generally to be neglected, insomuch that then _Overseers_ were appointed to look to the true payment thereof, _2 Chr. 31. 13._ Notwithstanding, partly through the _negligence_ of the _Overseers_, partly through the _covetousness_ of the _people_, about one hundred thirty years before our _Saviours Incarnation_, corruption so prevailed, that the people in a manner _neglected all tithes_, yea none or very few payed either their first, second, or _poor manns tithe_, only they paid the _great heave-offering_ justly. For this reason (saith _Moses Kotsensis_[659]) _in the daies of_ John _the Priest, who succeeded_ Simeon _the just_, (I take it he meaneth _Johannes Hyrcanus_) their great Court, termed their _Sanhedrim_, made a Decree, that more faithful _Overseers_ should be appointed for the _Tithes_. At this time many things became questionable, whether they were tithable or no; whence the high Court of their _Sanhedrim_ decreed, that in the _things doubtful_ (which they termed דמאי _Demai_)[660] though they paid neither first, nor _poor mans tithe_, yet they paid a second _tithe, and a small heave-offering_; namely, אחד ממאה _one part of an hundred_: _Mint_, _Anise_ and _Cummin_, seemeth to have been of these _doubtful things_; in which, though the decree of their _Sanhedrim_ required but _one in the hundred_, yet the _Pharisees_ would pay a just tenth, _Mat. 23. 23._, and hence it is that they boasted, _They gave tithes of all that they possessed_, _Luk. 18. 12._ In which they outstripped the other _Jews_, who in these payments took the liberty granted them by the _Sanhedrim_.

[659] _Moses Kotsen. fol. 199. col. 3._

[660] _Moses Kotsen. ibid._

CHAP. IV.

_Of their Marriages._

In this Chapter of their _Marriages_, we are to consider: First, the _distinction of their wives_. Secondly, the _manner of their betrothings_. Thirdly, the _rites and ceremonies of their marriage_. Lastly, the _forme of their divorce_. The _Patriarchs_ in the _Old Testament_ had many of them, _two sorts of wives_: both of them were _reputed lawful_, and _true wives_, and therefore the children of both were accounted _legitimate_. The _Hebrews_ commonly call the one נשים _Naschim_; _Primary-wives_, married with nuptial ceremonies and rites requisite. Some derive the word from נשה _Nischa_, _Oblitus fuit, quasi Obliviosæ dictæ_, because for the most part, _womens memory is not so strong as mens_: but they think not amiss, who say that women are so called from _oblivion_, or _forgetfulness_, because the Fathers family is _forgotten_, and in a manner _extinct in their daughters when they are married_. Hence proceeds that common saying of the _Hebrews_,[661] _Familia matris non vocatur familia_: and for the contrary reason, a _male child_ is called זכר _Zacar_, from his memory, _because the memory of the Father is preserved in the Son_,[662] according to that speech of Absolom, _I have no Son to keep my name in remembrance_, 2 Sam. 18. 18.

[661] _משפחת אם אינה קרויה משפחה Aben Ezra. Numb. 1. 2._

[662] _Eandem prolis masculæ rationem habitam apud Græcos
testatur Euripides. Στύλοι γὰρ οἰκῶν παῖδες ἄρσενες._

The other sort of wives they call[663] _Pillagshin_, _secondary wives_, or _half wives_; the _English_ translates them _Concubines_, and that not unfitly, for sometimes the _Hebrew_ word it self denoteth an _infamous Strumpet_, or _common Harlot_.

[663] _פלגש Vxor secundaria vocem compositam esse aiunt ex פלג
Dividere, & אשה uxor, quasi uxor divisa & dimidia._

The differences between these _Concubines_, and the _chief_ or _primary wives_, are many. 1. A _disparity_ in their authority, or houshold government: the _Wife_ was a _Mistress_, the _Concubine_ as an _hand-maid_ or _servant_. She had only _Jus thori_, a true and lawful _right unto the marriage bed_ as the chief wife had; otherwise she was in all respects inferiour. And this appeareth in the history of _Sarah_ and _Hagar_. Secondly, the _betrothing_ was different: the _chief wife_ at her espousals received from her Husband certain _Gifts_ and _Tokens_, as pledges and ceremonies of the contract. Thus _Abrahams_ steward (who is probably thought to be _Eliezer_, of whom we read, _Gen. 15. 2._) gave in _Isaacs_ name unto _Rebecca_, _jewels of silver, and jewels of gold, and raiment_, _Gen. 24. 53._ This custome was in use also among the _Grecians_, who calleth these gifts Ἕδνα.[664] Moreover[665] _the chief wife_ likewise received from her husband _a bill of writing_, or _matrimonial_ letters, whereas the _Concubine_ received neither _such gifts_, nor such _letters_. _Thirdly_, only _the children of the chief wife succeeded the father in his inheritance; the children of the Concubine received gifts or legacies_: _Abraham gave all his goods to Isaac_, but unto the _sons of the Concubines_ which _Abraham_ had, _Abraham gave gifts_, _Gen. 25. 5, 6._ And here, by the way we may take notice, that _the first-born_ by right of primogeniture, received a _double portion of his fathers goods_, _the father shall give him a double portion of all that he hath for he is the first of his strength_, _Deut. 21. 17._ Unto this custome the _Prophet Elisha_’s speech alludeth, when he prayeth _Elijah_, that his spirit might be _double_ upon him, _2 King. 2. 9._ that is that he might have a _double portion of his spirit, in comparison of the other Prophets_, or rather the _sons of the Prophets_, amongst whom he obtained the place of an _elder brother_, and therefore prayeth for the _right of primogeniture_: so that we are not to understand him, as if he did ambitiously desire a greater measure of the spirit than rested upon his _Master_, but that he desired to excel the other _remaining Prophets_, unto whom afterward he became a _father_. The _Hebr._ phrase[666] is in both places the same. _Secondly_, in their _betrothing_ we are to consider, 1. The _distance of time_ between the _espousals_, and the _confirmation_ of their marriage, which some have conceited to have been a _full year_, at least ten months; and this they observe from _Rebecca_, her brother and mothers answer unto _Abrahams_ servant, desiring that the Maid might not depart presently, but remain after the Espousals at least ten dayes, _Gen. 24. 55._ Which Text they interpret[667] _ten months_, understanding thereby that which elsewhere is phrased[668] _an year of dayes_, _Gen. 41. 1._ But if we should yield this interpretation (although our _English_ _at least ten dayes_ is more agreeable unto the _Septuagint_ and the _Original_) yet it followeth not, that this time was craved for the fulfilling of any prescribed distance between the Espousals and the marriage, but rather it implieth the tender affection of the mother towards her daughter, as being loath so suddenly to part with her: Notwithstanding, it is not unlikely that there was a competent distance of time between the first affiancing, and the confirmation of the _marriage_, though not prescribed, or _limited to any set number of dayes_, _weeks_, or _months_. The second thing considerable in their betrothings, is to enquire the _manner of their contracting_, which might be done in _Israel_ three ways.[669] First, _By a piece of money_. Secondly, _By writing_. Thirdly, _By copulation_, _and all these in the presence of witnesses_. _By a piece of money_, though it were but a farthing, or the worth thereof, at which time the man used this, or the like form of words;[670] _Lo thou art betrothed unto me_: and he gave her the mony before witnesses. _By bill_, and then he wrote the like form of words; _Be thou betrothed unto me_, which he gave her before witnesses; and it was written with her name in it, else it was no betrothing. _By copulation_, and then he said likewise, _Lo thou shalt be betrothed unto me by copulation_, and so he was united unto her before two witnesses, after which copulation she was his betrothed wife. If he lay with her by way of _fornication_, and not by the _name of betrothing_; or if it were by themselves, without the fore-acquainting of _Witnesses_, it was no betrothing: however he might not lye with her the second time, before the marriage was accomplished. And though the betrothing might be _any of these three wayes_, yet usually it was by a _piece of money_; and if they would, they might do it by _writing_, but betrothing by copulation was forbidden by the wise men of _Israel_, and who so did it was chastised with rods: howbeit the _betrothing_ stood in force. These solemnities in _betrothing_ were performed by the man and woman under a Tent or Canopy made for the purpose, called in their language _Chuppa_,[671] _a Tabernacle or Tent_: to this the Psalmist alludeth, _Psal. 19. 4, 5._ _In them hath he set a Tabernacle for the Sun which as a Bridegroom coming out of his Chamber, rejoyceth as a strong man to run a Race._

[664] _Τάων ἧν κ’ ἐθέλῃσι φίλην ἀνάεδνον ἀγέσθω. Hom. Iliad. 9.
vid. etiam Suid. in Ἕδνα._

[665] _D. Kimchi. 2 Sam. 5. 13._

[666] _פי שנים partem duorum._

[667] _Onkelos & R. Solom._

[668] _שנתים ימים Duorum annorum dierum._

[669] _בכסף או בשטר או בביאה וכולן בעדים Moses Kotsen. fol.
124._

[670] _הרי את מקודשת לי Maimon. in Ischoth, c. 3. s. 1._

[671] _חופה Elias Thisbit._

_Thirdly_, the rites and ceremonies of their marriage were performed in the assembly of _ten men_ at least, with blessings and thanksgivings unto _God_, whence the house it self was called _Beth hillula_,[672] the _House of praise_ and their marriage song _Hillulim_,[673] _praises_. The _Bridegrooms intimate friends_ which accompanied him & sung this _Epithalamium_ or _marriage song_, were termed υἱοὶ τοῦ νυμφῶνος, _children of the Bride-chamber_, _Mat. 9. 15._ Such I conceive those _thirty companions_ to have been which _Sampson_ associated to himself, _Judg. 14. 11._ The form of this _phrase_ or _blessing_ is at large described by _Genebrard_, and the sum thereof is this: The chief of these companions taketh a cup, and blesseth it saying _Blessed art thou O Lord our God, the King of the world, w^{ch} createst the fruit of the vine_: afterward then he saith, _blessed be the Lord our God the King of the world, who hath created man after his own Image, according to the image of his own likeness, & hath therby prepared unto himself an everlasting building, blessed be thou, O Lord, who hast created him_. Then followeth again, _Blessed art thou, O Lord our God, who hast created joy and gladness, the Bridegroom and the Bride, charity and brotherly love, rejoycing and pleasure, peace and society: I beseech thee, O Lord, let there suddenly be heard in the Cities of Judah, and the streets of Jerusalem the voice of joy & gladness, the voice of the bridegroom & the Bride: the voice of exultation in the bride-chamber is sweeter than any feast: and children sweeter than the sweetness of a song_: and this being ended, he drinketh to the married couple.

[672] _בית הלולא_

[673] _הלולים_

This custome _of praising God_ at such times was not needless or superfluous, for the _fruit of the womb_ was expected as a _special blessing_ from God, and so acknowledged by them in that saying, that _four keys_ were in the hand of him who was the _Lord_ of the whole world, which were committed neither to _Angel_ nor _Seraphim_; namely _Clavis pluviæ, clavis cibationis, clavis sepulchrorum, & clavis sterilitatis_.[674] Concerning the _key of Rain_, thus speaketh the Scripture, _the Lord will open to thee his good treasure_, _Deut. 28._ Concerning the _key of food_, _thou openest thy hands_, Psal. 145. Concerning the _key of the grave_, _when I shall open your sepulchres_, _Ezek. 37._ Concerning the _key of barrenness_, _God remembred_ Rachel _and opened her womb_, _Gen. 30._ Whereby it is intimated, that these four things _God hath reserved in his own hand and custody_: namely, _Rain, food, the raising of our bodies and the procreation of children_.

[674] _מפתח מטרא מפתח פרנסה מפתח קבריא מפתת עקרתא Targum
Hieros. Gen. 30. 21._

The time _of their marriage feast_ appeareth clearly to have been _usually seven daies_.[675] _Sampson_ continued his _feast seven daies_, _Judg. 14. 10, 11._ And of this _seven daies feast_, _Divines_[676] do understand that speech of _Labans unto Jacob_, concerning _Leah_, _fulfill her weak_, and we will also give thee this, _Gen. 29. 27._ in which speech, it is thought that _Laban_ did desire _Jacob_, not to reject and turn away _Leah_, but to confirm the present _marriage_, by fulfilling the _usual days of her marriage feast_. From this custom, together with the practise of _Joseph_, mourning seven dayes for his father, _Gen. 50. 10._ arose that usual proverb among the _Jews_, _Septem ad convivium, Septem ad luctum_. The chief governor of the feast was called _Baal mischte_;[677] which name is fitly expressed by being called the _ruler of the feast_,[678] _Joh. 2. 9._ The _modern Jews in Italy_, when they invite any to a _marriage feast_, use this form of words, _Such a one, or such a one entreateth you to credit his daughters marriage with your presence at the feast, &c._ Then he which is invited replieth, _Mazal tob_[679] which some interpret to be the wishing of _good luck_ in general, but I rather think, that hereby was wished to the married parties, _a special blessing in the procreation of children_: whence the _wedding ring_, given unto the Bride-wife, had this inscription or posie _Mazal tob_;[680] and the _Hebrews_ call the Planet _Jupiter_, _Mazal_, whose influence they thought to be of great efficacy and force for generation: but in truth, _Mazal_, signifieth any other Planet or Star in the Heaven, according to that _Hebrew_ Proverb,[681] _There is no herb in the earth, that hath not a Mazal or Star in the Firmament answering it, and striking it, saying grow_. Now _tob_ signifieth good; so that the phrase soundeth as much as, _be it done in a good hour_, or _under a good Planet_.

[675] _Vid. Thisbit. in חתן_

[676] _Augustin. quæst. super Genes. 88._

[677] _בעל משתה_

[678] _Αρχιτρίκλινος._

[679] _מזל טוב i. Stukius. de conviv. l. 2. c. 3._

[680] _Munster. Gen. 30._

[681] _Non est tibi ulla herba inferius cui non sit Mazal in
firmamento, & ferit ipsam τὸ Mazal, & dicit ei, Cresce._

At the time of the marriage also, the man gave his wife a _dowery bill_, which the _Scrivener_ wrote, and the Bride-groom paid for, whereby he endowed his spouse, if she were a _Virgin_, with 300 Deniers, (that is fifty shekels) and if she had been married before with an hundred _Deniers_, that is twenty five shekels and this was called the _root_ or _principal of the dowry_: the _dowry_ might not be less, but more, so much as he would, though it were to a talent of gold. There is mention of a contract between _Tobias_ and _Sarah_, and that was performed, _not by a Scrivener_, but by _Raguel_, the womans father; where we may observe, that before the writing of this bill there was a _giving of the woman unto her husband_. The form of words there used is, _Behold, take her after the Law of Moses_, _Tobit. 7. 14._ A copy of this Dowry-bill is taken by _Bertram_ out of the _Babylon Talmud_. The words thereof are _thus_:[682] _Upon the sixth day of the week, the fourth of the month Sivan, in the year five thousand two hundred fifty four of the creation of the world, according to the computation which we use here at ~Massilia~, a City which is scituate near the Seashore, the Bridegroom ~Rabbi Moses~, the son of ~Rabbi Jehuda~, said unto the Bridewife ~Clarona~, the daughter of ~Rabbi David~, the son of ~Rabbi Moses~, a Citizen of ~Lisbon~; Be unto me a wife according to the law of ~Moses~ and ~Israel~: and I according to the word of God, will worship, honour, maintain, and govern thee according to the manner of the husbands among the ~Jews~, which do worship, honour, maintain, and govern their wives faithfully, I also do bestow upon thee the dowry of thy Virginity, 200 Deniers in silver, which belong unto thee by the law: and moreover, thy food, thy apparel, and sufficient necessaries; as likewise the knowledge of thee, according to the custom of all the earth_. Thus _Clarona_ the _Virgin_ rested and became a _wife_ to _Rabbi Moses_ the son of _Jehuda_, the Bridegroom.

[682] _Talmud. Bab. vid. Buxtorf. Grammatic. Chald. p. 38. 9._

After the marriage was finished, then the wife might challenge from her Husband three things as debt. 1. _Food._ 2. _Apparel._ 3. _Cohabitation_, or _the right of the bed_; which they note from _Exod. 21. 10._ where it is said, If he take him another wife, _her food, her raiment, and her duty of marriage shall he not diminish_. And unto this the _Apostle_ alludeth, calling it _Due benevolence_, _1 Cor. 7. 3._

The Wife, when she was first presented unto her Husband, covered her Head with a _veil_, in token of _subjection_. _Rebecca_ took a _veil_, and covered her self, (_Gen. 24. 65._) and for this cause (namely in _sign of subjection_) ought the woman to have power on her head, _1 Cor. 11. 10._ where by _Power_ the _Apostle_ understandeth a _veil_. Do any ask the question, why he should denote this _veil_ by the name of _power_, especially seeing it was in _token of subjection_? The _Apostle_ being an _Hebrew_ of the _Hebrews_, might have respect to the _Hebrew_ word _Radid_,[683] signifying a _veil_, which cometh from the root _Radad_, to bear _rule and authority_, and so might use the Greek word,[684] signifying _power_ in the same sense as the _Hebrews_ did. And, in truth, what was this subjection to the husband but a kind of _power_ and _protection_ derived unto the _Wife_, in comparison of her former state, being a _Virgin_? and therefore in case her husband was jealous of her, among other tokens of sorrow, she was commanded to stand at her tryal with her _head uncovered_,[685] _Numb. 5. 18._ intimating thereby, that if she could not then clear her self, she was from thenceforward deprived of all _power_, which heretofore she enjoyed by the means of her Husband.

[683] _רדיד Velamen mulieris, à verbo רדד Subjecit._

[684] _Ἐξουσία._

[685] _בלא רדיד Sine Radid. ἄνευ ἐξουσίας. Sic ego interpretor
verba Maimon. in Sota. 12. c. 3. sect. 5._

After the marriage was finished, sometimes there was permitted a _Bill of Divorce_: this the _Hebrews_ called _Sepher Kerithuth_,[686] _a Bill of cutting off_, because the woman is by this means _cut off from her Husbands family_. _Ten things were_ thought[687] requisite as the _root_ and foundation of a divorce. 1. _That a man put her not away but of his own will._ 2. _That he put her away by writing, not by any other thing._ 3. _That the matter of the writing be to divorce her, and put her away, out of her possession._ 4. _That the matter of that divorcement be between him and her._ 5. _That it be written by her name._ 6. _That there be no action wanting, after the writing thereof, save the delivery of it unto her._ 7. _That he give it unto her._ 8. _That he give it her before witnesses._ 9. _That he give it her by the law of divorces._ 10. _That it be the Husband or his deputy that delivereth it unto her._ The form or copy of this _bill of divorcement_ was as followeth,[688] _Upon such a day of the week, such and such of the month N. such or such an year of the Creation of the world, according to the computation which we use here in this City N. scituate near the River N. that I of the Country N. the son of Rabbi N. of the Country N. But now I dwelling in such or such a place, near such or such a river, have desired of my own free will, without any coaction, and have divorced dismissed and cast out thee, thee I say, thee my wife N. of the country N. the daughter of Rabbi N. dwelling in such or such a country, and dwelling now in such or such a place, scituate near such or such a river, which hast been my wife heretofore, but now I do divorce thee, dismiss thee, and cast thee out, that thou mayst be free, and have the rule of thy self, and to depart, and to marry with any other man whom thou wilt, and let no man be refused by thee for me from this day forward for ever. Thus be thou lawful for any man, and this shall be to thee from me, a bill of separation, a bill of divorce, and a letter of dismission, according to the law of ~Moses~ and ~Israel~._

N. _the son of_ N. _witness_.
N. _the son of_ N. _witness_.

[686] _ספר כריתות Græce βιβλίον ἀποστασίου._

[687] _Maimon. de divort. c. 1. sect. 5._

[688] _Hæc forma reperitur apud Mosem Kotsensem. fol. 133.
Aliud exemplar ibidem habetur. It. in Mose Egyptio. part.
2. fol. 59. unde desumpta est hæc testium subscriptio quam
opposuimus._

This _bill_ was written by a _Scrivener_, or _publick Notary_.[689] And furthermore,[690] a woman being _divorced_, or otherwise a _widow_, it was not lawful for her to marry again, till she had _tarried ninety days, besides the day of her divorce, or of her husbands death, and her last espousals: to the end it might be known, whether she were with child or no, & that there might be proof, whether it were the seed of her first husband, or of her second_.

[689] _Solomon Jarchi. Hos. c. 1. 10._

[690] _Maimon. de divort. cap. 11. sect. 18._

It was a common custome among the _Romans_, about the time of our _Saviours_ birth, even for the women to _divorce their Husbands_, and to marry again at their pleasure. Of this, _Heathen_ Authors speak:

_----Sic fiunt octo mariti,_
_Quinque per autumnos._

_Juvenal. Satyr 6. verse 230._

_Et nubet decimo jam Thelesina viro._

_Martial. lib. 8._

_Non consulum, sed maritorum numero annos suos computant, &c._[691] The bill tendred by the woman, was termed[692] Γράμματα ἀπολείψεως, _letters of forsaking_; _not letters of cutting off, or putting away_. This same practise was in use also among the _Hebrews_. Hence is that saying of our Saviour: _If a woman shall put away her husband, and be married to another_, &c. Mark 10. 12. Now although, at that time, humane laws forbad not _marriages renewed with others upon such divorce_, yet _Gods_ law condemned both such _divorces_, & such _marriages_, and, _before God_, persons _marrying_ after such divorcements were reputed _digamites_, that is, to have _two husbands, or two wives_. For this reason, a _Minister_ above others is commanded to be μιᾶς γυναικὸς ἀνὴρ; _The husband of one wife_, _1 Tim. 3. 2._ And the _woman_ she is commanded to be ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς γυνὴ, _The wife of one husband_, _1 Tim. 5. 9._ In which text, _second marriages_ (in case of the Husbands or Wives death) are no more forbidden, than the Poet forbade them in the like phrase.

_Unico gaudens mulier marito._

_Horat. Carmin. 3. 14._

[691] _Senec. 3. de Benef. 16._

[692] _Plutarch. in Alcibiade._

Note in the last place, that among the _Jews_ the Bride-woman also brought a _dowry_ to her husband; it was sometimes _more_, sometimes less; it was called by the _Rabbins_[693] נדוניא _Nedunia_: _Raguel gave with his daughter_ Sarah _half his goods, servants and cattel, and money_, _Tob. 10. 10._

[693] _Elias Thisbit. It. Solom. Jarchi. Gen. 31. 15._

CHAP. V.

_Of their Burials._

At the time of a mans death, before his Burial, many ceremonies were observed. _First_, the next of the kin closed the eyes of the deceased body. _Joseph shall put his hands upon thy eyes_, _Genes. 46. 4._ This was likewise practised both by the _Romans_ and the _Græcians_.

_Ille meos oculos comprimat, Ille tuos._

_Ovid._

_ὄσσε καθαιρήσουσι θανόντι πέρ._

_Homer. Iliad. 11._

_Secondly_, they washed the body being dead. _Tabitha died, and when they had washed her, they laid her in an upper-chamber_, _Act. 9. 37._ The _baptization_ or _washing_ at such a time was threefold. The first was βαπτισμὸς ἀπὸ νεκρῶν, _Eccles. 34. 26._ _A washing from the pollution contracted by the touch of a dead carkass_; that if haply any ignorantly and unawares became thus unclean, then was he by a kind of washing to be made clean again. The second was βαπτισμὸς τῶν νεκρῶν, _a baptization or washing of the dead Corps it self_. Thus _Tabitha_ was _washed_: neither is the word βαπτισμὸς, unusually applied to _common washings_, as _Mar. 7. 4._ we read of the _washing of cups, pots, vessels, tables_, the _Greek is_ βαπτισμὸς. The _first_ of these washings was proper to the _Jews_: this second in use with _Jews_ _Christians_,[694] and _Heathens_:[695] the _third_ (which was βαπτισμὸς ὑπὲρ τῶν νεκρῶν, _a baptization for the dead_, _1 Cor. 15. 9._) proper to some _amiss-led Christians_. It may be demanded, what manner of _Baptism_ this was? with submission of my judgment, I understand this place with S. _Ambrose_[696] of a _Sacramental washing_, applied unto some living man in the name and behalf of his friend, dying without _Baptism_, out of a superstitious conceit, that the Sacrament thus conferred to one alive, in the name of the deceased, might be available for the other dying _unbaptized_. As if the Apostle did wound those superstitious _Corinthians_ with their own quills, and prove the Resurrection of the dead from their own erroneous practice, telling them in effect, that their superstitious custome of _baptizing_ the living for the dead, were vain and bootless, if there were no resurrection, and therefore the Apostle useth an emphatical _distinction of the persons_, in the next immediate verse, saying, why are we also in jeopardy every hour? he inferreth the resurrection by force of a _double_ argument; the _first_ drawn from their superstitious _baptization_ for the dead: the _second_, from the hourly jeopardy and peril wherein we, that is, himself and other _Christians_ are. So that as that _Father_ noteth, the Apostle doth not hereby _approve_ their doing, but evinceth their hope of the resurrection from their own practice, though erroneous. That there was _Vicarium tale Baptisma_ (as _Tertullian_[697] calleth it) in use among the _Marcionites_, is evident, yea, and among the _Corinthians_[698] also: the manner thereof is thus described:[699] _When any Catechumenist died, some living person placed under the bed of the deceased, they came unto the deceased party, and asked him whether he would be baptized: then he replying nothing, the party under the bed answered for him, saying that he would be baptized: and thus they baptized him for the dead, as if they acted a play upon the Stage_.

[694] _Tertullian. Apolog. c. 47. It. Euseb. hist. lib. 7. c. 17._

[695] _Corpusque lavant frigentis & ungunt Virg. lib. 6. Æneid._

[696] _Ambros. 1 Cor. 16. 29._

[697] _Tertul. lib. de resur. carnis._

[698] _Epiphan. de Corinthian. hæres. 28._

[699] _Chrysost. 1 Cor. 15._

The _third_ ceremony used by the _Jews_ towards the dead party, was the _embalming_ of the corps, which for the main thereof, it is probable they learned from the _Egyptians_, for we find _Joseph_ to be the first that practised it, _Gen. 50. 2._ The _Egyptian_ manner of _embalming_ was thus:[700] _they took out the bowels of the dead, they cleansed them and washed them with the wine of Dates, and after that again with odors: then filled they the bowels with pure Myrrh beaten, and Cassia, and other Odors (except Frankincense) and sewed them up. After this they seasoned the corps hidden in Nitre seventy days, not longer: after seventy days they washed the corps, and wrapped it in fine linnen cloth gummed, which gum the Egyptians often used instead of glew._ The _Greeks_ termed this ταριχεύειν. And the use thereof was for the _preservation_ of the body, that it might not putrifie; and therefore when the Funeral Obsequies were not long delayed, they used another kind of _embalming_, namely, an external and outward application of Spices and Odours, without the unbowelling of the corps. This the _Greeks_ termed ἐνταφιάζειν.[701] This was used toward our _Saviour Christ_, _John 19. 40._

[700] _Herodot. Euterp._

[701] _Usurpatur tamen τὸ ἐνταφιάζειν in scripturis, lata
significatione, ad denotandum utramque condituram. Imo ἔθαψαν.
occurrit. Gen. 50. 26. pro eo, quod in Hebr. ויחנטו Et
aromatibus condiverunt._

Sometimes they did use to _burn the corps_, preserving onely the bones in some urn or pitcher, _Amos 6. 10._ But commonly they interred the whole body, and buried it in the earth. The ancient _Jews_ if they received not from their Ancestors, then would they purchase a _burial place_ themselves, for the burial of them and their family. The form of that place was thus: It was a _vault_ hewed out in a rock,[702] six cubits long, and four broad, in which eight other cells or lesser holes (or as some say, thirteen) were made, as so many distinct receptacles, or _tombs_ for the dead bodies to be laid in: as often as they buried any, they were wont to _roll a great stone to the mouth of the cave_. The _cave_ or _vault_ it self they termed from the act of burial, _Keber_,[703] which signifieth a place of burial, or from its form, _Magnara_,[704] _a den or cave_. These several cells or receptacles in which the body was laid, they called _cucim_,[705] _graves, tombs_: and the _stone_ they named _Golel_,[706] _a rolling stone_. This giveth great light to that in the _Gospel_. _Joseph_ took the body of _Christ_, and wrapped it in a clean linnen cloth, and put it in his _new tomb_, which he had hewen out in a rock, and _rolled a great stone to the door of the Sepulchre_, _Mat. 27. 59, 60._ These _caves_ or _vaults_ the wealthier sort would _paint_, _garnish_, and _beautifie_ at the mouth or enterance of them: hence cometh that phrase, _Sepulchra dealbata_, _painted tombs_. As often as they had an occasion to mention or speak of any friend deceased, they used that in the _Proverbs_, _The memory of the just is blessed_, _Prov. 10. 7._ Hence the _Rabbies_,[707] in their quotations of any worthy Author deceased, usually subjoyn this honourable commemoration, _N. Benedictæ memoriæ_, _N. such or such a one of blessed memory_.

[702] _ד אמות על שש Talmud Seder. Nez. in Bavabathra. cap. 6._

[703] _קבר_

[704] _מערה_

[705] _כוכים_

[706] _גלל_

[707] _זכר צדיק לברכה Memoria ejus sit in benedictione._

But their usual Epitaph or inscription upon their Sepulchers, was,[708] _Let this soul be bound up in the Garden of Eden, or in the bundle of the living, Amen, Amen, Amen, Selati_.

[708] _נשמתה תהא צרורה בגן עדן א א א סלת Sheindler in נדר_

The latter _Jews_ have been strangely conceited concerning the place of burials, and are perswaded that if an _Israelite_ be buried in any strange country, out of the promised Land, he shall not be partaker so much as of Resurrection, except the Lord vouchsafe to make him _hollow passages_, under the earth, thorow which his body by a continual volutation and rolling, may be brought into the land of _Canaan_. The ground hereof is taken from the charge of _Jacob_ unto his son _Joseph_, that he should not bury him in the land of _Egypt_, but in _Canaan_. For which charge they assign three reasons.[709] _First_, because he foresaw by the spirit of Prophecy, that the dust of that land should afterward be turned into lice. _Secondly_, because those who died out of the holy Land should not rise again without a painful rolling and tumbling of their bodies thorow those hollow passages. _Thirdly_, that the _Egyptians_ might not idolatrously worship him.

[709] _Solom. Jarchi. Gen. 47. 29._

They made a feast at their burials, which is stiled _The bread of men_, _Ezek. 14. 17._ And a _cup of consolation_, _Jer. 16. 7._ because it was administred to comfort those that were sad of heart. It much resembled the _Roman Silicernium_.

From those two places last quoted, we may observe, that at the burial of their friends, they used these ceremonies which follow; some to _testifie_, some to _augment_ their grief. 1. _Cutting themselves_, that is, wounding or cutting any part of their body, with any kind of Instrument. This practice was learned from the _Heathens_,[710] who were wont not only to scratch their face, but to punch and prick certain parts of their body with a needle, and then cover it over with ink, which they used as a special ceremony in their superstitious worship, and therefore it is forbid, _Deut. 14. 1._ _Secondly, making themselves bald_,[711] which was done divers manner of ways; either by _shaving their hair_, or _plucking it off_ with their hands, or by _impoisoned plaister to make it fall off_. Other Nations were wont to shave off the hair of their head, and to offer it in the behalf of the dead: they did sometimes shave their cheeks, sometimes their eye-lids: and this also, being an _Heathenish_ custome, was likewise forbidden in _Israel_, _Deut. 14. 1._ _Thirdly, going bare headed_, that they might cast dust or ashes upon their heads, signifying thereby that they _were unworthy the ground on which they went. Fourthly, going barefooted_ for their greater humiliation. _Fifthly, the covering of their lips_, for that was a special sign of sorrow and shame, _The Seers shall be ashamed_, &c. they shall all cover their lips, for they have no answer of God, _Mich. 3. 7._ If it be demanded, how they covered their lips? It is thought[712] they did it _by casting the skirt of their cloak, or garment over them. Sixthly,[713] renting their cloaths. Seventhly, putting sackcloth about their loyns_, _Gen. 37. 34._ These were general tokens of grief, used upon all extroardinary occasions of sorrow. Two other there were, more proper to burials, to augment their grief. _First, Minstrels_, who with their sad tunes inclined the affections of the people to mourning.[714] Of these there were _two sorts_: Some playing on _pipes_, others sounding _trumpets_. At the funeral of Noblemen, or old men, they used a _trumpet_: at the funeral of the common people, or children, they used a _pipe_.[715] In this respect it is said; _That Jesus, when he raised_ Jairus _his daughter, cast out the Minstrels_, Mat. 9. 23. _Secondly_, women hired to sing at burials for the same purpose, and likewise by outward significations of sorrow, to move the company, and more strongly to affect them, _Call for the mourning women_, &c. _and send for skilful women_, _Jer. 9. 17._ These the _Romans_ called, _Præficas, quasi in hoc ipsum præfectas_, _Chief or skilful mourners_.

[710] _Gentes, quasdam corporis partes acu vulnerabant, vel
alias incidebant atramentumque superponebant, quod in cultum
dæmonum suorum fiebat, præcipietur ergo ne ullo pacto sicut
gentes ferirent carnes suas; quemadmodum sacerdotes Cybeles &
deæ Sororum, ut refert Lucianus. P. Fag. Deut. 14. 1. Unguibus
ora soror fædans & pectora pugnis. Virg. lib. 4. Æneid._

[711] _Sectis fratri imposuere capillos. Ovid. Met. 3._

[712] _D. Kimchi & Aben. Esra P. Fag. Lev. 14. 45._

[713] _Scissâque Polyxena pallâ. Juvenal. Satyr. 10._

[714] _Majoris ætatis funera ad tubam proferre solebant:
minoris vero ætatis ad tibias. Servius. Æneid. lib. 5._

[715] _Tibia cui teneros suetum deducere manes Lege Phrygum
mesta. Statius. Theb. lib. 6, ver. 121._

CHAP. VI.

_Of their Oaths._

The manner of _swearing_ was sometimes by _lifting up their hands towards heaven_; _Abraham_ said to the _King of Sodom_, _I have lifted up my hand unto the Lord_; that is, I have _sworn_, that I will not take from a thred, even to a shoe-latchet, _Gen. 14. 22._ Unto which custome the Psalmist seemeth to allude, _Psal. 106. 26._ _He lifted up his hand_, that is, _he swore_. Sometimes he that took the Oath _did put his hand under the others thigh_, which administred the Oath. We read this manner of administration to have been used by _Abraham_, _Gen. 24. 2._ and _Jacob_, _Gen. 47. 29._ Which ceremony some[716] interpret to be as a _token of subjection_; others[717] as a _mystery of circumcision_; the sign wherof they bore about that place of their body: Others[718] more probably think it to be a _mysterious signification of Christ the promised seed_, who was to come out of _Abrahams loyns_, or _thigh_; as the like phrase is used, _Gen. 46. 26._ the souls that came out of _Jacobs thigh_. Sometimes also the manner of deposing, was to _stand before the Altar_, _1 Kings 8. 31._ Which was also the custome of the _Athenians_,[719] the _Carthaginians_,[720] and the _Romans_.[721]

[716] _Aben Esra. Gen. 24. 2._

[717] _Solomon Jarchi, ibid._

[718] _August. quæst. super Gen. 62._

[719] _Alex. ab. Alex. lib. 5. cap. 10._

[720] _Livius dec. 3. lib. 1. It. Valer. Max. l. 9. c. 3._

[721] _Jures licet & Samothracum, & nostrorum aras. Juvenal.
Satyr. 3._

The object of a lawful Oath was, and is, _onely the Lord_: whence he that took the Oath was said to _confess unto God_, compare _Isa. 45. 23._ with _Rom. 14. 11._ And the ancient form of imposing an Oath was this, _Give glory to God_, _Josh. 7. 19._ _John. 9. 24._ Now God was glorified by an Oath, because thereby there was a solemn confession and acknowledgement of _Gods Omni-presence_, that he is present in every place: of his _Omniscience_, that he knoweth all secrets: of his _truth_, that he is _a maintainer of truth_, and _an avenger of falshood_: of his _justice_, that he is willing; and his _omnipotency_, that he is able to punish those that by swearing shall dishonour him, And as the _object of a lawful oath_ was onely _God_: so it is implied, that it was not rashly or unadvisedly to be undertaken, but by a kind of necessity _imposed_; for the _Hebrew_ word נשבע is a Passive, and signifieth _to be sworn_, rather than to _swear_.

In corrupter times they were wont to swear by the _creatures_,[722] but the _Jews_ chiefly by _Jerusalem, by the Temple, by the gold of the Temple, by the Altar, and the gift on the Altar_. This _gift_ in _Hebrew_ was termed _Corban_,[723] and it was one of those oaths which in our _Saviour Christs_ time the _Scribes_ and _Pharisees_ accounted principally obligatory. If any swore _by the Altar_, it was nothing: but if any swore by the _oblation of the Altar_, he was bound to perform it, _Matth. 23. 18._ Yea, although _Gods law_ enjoyned honour, and relief toward parents; yet if they had bound themselves by this oath _Corban_, that they would not help or relieve their parents, they taught they were discharged. Whence, saith their _Talmud_,[724] _Every one ought to honour his father and mother, except he hath vowed the contrary_. And it is evident[725] that the _Jews_ did often by solemn vows and _oaths bind themselves, that they would never do good to such, or such a man_. We must furthermore know that usually to their oaths there was an _execration_, or _conditional curse_ annexed, which sometimes was expressed, as, _if I do not do thus and thus, then the Lord do so to me, and more also_, _1 Sam. 14. 44._ Also _1 Kin. 20. 10._ Sometimes it is _understood_, as, _I have sworn, if I take from a thred to a shoo-latchet_, _Gen. 14. 22._ _then let the Lord do so to me, and more also_; this, or the like, is _understood_ and maketh the former part of the oath to sound negatively; as if _Abraham_ had said, _I have sworn, I will not take from a thread to a shoo-latchet_. In like manner, _Psal. 95._ I have sworn, _if they shall enter into my rest_; that is, _They shall not enter into my rest_, _Heb. 3. 18._ This helpeth the exposition of that difficult place, _Mat. 15. 5._ which we read,[726] _By the gift that is offered by me thou maist have profit_: but if we conceive it thus, according to the form of the oath _Corban_, _By Corban if thou receive any profit by me_, and understand the execration implyed: _Then let God do thus, and much more to me_; the sense will be thus; _By Corban thou shalt receive no profit by me_. This exposition is as agreeable to the scope of the place, as it is to their form of swearing, and plainly sheweth how the _Pharisees_ by their traditions transgressed the Commandment of God. For God commanded, saying, _Honour thy father and Mother._ But the _Scribes_ and _Pharisees_ said; Whosoever should say to father or mother seeking relief, _By Corban thou shalt receive no profit from me_, he was discharged.

[722] _Allium, porrum & cepas inter deos jure jurando habuerunt
Egyptii, Plin. lib. 19. c. 6. Item. Juvenal. Sat. 15._

[723] _ἐν οἷς μετά τινων ἄλλων καὶ τὸν καλούμενον ὅρκον Κορβάν
καταριθμεῖ. Inter quæ sacramenta, cum quibusdam aliis etiam
jusjurandum quod Corban appellatur, enumerat Joseph. contra
Appion. l. 1. p. 147._

[724] _Talmud. Hierosolymit. tract. de votis cap. 10._

[725] _Ὅρκῳ πιστοῦνται, τῷ δεῖνι μὴ παρέξειν ὠφέλειαν τινα.
Jurejurando se obstringunt huic vel illi homini nihil se
commodi præstituros! Philo Jud. de specialibus legib. p. 595._

[726] _Δῶρον, ὃ ἐὰν ἐξ ἐμοῦ ὠφεληθῇς, Per Corbam, si quicquam
tibi prodero: interpretor ὃ ἐὰν, Si quicquam quemadmodum ὃς
ἐὰν. Si quisquam, Mat. 10. 14. & Mat. 23. 18. Et execratione
subaudita sensus emergat, Per Corbam nihil tibi prodero,
Cæterum, si quis urgeat, quod in fonte sit κορβᾶν, non per
Corban, vel ἐν κορβὰν, sciendum quod similis ellipsis in
jurandi formulis non est inusitata, hinc המעון הזה valet
במעון הזה ~per domicilium hoc~. Vide Drusium de tribus sectis l. 2.
cap. 17._

CHAP. VII.

_Of their Writing, Masorites, and their Work._

_Writing_ in no Nation came to its perfection on a sudden, but by degrees: The Opinions of the Ancients concerning the Authors and Inventers of letters are different. Some say[727] _Cadmus_ brought the use of letters into _Greece_: others say,[728] _Palamedes_: some say,[729] _Radamanthus_ brought them into _Assyria_: _Memnon_ into _Egypt_: _Hercules_ into _Phrygia_: and _Carmenta_ into _Latium_. Likewise some say the _Phœnicians_ had first the knowledge and use of letters.

_Phœnices primi (famæ si credimus) ausi_
_Mansuram rudibus vocem signare figuris._

_Lucan._

[727] _Plin. l. 7. c. 56. Diodor. Sicul. l. 6. c. 5._

[728] _Servius. lib. 2. Æneid._

[729] _Alex. Genial. l. 1. c. 30._

Others say the _Ethiopians_:[730] others the _Assyrians_.[731] But upon better grounds it is thought,[732] that _Moses first taught the use of letters to the Jews_, and that the _Phœnicians_ learned them from the _Jews_, and the _Grecians_ from the _Phœnicians_.

[730] _Diodor. Sicul. l. 4._

[731] _Plin. l. 7. c. 56._

[732] _Euseb. præpar. Evang. lib. 18._

In like manner, the matter upon which men wrote, in ruder times was different. Some wrote on _rinds of trees_, whence _Liber_, signifying originally a _rinde of a tree_, is now used for _a book_:[733] some wrote on _tile-stone_ with a _bone_ instead of a _pen_; some on _Tables_; this last was chiefly in use among the _Jews_, the _Decalogue_ was was written in two _tables_. Again, write these things upon a _table_, _Esay. 30. 8._ ἐπὶ πυξίου, saith the _Septuagint_, as if the writing-tables at that time were made of _Box-trees_. They used not then _pens_ or _quills_, but a certain instrument or _punch_, made of Iron or Steel, called _Stylus_, it was sharp at one end, for the more convenient indenting or carving of the characters, and broad at the other, for the scraping or blotting out what had been written: whence sprang that Proverbial speech:[734] _Invertere stylum_, _to unsay what he had said_, or _to blot out what he hath written_: _Scribe stilo hominis_: _write with the pen of man_, _Esay. 8. 1._ Afterward before they came to bind up books in manner as now we have them, they wrote in a roll of _Paper_ or _Parchment_, which sometimes was _ten cubits_ broad, and _twenty_ long, _Zac. 5. 2._ This they called מגלה _Megilla_, in _Hebrew_, from _Galal_, _to roll_, _Volumen_ _in Latine_, in _English a volumn_, from _volvo_, _to roll_. In the _volumn of the book_ it is written, _Psal. 40. 7._ And _Christ closing_ the Book, gave it to the Minister, _Luk. 4. 20._ the word is πτύξας, _complicans_ _folding_, or rolling it up: and _vers. 17._ ἀναπτύξας, _explicans_, _unfolding_, or opening it.[735] These _volumns_ were written not with one entire continued writing, but the writing was distinguished into many _spaces_, _columns_ or _platforms_, like unto so many _Areæ_: these _platforms_, filled with writing, were instead of so many _pages_ in a book: and thus we are to understand that _Jer. 36. 23._ When _Jehudi_ had read three or four _leaves_, he cut it with a pen-knife, _&c._ These _leaves_ were nothing else but such _spaces_, and platforms in the _roll_. After this manner the _Jews_ reserve the Law written in such _rolls_, and with such _spaces_, in their _Synagogues_ at this day.

[733] _Diogen. Laert. in vitæ Cleanthis._

[734] _Erasm. in Adag._

[735] _Buxtorf. institut. epist. p. 4._

It is much controversed, whether the _Jews_ did from the beginning write with _vowels_ and _accents_, or whether they were added by the _Masorites_; for the understanding of which, it will be needful, _First_, to enquire who the _Masorites_ were: _Secondly_, what their work was; and then to deliver in a proposition what may be probably thought in this point.

First, concerning the _Masorites_, we are to know that מסר _Masar_ signifieth _tradere_, _to deliver_, and _Masor_ _a tradition_, delivered from hand to hand to posterity without writing, as the _Pythagoreans_ and _Druides_ were wont to do; but by the figure _Synecdoche_, it signifieth those _critical notes_ or _Scholion_, written in the margine of the Bible, and those that were the Authors of those _critical observations_ were termed _Masoritæ_, _Masorites_. Concerning these Authors, who they were there are two opinions. Some[736] think that they were certain learned _Jews_ living in the City _Tiberias_, they termed them _Sapientes Tiberiadis_, _the wise men of Tiberias_. These _wise men_ are thought to have added these _marginal notes_ unto the _Hebrew Bibles_[737] some time after the finishing of the _Babylon Talmud_, which was about the year of our _Lord_, 506. This opinion is unlikely for these two reasons. 1.[738] Because we cannot find in Histories, the continuance of any Colledg or School in _Tiberias_ so long, but rather that _degrees in learning_ ceased there within four hundred years after our _Saviour his birth_. 2.[739] In both _Talmuds_ mention is made of the _Masora_, and the things contained therein. Others therefore more probably say,[740] that the _Masorites_ were that _Ecclesiastical Senate_ or _Council_ held by _Esra, Haggai, Zachary, Malachi_, and divers others assembled for the reformation of the Church after their return from _Babylon_; they are called _Viri Synagogæ magnæ_. This _Council_ continued at least forty years: for _Simeon the just_, who went out in his _Priestly robes_, to meet and pacifie _Alexander the Great_, coming in hostile manner against _Jerusalem_,[741] was the last of that _Council_, and that was above three hundred years before the birth of our _Saviour_. _Esra_ was the _President_ or Chief of this _Council_; he was of such repute among the _Jews_, that they parallel’d him with _Moses_, saying,[742] _Dignus erat_ Esra, _quod data fuisset lex per manus ejus_ Israeli, _si non præcessisset eum_ Moses.

[736] _Aben Esra vid. Buxt. commen. Masor. c. 3._

[737] _Elias Levita in præfat. tertia l. Masoreth hammasoreth._

[738] _Buxtorf. in comment. Masor. c. 7._

[739] _Buxtorf. in comment. Masor. c. 8._

[740] _R. Asarias. R. Gedalia. Buxtor. in comment. Masor. c. 11._

[741] _Pirke Aboth. c. 1._

[742] _Talmud. Sanhedrim. c. 2. fol. 21._

In the second place we are to consider the _work_, what the men of this great _Synagogue_, being the true _Masorites_, did: their work may be reduced to these particulars. 1. When this great _Council_ was assembled, they, among whom _Ezra_ was chief (who was assisted with the inspiration of _Gods Spirit_)[743] determined what _Books_ were _Canonical_, what _spurious_ and _Apocryphal_. _Secondly_,[744] the _authentick_ and _Canonical Books_, were purged by them, of all errors crept into the Text in time of their captivity. _Thirdly_,[745] they digested the _Old Testament_ into _twenty two books_, according to the number of the _Hebrew letters_. _Fourthly_, they distinguisht it into great _Sections_ and _Verses_; for though the Law was not so confusedly written, without any space or note of distinction between word and word that it seemed all one _continued verse_, or as the _Kabbalists_ speak, תיבה אחת _Theba achath_, _one word_, until the time of the _Masorites_; yet it was not so distinguisht into _Sections_ and _Verses_, as now we have it. _Fifthly_, they added their censures and _critical observations_, concerning the irregularity of many words, in respect of the _vowels_ and _accents_. _Sixthly_, they numbered the _verses_, _words_, and _letters_ of every Book, to prevent all possibility of corrupting the Text in future times; for now they say, the gift of Prophesie should cease. _Lastly_, they noted the _different writing_, and _different reading_, for the understanding of which we must know, that in the _Hebrew_ Text many words are written with more, many with _fewer letters_, than they are pronounced; many words _written_ in the Text which are not _pronounced, &c._[746] In the margin the difference is expressed: whence the difference in the Text they term כתב _Cethib_, _Scriptionem_, the writing; the difference in the margin they term קרי _Keri_, _Lectionem_, the Reading: because they do read according to that in the margin. This difference is thought by some[747] to be a correction of the Bible, according to several copies after their return from _Babylon_: but, that it is of _Divine Authority_, containing many mysteries known to _Moses_, and the _Prophets_ successively (though many of them unknown to our Age) and that it was not any correction, but the difference it self primarily and purposely was intended by the _Prophets_, and holy Penmen of the Scripture, evidently appeareth by the diversity of readings in those books which were written by _Haggai_, _Zachary_, _Malachi_, _Daniel_, and _Esra_: They being the Authors of their own books, needed no _correction_ at that time, themselves being present, yet in them this _different reading_ is used.

[743] _Buxtorf. in comment. Masor. c. 11._

[744] _Tertull. l. de habit. muliebr. Chrysost. hom. 8. ad
Hebræos. Irenæus adver. hæres. lib. 3. c. 25. August. de mirab.
sacræ, script. l. 2. circa finem._

[745] _Genebrard. l. 2. Chronolog._

[746] _Sunt octo voces quæ scriptæ sunt in textu, sed non
leguntur quas adducit. Masora, Ruth. 3. 12._

[747] _Contra hos disputat Elias Levita in præfat. 3. l.
masoreth hammasoreth._

In the third place, the Proposition followeth; namely, _Seeing that the_ Masorites _passed their censure on many words for their irregularity in their vowels and accents_; therefore, _the vowels originally were not from the_ Masorites, _but of the same antiquity with their words_; and in truth, otherwise they had been a _body or carkass without a soul_.

CHAP. VIII.

_Of Israels pitching their Tents, or of their Camps._

Whiles the _Israelites_ wandred thorow the Wilderness, their _Church_ was a _Tabernacle_; and their _habitations_, _Tents_: so that their whole _Camp_ might be termed a _moveable City_. It was divided into three parts. In the centre or middle of all was the _Tabernacle_ it self, with its _Courts_, this they termed the _Camp of the Divine Majesty_. Next round about, pitcht the _Priests_ and _Levites_, to whom the charge of the _Tabernacle_ belonged, (and therefore the nearest adjoyning place of habitation might be the convenientest for them) this was called the _camp of Levi_. In the utter parts, round about _Levi_, the _twelve Tribes_ pitcht their Tents; this they termed the _Camp of Israel_. The first _Camp_ resembled a great _Cathedral Church_, with its _Church-yard_. The _second_ a Priviledg-place _about the Church_, as it were for _Colledges_ for the habitation of the _Clergy_. The _third_, the _body of a City_, wherein the _Towns-men_ or _Laity_ dwelt. The form of the whole, is probably thought to be _four-square_, some say _twelve miles long_, and _twelve miles broad_.[748]

[748] _Uziel. Num. 2. 3._