Chapter CXXIX: Section 4: This order shall enter into force upon its proclamation (2)

For more than 6 years now I have been engaged in building up the German armed forces. During this period more than 90 billion Reichsmark were spent building up the Wehrmacht. Today, ours are the best equipped armed forces in the world and they are far superior to those of 1914. My confidence in them can never be shaken.

If I call upon the Wehrmacht and if I ask sacrifices of the German people and, if necessary, unlimited sacrifices, then I am in the right to do so, for I myself am just as ready today as I was in the past to make every personal sacrifice. I don’t ask anything of any German which I myself was not prepared to do at any moment for more than four years. There shall not be any deprivations for Germans in which I myself shall not immediately share. From this moment on my whole life shall belong more than ever to my people. I now want to be nothing but the first soldier of the German Reich.

Thus I have put on once again the coat which has always been the most sacred and dearest to me. I shall not put it aside until after victory--or I shall not live to see the end.

Should anything happen to me in this war, my first successor shall be Party member Goering. Should anything happen to Party member Goering, his successor shall be Party member Hess. To these men as your leaders you would then owe the same absolute loyalty and obedience that you owe to me. In the event that something fatal should happen to Party Member Hess, I am about to make legal provisions for the convocation of a senate appointed by me, who shall then elect the worthiest, that is to say the most valiant among themselves.

As a National Socialist and a German soldier I enter upon this fight with a stout heart! My whole life has been but one continuous struggle for my people, for its resurrection, for Germany, and this whole struggle has been inspired by one single conviction: faith in this people!

One word I have never known: capitulation. And if there was anybody who’d think that hard times are ahead of us I’d like him not to forget the fact that at one time a Prussian king with a ridiculously small staff confronted one of the greatest coalitions ever known and came forth victoriously after three campaigns because he possessed that strong and firm faith which is required of us in these times.

As for the rest of the world, I can only assure them that a November 1918 shall never occur again in German history.

I ask of every German what I myself am prepared to do at any moment: to be ready to pay with his life for his people and for his country.

Whoever believes to have a chance to evade this patriotic duty directly or indirectly, shall perish. We will have nothing to do with traitors. We all are acting only in accordance with our old principle: our own life matters nothing, all that matters is that our people, that Germany shall live.

I expect of you, as deputies of the Reich, that you will do your duty in whatever position you are called upon to fill. You must carry the banner of resistance, cost what may. Let no one report to me at any time that in his province, in his district or in his group or in his cell the morale is low. Bearers, responsible bearers of the morale are you! I am responsible for the province your district! None has the right to shun this responsibility. The sacrifice that is demanded of us is not greater than the sacrifice which has been made by many generations in the past. All those men who before us have traveled the most bitter and hardest road did nothing different from what we are called upon to do; the sacrifice they made was no less costly, no less painful, and therefore no easier than the sacrifice that may be demanded of us.

I also expect every German woman to take her place with unflinching discipline in this great fighting community.

German youth, needless to say, will do with heart and soul what is expected and demanded of it by the nation and by the National Socialist State.

If we form this community, forged together, ready for everything, determined never to capitulate, then our strong will shall master every emergency.

I conclude with the words with which I once started my fight for power in the Reich. At that time I said: “If our will is so strong that it cannot be broken through any distress, then our will and our German state will be able to master and subjugate distress.”

Germany--Sieg Heil!

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2324-PS

RECONSTRUCTION OF A NATION

Hermann Goering, Aufbau Einer Nation (1934)

[Pages 86-87]

I declared at that time before thousands of fellow Germans, each bullet which leaves the barrel of a police pistol now, is my bullet. If one calls this murder, then I have murdered; I ordered all this, I back it up; I assume the responsibility, and I am not afraid to do so.

Through a network of outer offices converging into the headquarters in Berlin, I am daily, one could almost say hourly, informed about everything that happens in widespread Prussia.

[Page 89]

We had to deal ruthlessly with these enemies of the state. It must not be forgotten that at the moment of our seizure of power over 6 million people officially voted for communism and about 8 million for marxism in the Reichstag elections in March.

Thus the concentration camps were created, to which we had to send first all the thousands of functionaries of the Communist and Social Democratic parties.

[Page 92]

The Gestapo deserves a great deal of credit for the success of the revolution and for the consolidation of its achievements. Right in the middle of this constructive work, occurred the blaze that destroyed the high cupola and the auditorium of the Reichstag. Criminal hands had set this fire, had put the German Reichstag in flames, in order to give a last beacon to dying Communism, so that it could make one last desperate thrust before the Hitler government was consolidated. The blaze was to be the signal for the Communist party for general terror, for a general uprising and for civil war. That it did not have these consequences, Germany and the world owe not to the noble motives of Communism, but solely to the iron resolution and the hard fist of Adolf Hitler and his closest collaborators, who struck more quickly than the enemy had expected, and harder than he could imagine, and with the first blow suppressed Communism once and for all.

That night, when I ordered the arrest of 4,000 Communist functionaries, I knew that by dawn Communism had lost a great battle.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2325-PS

1935 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 470

Decree on the Execution of Article 118 of the German Municipal Order,
26 March 1935.

On the basis of Article 118 of the German municipal order of 30 January, 1935 (Reichsgesetzblatt I, p. 49) I decree:

Article 1

The Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor reserves for himself the duties of the commissioner for the NSDAP for the city of Munich.

Article 2

1. The gauleiter appoints as commissioner for the NSDAP:

_a._ The Kreisleiter for communities belonging to a Kreis [“Kreis,” an administrative district].

_b._ The Kreisleiter for Stadtkreise [city districts] or, one of the Kreisleiters, in case there are several party districts within one city district.

* * * * * * *

Munich, 26 March 1935

The Deputy of the Fuehrer
R. HESS
Reich Minister without Portfolio.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2326-PS

1936 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 893

Reich Principles Regarding Recruiting, Appointment, and promotion of
Reich and Provincial Officials, October 14, 1936.

* * *

PROMOTION

Article 8

Only that official can be promoted who, besides absolutely fulfilling his general duties;

_a._ In consideration of his former political attitude offers absolute guarantee therefor, and has proved since January 30, 1933, that he takes the part of the National Socialist State at all times and represents it effectively.

_b._ Has given documentary proof that he and his spouse are of German or related blood (Article 1 a. paragraph 3 of the Reich officials law).

_c._ In his official achievements and abilities, completely fulfills the demands of the higher office. Length of service alone does not justify promotion in any case.

* * * * * * *

Berchtesgaden, 14 October 1936.

The Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor
ADOLF HITLER

The Reich Minister of Interior
FRICK

For the Reich Minister of Finance
REINHARDT

The Deputy of the Fuehrer
R. HESS
Minister without Portfolio

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2327-PS

_TOP SECRET_

Third Army Group
Ia Nr. 150/39 g.K. Chiefs
Re: Fall Weiss
Top Secret (Chefsache)
“Only by officer”

Dresden 6.14.1939

20 Copies

Control No. 8

1. The commander-in-chief of the army has ordered the working out of a _plan of deployment against Poland_ which takes in account the demands of the political leadership for the opening of war by surprise and for quick success.

2. The order of deployment by the High Command, “Fall Weiss” authorizes the Third Army Group (in Fall Weiss 8th Army Headquarters) to give necessary directions and orders to all commands subordinated to it for “Fall Weiss.”

3. Enclosed are sent:

_a._ Aims of the operation (Enclosure 1).
_b._ Organization of the forces (Enclosure 2).
_c._ Survey of arrival (Enclosure 3).
_d._ Signal Communication (Enclosure 4).
_e._ Regulations for the supply (Enclosure 5 will follow).
_f._ Enemy situation (Enclosure 6).
_g._ Directions for execution (Enclosure 7).

4. The order of deployment “Fall Weiss” will be put into operation on 20 August 1939; all preparations have to be concluded by this date.

The former deployments “Case West” and “Case East” are valid until 19 August 1939.

5. For the instruction on the tasks due to this order for deployment, the principles of order OKH Genstb d.H.--1 Division (Ib Nr. 2000/36 top secret of 12.19.36) are to be applied.

The instruction can be carried down to the responsible officers of the corps commands to the Division Commanders (G-3 (Ia) and G-4 (Ib)) of the divisions and the commandants and staff officers of the Garrison Headquarters. Permission to inform further persons must be requested by names. Communication with the SS-Leibstandarte Adolf Hitler must be instituted only by special order. The order for their commitment is to be prepared.

6. Tenth Corps Command (Gen KdX) and XIII Corps and lo. Div. can perform the necessary reconnaissance in Silesia while observing the appropriate precautionary measures (civilian clothes, motor vehicle, with civilian license number).

7. The whole correspondence on “Fall Weiss” has to be conducted under the classification Top Secret [Chefsache]. This is to be disregarded only if the content of a document, in the judgment of the chief of the responsible command is harmless in every way--even in connection with other documents.

8. For the middle of July a conference is planned where details on the execution will be discussed. Time and place will be ordered later on. Special requests are to be communicated to Third Army Group before 10 July.

9. I declare it the duty of the Commanding Generals, the divisional commanders and the commandants to limit as much as possible the number of persons who will be informed, and to limit the extent of the information, and ask that all suitable measures be taken to prevent persons not concerned from getting information.

Commander-in-Chief of Army Group 3
Signed F. Blaskowitz.

# # # # #

TOP SECRET

Enclosure 1 to 3rd Army Group
Ia Nr. 150/39
g-Kdo. Chefs of 14 June 1939

TOP SECRET [GKdos]
“Only by officer”
Top Secret [Chefsache]

20 Copies

Control No. 8

Aims of Operation “Fall Weiss”

1. _a._ The operation, in order to forestall an orderly Polish mobilization and concentration, is to be opened by surprise with forces which are for the most part armored and motorized, placed on alert in the neighborhood of the border. The initial superiority over the Polish frontier-guards and surprise that can be expected with certainty are to be maintained by quickly bringing up other parts of the army as well to counteract the marching up of the Polish Army.

_Accordingly all units have to keep the initiative against the foe by quick acting and ruthless attacks._

_b._ If the development of the Political situation should show that a surprise at the beginning of the war is out of question, because of well advanced defense preparations on the part of the Polish Army, the Commander-in-Chief of the army will order the opening of the hostilities only after the assembling of sufficient additional forces. The basis of all preparations will be to surprise the enemy.

Case b--is to be prepared in theory by the High Command only so that necessary changes can be quickly carried out.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2329-PS

SECRET

[Stamp]
Top Secret
Through officers only
The Commander in Chief of the Army
Operations Section (Ia)
General Staff of the Army

HQ, Army High Command

No. 4402/39 Secret

7, October 1939.
11 copies,
2nd copy

General von Beck takes over command of the newly formed Army Group B on 10th October 1939 at 12.00 hours.

Task of Army Group B is the protection of the German boundary from the mouth of the Ems to the line of demarcation with Army Group C. For this task Army Group B holds the western fortifications; the resistance begins on the border.

The Dutch border between Ems and Rhine is to be observed only.

At the same time, Army Group B has to make all preparations according to special orders, for immediate invasion of Dutch and Belgian territory if the political situation so demands.

The order for the occupation is given by the Army High Command; until then, any border isolation of Dutch or Belgian territory must be avoided most carefully.

signed von Brauchitsch
certified Hensinger.
[signature] Jaiymyer

_Distribution_

Army Group B} by telegraph
Army Group C}

[Handwritten notes]
Chief J. N. W
8-10-39

Supreme Hq

Chief of Army Signal Corps

Chief of Quartermaster IV

Org Department

Gen of Air Force with Commander in Chief of the Army operation

Insp F 9/10 Me 10oo2/39 g. K.
Ju 8-10

Department (1a, 11, 111)
[Hand written notes]
Archives of the Army.
21st Army Group 6623 (9) F A LIL

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2330-PS

COPY

Nurnberg
August 29, 1935

Police Headquarters; Nurnberg-Fuerth

Re: Protective Custody.

Order for Protective Custody

On the basis of Article 1 of the VI of the Reich President for the protection of people and state, of 28 Feb., 1933 (RGBl I, p. 83) the ministerial decree of May 2, 1934, No. 2186 a 39, herewith is taken into protective custody:

Effective as of 3 August 35:

First and last name: Josef Simon

Place and date of birth: May 23, 1865 in Schneppenbach, B. A. Alzenan.

Marital Status and Profession: Widowed, former Trade Union Secretary.

Citizenship: Subject of the German Reich.

Religion: Free thinker.

Place of residence: Nurnberg-N. Ziegelsteinstr. 106

The arrestee has no right to appeal against the decreed protective custody.

Reasons:

Simon was for many years a member of the Socialist Party and temporarily a member of the Union Socialiste Populaire. From 1907 to 1918 he was Landtag deputy of the Socialist Party; from 1908 to 1930 Social Democratic City Counsellor [Stadtrat] in Nurnberg. In view of the decisive role which Simon played in the international trade unions and in regard to his connection with international Marxist leaders and central agencies, which he continued after the national recovery, he was placed under protective custody on 3 May, 1933, and was kept, until 25 January 1934, in the Dachau Concentration Camp. Simon is under the urgent suspicion that even after this date he played an active part in the illegal continuation of the Socialist Party. He took part in meetings which aimed at the illegal continuation of the Socialist Party and propagation of illegal marxist printed matter in Germany.

Through this radical attitude which is hostile to the State, Simon directly endangers public security and order.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2331-PS

Bavarian Political Police Nurnberg, 20 December 1935

_Declaration_

I have been informed that I shall be released from protective custody, and that I have to expect to be taken into protective custody again in case that I should behave in a manner inimical to the State, or if I should be active in this sense.

I have been informed that, for my physical protection I may return into protective custody upon my own request.

I have been informed that I have to report in person at the Gend. Station Ziegelstein, competent for my residence, on every second day of the week at the same hour.

[signed] Josef Simon

Simon Josef, residing Nurnberg-N, Ziegelstein St. 106, widower, trade union secretary; born 23 May 1865 at Schneppenbach.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2332-PS

Concentration Camp Flossenbuerg

Az II. Political Department/Sch.

Flossenbuerg, 22 December 1941.

To Frau Grete Staimer, Nurnberg.

In reply to your letter of 12 December 1941, enclosed please find the desired death certificate. At the same time I certify that the cremation has taken place in the crematorium of Flossenbuerg.

After the submission of a burial certificate from the competent cemetery officials the urn with the ashes can be sent to you free of charge.

The Camp Commander
By order of
(Signed) Fassbinder
Official Secretary.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2333-PS

Police Presidium, Nurnberg-Fuerth

Protective Police [Schutzpolizei] 3rd Police District

Nurnberg, 29 Dec. 1941

To Frau Elise Herrmann, Nurnberg, Juvenllestr. No. 26

Your husband, Paul Herrmann, died of an infection in the concentration camp, Flossenbuerg, on December 28, 1941.

The corpse cannot be inspected because of the danger of infection.

The cremation will take place in the crematory of Flossenbuerg.

The Secret State Police Office
Nurnberg-Fuerth
/s/ Mueller

Authenticated
[illegible]
District Police Lt.

* * *

Death-Certificate

No. 7/1942

The baker Karl Herrmann, Lutheran Religion

Residence:

Flossenbuerg Concentration Camp
died on 28 December 1941 at 1400 hours
in Flossenbuerg Concentration Camp

The deceased was born 24 November 1873 in Wassertruedingen.

The deceased was married to Elise, nee Steiner, Nurnberg.

Flossenbuerg, 2 January 1942

[Stamp of Registrar, Flossenbuerg/Oberpfalz]

The Registrar:
/s/ Jaum

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2334-PS

Statement of Lorenz Hagen

During the night of 17th to 18th March 1933, the offices of the ADGB [Allgemeiner Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund; German Trade Unions], which are located in Nurnberg, Breite Gasse 25/27, as well as the offices of the Builders’ Union and the Unions of the Bookbinders, Bookprinters, Lithographers, Textile Workers and Carpenters were completely destroyed by the SA under the leadership of SA-Brigadier General [SA-Oberfuehrer] Wurzbacher. All the office furniture was smashed and thrown into the courtyard, the safes overturned, forced open from the back and robbed. The typewriters, adding machines, mimeograph machines, etc., were stolen.

The ADGB possessed a huge library of about 10,000 volumes for the use of its members. Every single book was torn and thrown into the courtyard.

The Workers’ Secretariat, which was joined to the ADGB, had an extensive professional library of about 500 volumes, among them valuable works on literature of social security and labor legislation. These were also thrown out and torn to pieces. A similar fate met about 750 to 800 files covering the cases of beneficiaries of pensions (social, war and accident cases) whose claims for pensions were being worked on.

The SA posted continuous guards in the office building and nobody was permitted to enter. When I made the attempt to enter in spite of it, Wurzbacher said: “The Red rascal will get in but will not come out alive.” When I got in later in spite of him, the SA tried to catch me, but I escaped.

In order to guarantee the continued function of the trade union, which was most urgently needed at that time, I set up an emergency office in Nurnberg, Hummelsteinerweg. This was occupied on 2 May 1933 by SA, led by Pessler who was the District-leader [Gauobmann] of the NSBO [National Socialist Factory Cell Organization; Nationalsozialistische Betriebszellen Organisation later DAF; the German Labor Front]. Erhardt Kupfer, the district secretary of the ADGB, was arrested at that time, kicked with rifle butts and led away by the SA in shackles. As the deputy of NSBO, a certain Mueller was appointed. Three SA men guarded the office day and night. Upon seizure, Pessler’s first question to me was: “Where do you have your cars? I know you have three cars.” When I answered that I never had a personal car, he threatened to put me in jail until I would confess. When he finally realized that I did not have a car, he asked me what funds the Nurnberg local committee of the ADGB possessed. I said truthfully: “235,000 RM minus the sum stolen by the SA from the safes when they broke into the offices on the Breite Gasse and which amounted to about 4,000 RM.” Whereupon he threatened again to have me arrested but he did not do so, probably on the basis of the general order not to arrest the chairmen of the local committees [Ortsausschussvorsitzende]. I learned about this order only a few days ago.

On 1 June 1933, the deputy Mueller came into the office and asked me whether I had not been arrested yet. I said no and indicated that the night before I had been in the apartment of my mother-in-law who was severely ill. I left the office without being noticed, hurried home, packed the most necessary things, and left by bicycle with my wife. We stayed away for about five weeks, traveling from one place to another.

After returning, I was arrested towards the end of August 1933, under the charge that I had agitated against the National Government and had conducted illegal recruiting for the forbidden ADGB and the Socialdemocratic Party. When no proof could be produced, I was released, but arrested again after 3 days. This time I was accused of having had knowledge of the arsenal of the Reichsbanner (Militant Organization of German Social democrats), and that I had organized the arming of the members of the Trade Union Offices. In cross-examinations conducted over many weeks, they tried to force a confession out of me. When I did not confess anything, I was to go to the concentration camp in Dachau. However, my wife succeeded in preventing this. After 3½ months, I was released again. After this release I tried to start a business, no matter of what kind. It was in vain. Similarly, it was impossible for me to find work in my former line as engine-builder. Reason: political unreliability. Thus I lived on a weekly unemployment benefit of 14.40 marks, with my wife, until my further arrest in August 1935. At this time I was charged with participation in the so-called middle-German insurrection of 1934, and with the smuggling of illegal writings from abroad. In spite of the greatest efforts and the application of the foulest methods, such as the poorest and most inadequate food, depriving me of fresh air, threatening me with being shot and beaten, again the Gestapo did not succeed in proving anything against me. I was again set free after 12½ weeks. During this period of confinement, Kriminalrat Otto, the Gestapo-chief, tried to persuade my wife to convert me to National Socialism. He told her: “If your husband comes to us, this will be of greater value for us than the adherence of 1,000 other people. Your husband would get a position in which he would earn 3 times as much as ever before.” My wife refused consistently.

The same story as before: unemployment, occasional meagre earnings, until the next arrest on 26 January 1938. This time they did a fullsized job and arrested my wife too. We were accused of preparing high treason against the country [Hoch- und Landesverrat] as well as maintaining connections abroad. The interrogations lasted until the middle of April. The Gestapo agent Beetz had a predilection for interrogations at night. Five searchlights illuminated the spot where you were sitting. Behind and before me, and on both sides, four men sat a distance of a few meters, pointing their revolvers at me and clicking the triggers. The interrogations, which were of course always fruitless, were repeated sometimes two or three times in one night. Terms like “Greatest scoundrel,” “most common criminal,” and others were used. One morning at five o’clock, Beetz called me and said: “You know your wife has been arrested too. She had a complete breakdown and struggles with death in her cell. She expressed the wish to see you once more before her death. I am willing to grant her wish, but only if you make a full confession.” When I refused he had me taken back into my cell and in an indescribable psychic condition. Beetz asserted several times that the material at hand condemning me was sufficient for 5 years in the penitentiary. I then demanded to be taken before the investigating judge. This, however, was refused, and on 20 April 1938, I was shipped to Dachau Concentration Camp. There I came immediately into solitary confinement and had to undergo 32 days of severe bunker (strenger Bunker)-punishment. During this time I had to sleep on a wooden board without blankets, and received warm food only every 4th day. On 9 July, I was released from the bunker and taken into the camp. There I had to perform the heaviest work, in spite of my greatly weakened physical condition. One day I received from an SS guard a kick in the back which threw me against a lorry which was just passing by, and thus I broke my lower right rib. Once when a prisoner had escaped from the camp, all of the camp-inmates had to fall out after work and stand at attention in ranks throughout the night. There were 17 dead next morning. On 13 July 1939, on order of the Nurnberg-Gestapo, I was taken off work and again put into the bunker and received again 64 days of rigid bunker-arrest until 28 September 1939, and was then shipped to Buchenwald Concentration Camp. There I came into the bunker again and stayed there until my release. During the whole time in Buchenwald I had to sleep on a board without a blanket. The food in the Buchenwald camp was so inadequate and inferior that at the time of my release I was a skeleton with skin over it. I wish to add that during my transfer to Camp Buchenwald, I suffered an inguinal rupture on the left side when jumping from a railroad car.

The release from the camp was accompanied by the express warning not to reveal anything about happenings in the camp. Otherwise, I would be returned there and never would have a chance to get out again. After my return to Nurnberg, I had to report daily at 10 o’clock sharp at the main office of the Gestapo. From July 1941, I had to report twice weekly to the police station in my district. After I was completely bombed out, on 9 March 1943, the order to report was rescinded.

After this release from Camp Buchenwald, I again could not find a job anywhere, although the Gestapo had told me that if I could not show that I had a job within 6 weeks, I would be returned to the camp, since my release was tentative only. It was only due to the kindness of a textile shop owner who employed me in spite of the warnings of the Gestapo that I was not taken into protective custody again.

On 22 August 1944, I was again taken to Dachau Concentration Camp because of the attempt against Hitler’s life, and I remained there for six weeks.

I may add that I had to undergo 6 house-searches during which everything in my apartment was upset. In these instances, all books which seemed to be dangerous, magazines, pamphlets, etc., were taken away.

I was chairman of the A.D.G.B., Local Committee of Nurnberg, 1930-33.

(signed) Lorenz Hagen
Chairman of ADGB,
Local Committee of Nurnberg
formerly: Karthaeusergassergasse
Residence: Furth, Ritter v.
Aldebertstr. 3.

Today on the 17th of November 1945, I have reread each single page of the statement given by me on 19 October 1945 and I have signed it. I declare hereby under oath that this statement is true.

Signed: Lorenz Hagen

Sworn to before me this 17th day of November 1945 at the Justice Building, Nurnberg, Germany.

Signed: D. A. Sprecher, O2055516
Captain, AUS

# # # # #

Appendix to the Statement of the Chairman of the ADGB, Local Committee
of Nurnberg

When I arrived at the concentration camp at Dachau, the manager of the Stokers and Machinists Union, Josef Staimer, who had been active in the above organization until 1933, was still in the Dachau camp. He had been arrested in March 1933 and shipped to Dachau. He was released from there near the end of 1938 or the beginning of 1939.

Karl Hermann, manager of the Union of Factory Workers, pay office [Zahlstelle] of Nurnberg, was for several weeks imprisoned in the same cell with me when I was taken into protective custody in 1935 in the prison of Nurnberg. The total period of his imprisonment was about 7 weeks at that time. The reason for his arrest was to force him to give his approval of the notarial transfer of the house of the Factory Union to the DAF. As private owner of the house, Hermann had been appointed together with another colleague of his organization to be the trustee of this house by the organization. In 1943 the two above mentioned men were taken to the Concentration Camp Flensburg. In 1944 they died in the camp.

During my stay in Dachau, we had Brigadier-General [Oberfuehrer] Loritz, who was the commander of the SS-Death Head-Unit [Totenkopfstandarte] and chief camp commandant. He was a violent, brutal man. Here is only one example for this:

For a while I was occupied in an SS clothing camp with a prisoner-detachment. An SS 1st Lt. who was in the tailoring section, whose name I unfortunately do not recall, sent a prisoner to the gate of the building on which there was a clock to find out what time it was. Loritz caught sight of the man, struck at him with his riding-whip and had his name taken. When the detachment returned at noon, the man was led away and without being allowed to defend himself, he received 25 lashings [stockhiebe] and 3 days arrest with water and bread. The rest of the detachment had to stand at attention during the noon recess and return to work without eating. The camp commander of Dachau at that time was Captain Koegel, who was transferred in September 1938 to the concentration camp for women in Lichtenburg, near Prettin, where my wife was at the time of this transfer.

Captain Gruenewald followed him as camp commander. Gruenewald was transport commander when we were shipped to Buchenwald. I myself saw, during the unloading of the train at Weimar, how Gruenewald hit Czech arrestees, older people, in the face and neck with his fist. One of the men fell to the ground and could rise only with difficulty.

In my time, the SS-First Sergeants [Rapportfuehrer; work detail-leaders] were Hofmann from Bamberg and Luedtkemeyer, from Northern Germany. These two were also very brutal fellows, with whom beating and smacking on the pettiest grounds were the order of the day for satisfying their sadistic inclinations.

[signed] Lorenz Hagen
Residence: Furth, Ritter v.
Aldebertstr. 3.
Office: Nurnberg, formerly
Krathausergasse 12.

Today, on the 17th of November 1945, I have reread a duplicate copy of the appendix, which is an exact copy of the appendix to my statement of 19 October 1945. I have found that this statement is true. I declare this hereby under oath.

[signed] Lorenz Hagen
Lorenz Hagen

Sworn to before me this 17th day of November 1945 at the Justice Building, Nurnberg, Germany.

D. A. Sprecher, O2055516
Captain, AUS

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2335-PS

Josef Simon, born May 23, 1865

Since 1900, first chairman of the German shoemakers Union, located in Nurnberg.

In April, 1933, Georg Pessler, Nurnberg, Guntherstr. 33/I, the deputy assigned by the Nazis for the trade unions, came into our office, Essenweinstrasse 1 and declared that trade union dues were embezzled there. When we asserted that no embezzlements had occurred in our office, he asked for the cash book which we submitted to him. After turning the pages for a short while, he declared: “25,000 Marks are missing”. He put the cash book into the safe, closed the safe and gave the key to the policeman, who had come with him.

We asked for an official public accountant to examine the books. A few days later the accountant, who had been assigned by Pessler, arrived and after checking he ascertained that with a cash amount of 4¼ millions there was a surplus of 13 pfennigs in the safe. In spite of this testimony, Pessler did not return the keys of the safe to us, closed our bank and checking accounts and asserted in meetings of factories that we had embezzled union dues. Only 3 weeks later could we get the keys of the safe again with the aid of the police.

On 2 May 1933, our office in Nurnberg was occupied; I myself had gone to Berlin on 1 May, because a meeting of the ADGB [Allgemeiner Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund: German Trade Unions] was to take place there on 2 May. The trade union building there was occupied and the majority of the officials were arrested.

I was arrested on 3 May at 6 a. m., in my apartment in Berlin at the request of the Criminal Police of Nurnberg. After being kept in police custody in Berlin until 9 May, I was taken to the prison in Nurnberg and was shipped to the Dachau concentration camp on 30 June together with other arrested people (the social-democratic City Counsellors [Stadtraete] of Nurnberg). In Dachau the SS Guards had stirred up the Communists who had been imprisoned there for quite some time with these words: “Today your tormentors [Bonzen] will arrive, give them a nice welcome”. It was only due to the insight of a few reasonable Communists that they kept their comrades from violent acts; nevertheless, we were greeted in the camp with the vilest invectives. If it had come to acts of violence, we would of course have defended ourselves and then the SS would have shot at the people, fighting with each other. That was the intention of the SS as we learned later.

The Communist Scheberle from Roothenbach near Lauf was Camp Senior and was in charge of assigning work details. He made us who had come in on 30 June fall out early on 1 July; we had to form ranks and then he shouted: “Reichstag deputy Simon step forward!” In this way a considerable number, particularly those who had had some responsible job, were called up and then we were led by the SS to work. I was ordered to collect horse dung which was lying on the roads of the camp with my bare hands, without shovel or broom and to carry it to a nearby container. Since I did not bend down fast enough in the opinion of my guard, an SS man about 19-20 years, he yelled at me and demanded faster work. I answered: “When you will be 68 years old and have sciatica, you will not bend down so fast either”. By collecting the partly wet horse dung, my hands were soiled very much. When the work was finished, I asked the guard whether I could wash my hands at the water hydrant. He refused with the words: “No, you can go and eat with them”. In the afternoon we had to fall out again and were assigned for work. I was ordered together with 19 other prisoners (among them, the meanwhile deceased “Kupfer”, district leader of the ADGB) for work in the kitchen. There we had to clean the still very hot food-kettles. Since the circumference of the kettle was so big that we could not reach the other end, we had to crawl into the hot kettles which almost burnt our shoes. Bathed in sweat, we had to perform the work. When this was over, we had to line up in a group to have our photographs taken. I was in the center and a ready-made sign was hung around my neck which bore the inscription: “I am a class conscious Socialdemocratic tormentor [Bonze].” Twice I tore the sign off and left it hanging only after having been threatened with beatings. After the pictures were taken, the younger ones had to fall in line and after the command “Attention” was given, the commander went to the rear and commanded “Forward march”, then “halt”, and said: “Repeat the following words: Fuehrer, we thank you that today for the first time we were able to perform some honest work”. Then I was to go with the penal company to the gravel-pit. My son who was also in Dachau asked to go to the penal company instead of me. That was granted. Gradually, I was no longer assigned to work details. Anyhow there was a regulation that people over 65 should not be assigned to work any longer. In spite of this regulation, I, with my 68 years, was treated as mentioned above.

I was not mistreated, but at each and every opportunity abused with vile invectives. After almost 9 months of protective custody, among them 7 months in Dachau, I was released on 25 January 1934. Though I had to report every other day in Nurnberg to the police and was watched by the Gestapo.

At the beginning of August 1935, I was rearrested on the following grounds: “Simon was for many years a member of the Socialdemocratic Party and for a while of the Independent Socialdemocratic Party. From 1907 to 1918 he was Landtagdeputy of the Socialdemocratic Party and from 1908 to 1930 Social Democratic City Counsellor [Stadtrat] in Nurnberg. In view of the decisive role which Simon played in international trade unionism and in regard to his connections to international Marxist leaders and central agencies which he continued after the National Revolution, he was placed under protective custody on 3 May 1933 and was kept until 25 January 1934 in the Dachau Concentration Camp. Simon is under the grave suspicion that even after this date he worked for the illegal continuation of the Socialdemocratic. He took part in meetings which aimed at the illegal continuation of the Socialdemocratic Party and at the propagation of illegal Marxist printed matter in Germany.

Through this radical attitude, hostile to the State, Simon directly endangers public order and safety.”

I was released from this protective custody on 20 December 1935. But it was this protective custody which caused much psychic suffering to me and undermined my health.

When in 1934 we were released from Dachau, the commander “Eicke” delivered an address, at the end of which he said: “Remember this, whoever returns here does not get out any more.” Now I was afraid every day to get to Dachau again, and I was repeatedly threatened with it. Therefore, I suffered strongly in body and soul. My heart and nerves were particularly affected and there was in addition the bad food. When I was released on 20 December, I was already sick. Nevertheless, I had to report to the police every other day. When on 27 December I wanted to fulfill again my obligation to report there, I collapsed and lost consciousness in the garden of the police building. The ambulance took me home and I was unconscious for almost 3 hours. I recovered only gradually but since that time I suffer from a weak heart.

[signed] Josef Simon
Nurnberg, 18 October 1945

I hereby declare under oath the correctness of the above statement which oath is given by me on this thirteenth day of November 1945 at Nurnberg, Justice Building, before Captain D. A. Sprecher, AUS.

[signed] Josef Simon
Josef Simon

Sworn to before me, this 13th day of November 1945 in the Justice Building, in Nurnberg, Germany.

[signed] D. A. Sprecher
D. A. Sprecher, O2055516, Capt., AUS

# # # # #

Josef Simon, Nurnberg, Ziegelsteinstr. 106

As above already stated in my report on my arrest, my son Willi was also arrested on 29 June and taken to Dachau Concentration Camp. Nothing could be proved against him, except that he was my son. My son “Josef” was to be arrested also and taken to Dachau. He avoided being arrested by fleeing and going via Schleswig-Holstein to Denmark, where he lives and works at present as a refugee.

My son Willi was asked by the SS guards in Dachau what sort of post he held. When he answered that he had had none, he was slapped in the face and ordered to confess, and at each declaration that he had no post he was slapped in the face again and again. Then the SS men poured water out in the basement of the washhouse and while my son had to wipe it off with a little rag he was beaten several times. After he had wiped up the water, the basement was drenched again with water and under further beatings he again had to wipe up the water.

During bathings in the winter of 1933 the prisoners who in the opinion of the SS did not get ready soon enough in the cold washroom were sprayed with a hose while half-dressed and chased outside. Because of the wet clothing my son contracted a severe cold in the form of an arthritis of the hip. He came into the dispensary. The pains became worse all the time and finally he was taken to a clinic in Munich for examination. The physician declared that my son had to remain in the clinic for treatment. This, however, was refused by the accompanying SS and he was taken to Dachau again, where he was again taken to the dispensary. I visited him in the dispensary and asked the medic to put his bed near the stove, a request that was granted. Only after several weeks did the condition of my son improve, and on 18 January 1934 he was released from Dachau.

For the truth of the above statements vouches.

[signed] Josef Simon
Nurnberg, 23 October 1945

I have again read carefully the report submitted by me on 23 October 1945 and I hereby declare under oath that the content is true. This statement is herewith made by me today, the 13 November 1945 at Nurnberg, in the Justice Building before Captain D. A. Sprecher, AUS.

[signed] Josef Simon
Josef Simon

Sworn to before me, this 13th day of November 1945 in the Justice Building, Nurnberg, Germany.

[signed] D. A. Sprecher
D. A. Sprecher O2055516
Captain, Army of the United States

# # # # #

Josef Simon, Nurnberg, Ziegelsteinstr. 106.

Karl Hermann, official of the Union of the Factory Workers, was arrested together with Staimer, on the denunciation by his nephew that he had together with Staimer, listened to foreign radio stations; they were shipped to the concentration camp Flossenbuerg in the Oberpfalz. There he was slain and the ashes were sent to his family.

I cannot name witnesses for this deed, but I attach a death certificate sent to his family. [See Document 2333-PS]

I vouch for the truth of the above statements.

[signed] Josef Simon
Nurnberg, 23 October 1945

# # # # #

Josef Simon

Nurnberg

Ziegelsteinstr. 106

When I was shipped on 30 June 1933 to the Dachau Concentration Camp, I met there Josef Staimer, an official of the Unions of Stokers and Machinists, who had already been arrested in April and sent to Dachau. As far as I remember, he was not released from Dachau until 1938.

In 1940, Staimer together with Hermann was arrested again on the basis of a denunciation and came to Flossenbuerg Concentration Camp in the Oberpfalz. He was slain there after a few months and burned in the Crematorium. The ashes were sent to his family.

I cannot name witnesses for this deed, but I attach a death certificate sent to his family. [See Document 2332-PS]

For the truth of the above statements vouches.

[signed] Josef Simon

Nurnberg, 23 October 1945

I have reread carefully both reports, as submitted by me on 23 October 1945, and declare herewith under oath, that the content is true. This statement is herewith made by me today, the 13th of November 1945 at Nurnberg, in the Justice Building before Captain D. A. Sprecher, AUS.

[signed] Josef Simon
Josef Simon

Sworn to before me, this 13th day of November 1945 in the Justice Building in Nurnberg, Germany.

[signed] D. A. Sprecher
D. A. Sprecher, O2055516, Captain, AUS.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2336-PS

GERMAN LABOR FRONT

_Organization Office_

Chief Directorate of the Political Organization [P.O.] National
Socialist Factory Cells Organization

Berlin W., 27 June 1933
Luetzowufer 18, II

SPECIAL CIRCULAR

on the Securing of the Associations of the German Labor Front [DAF]
Against Hidden Marxist Sabotage.

To all:

Leaders of Worker and Employee Associations of the DAF Regional
[Bezirke],

District [Kreis] and Local Chapter Directorate [Ortsgruppenleitungen]
of the Worker and Employee Associations of the DAF,

Regional Leaders of the DAF,

Regional Leaders of German industry

and

National Socialist Works Organization [N.S.B.O.] of

“Landes” Representatives of the NSDAP

“Gau” Factory Cell Leaders of the NSDAP

District Factory Cell Leaders of the NSDAP

Local Chapter Factory Workers [Ortsgruppenbetriebswarte] of the NSDAP
in Berlin and the Reich.

[Stamp]

Main Archives of the NSDAP No.____

[Stamp]
Entered in the index of books
3 A/C current No. A-202.

# # # # #

Dear Party comrades.

The Situation

Today the third SA-man from Berlin has died, following on the burial yesterday, with the greatest ceremony, of his two comrades. The murderer was _a Marxist trade union member_.--A few days ago SA-men were fired at by _Marxists_ in two other cities of the Reich.--Enemy aircraft dropped revolutionary _Marxist_ leaflets over Berlin.--Shortly before the final edition of today’s local newspapers came out, it became known that a gigantic new scandal of corruption has been discovered in a land settlement society. The former _Marxist_ “Gau” chairman of the Textile Workers’ Union [Textilarbeiter-Verbandes] has been arrested as the chief swine and money maker. In Silesia signs have been discovered of a secret _Marxist_ organization (Communist Party).

This is a small selection of daily events, chosen at random. _Marxists as murderers, Marxists as inciters to corruption, Marxists as foreign agents, Marxists as conspirators against the state and its institutions._ The notorious enemies of the state are opposed by the great mass of honest German workers who fight for work and bread. For fourteen years the “labor leaders” of Prague, Paris, Amsterdam, Warsaw gave to the millions of German workers _stones_ instead of bread, _servitude to a foreign political system_ instead of liberty. The 30th January, 5th March, 2nd May, 22nd June finally struck one weapon after the other out of the hands of this “Fuehrer” mob [gesindel]. The force and thoroughness of the National Socialist coups [Aktionen] made those who did not disappear into concentration camps creep into every dark corner.

They Played Dead.

However, now the generosity of National Socialism towards its adversaries, which was rightly mentioned by party comrade Dr. Ley in one of the last decrees of the DAF leaders, seems to have encouraged them to new treasonable activities from the darkness. There is much to indicate this. Here is just a small sample from a report submitted by the Gestapo, Berlin:

The functionaries of the free trade unions have received instructions to dismiss the assertions of the National Socialist Works Organization regarding the former embezzlement of union funds as slanderous. What is aimed at is permanent agitation on a considerable scale, particularly with the cooperation of the treasurers of the Social Democrat Party. All trade union members who have joined the National Socialist Works Organization so as not to lose their jobs are registered with full details and then visited by functionaries in their homes. An attempt is being made to group together all “class-conscious” workers who reject Fascism. The aim is to keep the trade unions as fighting organs in spite of National Socialist leadership. The old trade union leaders are convinced even today that there is no suitable soil in Germany for the plant of Fascism; nevertheless every effort should be made to shorten its existence.

These new working methods are contrived on the instructions of the international association of trade unions with which the leading German trade unionists are, as ever, in close contact. In short, the activity of the functionaries of the Marxist parties and Trades Unions is becoming more and more effective [aktiv].

They want again, although of course considerably weakened, to use as a spring board the countless millions of German workers who long for work and bread. They shoot their arrows from ambush, try to organize themselves illegally, and now and then even assume a cynical and impertinent attitude. _But they must have got a totally wrong idea of us! We are awake!_ As new and qualified leaders of the workers and employees of the DAF and as political officials [Amtswalter] of the victorious National Socialist Works Organization, the sword of the DAF, and finally also the old, confirmed National Socialists who are accustomed to persecution, in all the leading and authoritative positions of the DAF, are, thank God, guarantees that the doings of our enemies come to nought.

Since we know that, we act accordingly. Our aim is:

1. _Expulsion of the last leading Marxist from all units of the associations of the “German Labour Front”;_

2. _Therefore no softness, no false belief that we can “convert” them, since they hate us from the very bottom of their hearts and because Marxist big-wigs [Bonzen] can never be converted;_

3. _No more financial settlements, no respecting of all their dishonestly made agreements;_

4. _Close observation and a close check on their private activities, for they carry on propaganda against the state under the cloak of honest citizens;_

5. _See to it that they are regarded by the people as outlaws who really deserved to be hanged;_

6. _Have close observation instituted in the factories;_

7. _Finally do everything that helps the German workers and the German employees but cuts off the deposed Marxist big-wigs from every type of activity hostile to the state._

_We_ have one aim only; to unite the whole of German labour in a mighty block of workers for the blessing of the people and state. _Adolf Hitler_ is the protector [Schirmheer] of the DAF--_that explains everything_.

The _Marxists_, at home and abroad, have also one aim only; to annihilate National Socialism and thus create chaos in Germany, nay, in Europe. The fronts are thus clear. The law of the National Socialist revolution demands therefore not only unceasing toil, but _fast_ work at this very moment. Therefore the following orders are issued.

A

_For the “General Association [Gesamtverband] of German Workers” of the DAF_

1. _The organization office of the DAF is drawing up a “List of Outlaws” [Geaechteten]_

_which is valid for the entire Reich and in which the names of all those Marxist trade union “big-wigs” [Bonze] will be included, who have carried on in the past and are still carrying on the most furious struggle against National Socialism and are continuing it in secret. Anyone on the “List of Outlaws”, will not be given work in the future. All organizations which have any vital connection with German industry are being sent this printed list, in order to prevent any of these traitors to the workers from returning to the factories by crooked means and possibly continuing their mutinous activity there._

_In this connection, the Association leaders [Verbandsleiter] of the “General union [Gesamtverband] of German Workers” of the DAF will issue detailed executive instructions._

2. _No treasurer (or person holding similar office) in the associations may be a Marxist because these persons have the greatest opportunity of forming illegal nucleus groups. It goes without saying that suspicious treasurers, who can of course continue their former activities in spite of the fact that they no longer have the right to collect subscriptions, should be constantly watched._

3. _The local group associations [Verbandsortssgruppe] are to be filled up as soon as possible with the members of other associations or groups who have been brought into line (Christian, former yellow, Evangelic, and Catholic workers unions, etc.) so that the block of “free” association members which has up to now been a closed community, may be split up. Public places known to have been frequented by the Social Democrat, Reichsbanner, or Communist Party, may no longer be used as meeting places of the local group association [Verbandsortsgruppen]._

B

_For the General Association [Gesamtverband] of German employees of the DAF._

_It is above all the Catholic party leaders whom the Trade Unions have taken over who should be removed from the associations, those men who, it has been ascertained, are maintaining their connections with political Catholicism just as they always have. They are dangerous because they simulate submission and cheerful cooperation while in reality they wantonly hold up our work of reconstruction and make no secret of it among themselves. For example, here is one of many reports from our intelligence service_: