Chapter IV: The Illuminati Agitation in New England (2)

[661] The elaboration of this point necessarily led to some emphasis upon the spirit of irreligion and savage persecution that had thus manifested itself, and this in turn necessitated an effort to find a way out of the embarrassment of seeming to approve this persecution. The following ingenious foot note appended to the text of the published sermon admirably illustrates the inventive resourcefulness of many a New England clergyman of the day who found it necessary to rescue himself from such an _impasse_ as Dwight’s method of exegesis produced: “In the mention of all these evils brought on the Romish Hierarchy, I beg it may be remembered, that I am far from justifying the iniquitous conduct of their persecutors. I know not that any person holds it, and all other persecutions, more in abhorrence. Neither have I a doubt of the integrity and piety of multitudes of the unhappy sufferers. In my view they claim, and I trust will receive, the commiseration, and, as occasion offers, the kind offices of all men possessed even of common humanity.” (_Ibid._, p. 9.) The truth is that in some cases Protestant clergymen in New England, out of their concern for Christianity in general, went so far as to deprecate the persecutions which Roman Catholicism suffered.

[662] Dwight offered as his sources of authority Robison’s _Proofs_ and an article on Barruel’s _Memoirs of Jacobinism_ which he had discovered in the _British Critic_.

[663] _Cf._ Dwight’s _Sermon_, p. 11.

[664] _Ibid._

[665] _Ibid._

[666] _Cf._ Dwight’s _Sermon_, pp. 11, 12.

[667] _Ibid._, p. 12.

[668] _Ibid._, p. 13.

[669] _Cf._ Dwight’s _Sermon_, p. 15.

[670] _Cf._ Dwight’s _Sermon_, pp. 20, 21.

[671] _Ibid._, p. 22.

[672] The commanding position that Dwight occupied in the Standing Order, as well as the unenviable distinction which in the eyes of the opposition belonged to him, is certified to by the fact that he was commonly referred to as “Pope Dwight.” _Cf._ Beecher, _Autobiography, Correspondence, etc._, vol. i, p. 289. _Cf._ Stiles, _Diary_, vol. ii, p. 531.

[673] The _Connecticut Journal_ of July 11, 1798, comments as follows upon New Haven’s celebration of the previous Fourth: “The exercises of the day at the Meeting-house were a Sermon by President Dwight, from the 16th chapter of Revelations, 15th verse, accompanied with prayers. An Oration by Noah Webster, jun., Esq., and sundry pieces of excellent music. We forbare [_sic_] to remark particularly on the Sermon and Oration, as the public eye will be speedily gratified in perusing them.... We shall only say that an enlightened audience, composed of the citizens of New-Haven, the members of our university, and many clergymen, civilians, and other respectable inhabitants from the adjacent towns, listened with profound attention while Doct. Dwight and Mr. Webster exposed to their view, in a feeling manner, those principles of modern philosophy which desolate Europe, and threaten the universe with mighty evils.”

[674] _An Oration, pronounced at Sharon, on the Anniversary of American Independence, 4th of July, 1798._ By John C. Smith, Litchfield, (n. d.), pp. 6 _et seq._ _Cf. ibid._, pp. 7 _et seq._

[675] _Theodore Dwight: An Oration spoken at Hartford, in the State of Connecticut, on the Anniversary of American Independence, July 4th, 1798._ Hartford, 1798, p. 23.

[676] _Ibid._ On a later page, in commenting upon Robison’s reference in his _Proofs of a Conspiracy_ to the lodges of the Illuminati which had been established in America, Dwight said: “I know not who belonged to that society in this country; but if I were about to make proselytes to illuminatism in the United States, I should in the first place apply to Thomas Jefferson, Albert Gallatin, and their political associates.” (_Ibid._, p. 30.) This early use of the outcry against the Illuminati for political purposes was prophetic.

[677] _An Oration on Party Spirit, Pronounced before the Connecticut Society of Cincinnati, convened at Hartford, for the celebration of American Independence, on the 4th of July, 1798._ By Thomas Day, (n. d.), p. 15.

[678] _Ibid._

[679] That “Censor’s” tone of moderation was assumed and not genuine is further evinced by his assertion of contempt for Robison’s _absurd_ supposition that the Illuminati had kindled the French Revolution and for his “unjustifiable attacks upon certain worthy characters.” If the Illuminati had never existed the Revolution would have occurred on account of the arbitrary and excessive despotism of the old French government, the insupportable weight of taxation, the luxury and dissipation of the nobility and clergy, the prohibition of free religious and political discussion, and the dissemination of liberal sentiments during the previous fifty years. That Robison, without sufficient warrant, should have attacked such characters as “the worthy La Fayette,” “the venerable Duke de Rochefoucault,” Dr. Priestley, _et al._, caused his book to appear as one born of “incorrigible prejudices, acting upon an inflamed imagination.” As for the author of the fast day sermon, he may judge for himself whether he was too hasty in recommending such a book to the public. The times may be full of peril, but surely this does not justify those who terrify their fellow citizens by means of groundless alarms. One’s fellow citizens also need to be put on their guard against the danger of becoming “the dupes of every foolish tale which the prejudices or ignorance of Europeans may fabricate.” Such were further comments by “Censor.” _Cf._ Day, _op. cit._

[680] These articles began in the issue of the _Mercury_ for August 3, and were continued through the issues of August 10, 14, 17, 21, 28, and 31. Because of an effort which the Reverend Josiah Bartlett made to absolve the Masons of this country of the suspicion that had been cast upon them, they found a certain continuation in the issues of the _Mercury_ for September 7, 14, 18, 21; but these are reserved for the special treatment of the Masonic aspects of the case. _Cf. infra_, pp. 330 _et seq._

[681] _Massachusetts Mercury_, Aug. 3, 1798.

[682] _Ibid._

[683] _Massachusetts Mercury_, Aug. 3, 1798.

[684] _Ibid._, Aug. 10.

[685] _Ibid._ In this connection Morse seeks to extract comfort from the fact that the editors of the _British Critic_, having compared Robison’s _Proofs_ and Barruel’s _Memoirs of Jacobinism_, have recorded their verdict that the two works are highly confirmatory of each other, “barring certain unimportant particulars.” He likewise observes that the marks of precipitation and certain faults of style and expression which some of the impartial English reviewers have been able to point out, have yet not been allowed to alter their judgment that the book as a whole is a credit to its author, and contains much valuable information. The clamor that has arisen against the book, Morse insists, is to be traced to the hostility of men who have been incensed because their secrets have been exposed. At this point it may be said in passing that Morse allowed himself to be drawn into the expression of a sentiment, gratuitous in its nature, which served to precipitate the very thing he had been anxious to avoid, _viz._, a break with the Masons. Irritated by his critics, he wrote: “The Free Masons can not be angry with him [Robison].... If therefore any are really angry here, it must be because he has touched and exposed their secret friends.”

[686] The reference is to Professor Tappan’s sermon before the senior class of Harvard. _Cf. supra_, pp. 244 _et seq._

[687] In this instance the reference is not to President Dwight’s Fourth of July sermon: that sermon had not yet been seen by Morse; but to an allusion made by Dwight to Robison’s book in a note appended to the following pamphlet: _The Nature and Danger of Infidel Philosophy. Two Discourses, to the Candidates for the Baccalaureate, in Yale College, September 9, 1797_.... New-Haven, 1798. _Cf._ _Massachusetts Mercury_, Aug. 17, 1798.

[688] Theodore Dwight’s Fourth of July oration is referred to. _Cf. supra_, pp. 246 _et seq._

[689] _Massachusetts Mercury_, Aug. 17, 1798.

[690] _Ibid._, Aug. 21, 1798.

[691] _Massachusetts Mercury_, Aug. 21, 1798. Morse’s article in this issue of the _Mercury_, perhaps more discursive and less convincing than anything he had previously written on the general subject, at various points descends to the level of abuse, in which Robison’s hostile English reviewers, the Reverend William Bentley (for reasons that will appear later), and “Censor” are made to share.

[692] _Massachusetts Mercury_, Aug. 28, 1798. In explanation of the delicacy and difficulty of such a task as Robison’s, Morse offered to his readers the following: “The schemes and views of Conspirators are often veiled in language and signs intelligible only to themselves; they correspond under fictitious names; their papers are sparingly multiplied, artfully detached, and most cautiously concealed.” (_Ibid._) The apologetic motive is evident.

[693] _Ibid._ With a “summary account” of the documents upon which Robison had relied in the composition of his book and of which Morse had no first-hand knowledge, and with an examination of the alleged differences between the accounts of the “conspiracy” by Robison and Barruel (_cf. ibid._, Aug. 31, 1798), Morse’s prolix discussion of the subject came to a close. During the time that his articles were in process of publication, “Censor” contributed a fresh article to the _Mercury_, admitting that his faith in the existence of the European Illuminati was growing, but still protesting that Robison was to be regarded as extremely blameworthy on account of the false and calumnious attacks that he had made on worthy private characters in his _Proofs_. _Cf._ the _Massachusetts Mercury_ of August 28 for this article by “Censor.” What degree of unmixed comfort this may have afforded Morse, we may guess.

[694] As yet Barruel’s _Memoirs of Jacobinism_ was known to Americans only in the literature of English reviews.

2. INCONCLUSIVE DEVELOPMENTS OF MORSE’S SECOND FORMAL DELIVERANCE

With the approach of the anniversary thanksgiving in Massachusetts, late in November, 1798, public discussion of the Illuminati broke out afresh. Once more the columns of the _Massachusetts Mercury_ became the chief medium of communication. Stirred, it appears, by the announcement from abroad that the first three volumes of the Abbé Barruel’s _Memoirs of Jacobinism_ had been translated into English, a contributor to the _Mercury_ took occasion to comment at length on the marvelous corroboratory evidence which that work was about to supply to the English reading public with respect to the great and terrible conspiracy which Professor Robison had laid bare.[695]

This advance commendation of Barruel’s composition was not destined to be received with unanimous approval. “A Friend to Truth” was unable to restrain the impulse to exclaim:

The paper signed “A Customer” could find but one man contemptible
enough to write it. It has his ignominy and his guilt.... No excuse
can be made for the late publication. If Barruel’s work be not yet
in America, why not wait till it comes?... The public are cautioned
against all anonymous defamers, from whom our Country has suffered
its greatest evils.[696]

Time and space were claimed by this writer to call attention also to alleged discrepancies of a serious nature between Robison’s account of the rise of the Illuminati and its early relations with Freemasonry and the account of the same matters by Barruel, as reflected in English reviews of the latter’s work. Quite incidentally “A Friend to Truth” threw out the suggestion that Robison was not always in command of his reason.[697]

Such an indecisive passage at arms obviously called for further hostilities. The aspersion upon Robison’s sanity must immediately be branded as infamous, and the charge that Barruel had contradicted Robison boldly pronounced a lie.[698] “Trepidus” felt drawn to enter the combat at this juncture, with satire as his principal weapon. He knew of nothing so amazing and so wonderful as the discoveries which Mr. Robison and his commentators had made respecting the achievements of the Illuminati in America.[699] Surely there was nothing half so dreadful about the Catalinarian conspiracy, the Sicilian Vespers, the massacre of St. Bartholomew, or the Gunpowder Plot. But he, too, had a mysterious cabal to expose. The people who were vulgarly called “Quakers,” but who had assumed the suspicious name of “Friends,” were they not conspirators?

The Illuminati esteem all ecclesiastical establishments profane,
irreligious, and tyrannical; so do the Quakers. They hold also
the obligations of brotherly love and universal benevolence.
The Quakers not only profess these Atheistical principles, but
actually reduce them to practice. The Illuminati hold the enormous
doctrine of the Equality of mankind. So do these Quakers. They,
like the Illuminati, have a general correspondence through all
their meetings, delegates constantly moving, and one day, at every
quarterly meeting, set apart for _private business_; and I engage
to prove at the bar of any tribunal in the United States, that
these Friends, these men so horribly distinguished for benevolence
and philanthropy, (Ah! philanthropy!) have held, and do still hold
a constant correspondence with their nefarious accomplices in
Europe.... _Awake, arise, or be forever fallen!_[700]

These, however, were the sentiments of mere scribblers. Such were able to handle the subject seriously or lightly according as their sympathies or their prejudices were most appealed to. It was evident that in either case such men charged themselves with no personal responsibility to get at the precise facts. What was needed was the testimony and counsel of one who, recognizing the gravity of the interests involved and having accumulated and weighed the evidence, should be able to speak the language of enlightened conviction, backed by the force of a position among his fellow citizens which would entitle his words to respect. An attempt to meet that need was about to be made, how successfully we shall soon be in a position to judge.

On the day of the anniversary thanksgiving referred to in the beginning of this chapter, the Reverend Jedediah Morse was again before his people in his Charlestown pulpit, to speak to them under the inspiration of another high occasion in the commonwealth’s life. Of what would he speak? The day had, of course, its own definite suggestions. Governor Increase Sumner, in appointing it, apparently had felt that Massachusetts’ measure of providential mercies had been well filled.[701] The earth had yielded a sufficient supply for the wants of the people, and the efforts of industrious husbandmen had been well rewarded. The state’s fisheries had been prospered, and its commerce, although much interrupted by the violence and rapacity of unreasonable men, had been generally attended with success. Order and tranquillity had continued to reign in the commonwealth, and although a mortal contagious disease had been permitted for a time to afflict the city of Boston, yet Providence had been pleased to set bounds to the progress of the plague, and once more the voice of health and plenty was generally heard. The constitutions of civil government were still enjoyed; the life and usefulness of the nation’s chief magistrate had been spared and continued; and despite the past impenitence of the people, they were still indulged with the Christian religion.[702]

Would these considerations engage the thought of the minister of Charlestown and inspire his tongue to speak the language of thanksgiving and praise? Only in part.[703] Morse’s mind was occupied, not so much with the thought of mercies bestowed as with that of perils to be faced. Passing lightly over the more favorable and reassuring aspects of the state of public affairs, he seized upon various items in the governor’s proclamation to point out those untoward elements in the situation which seemed to him to supply ample warrant for alarm.

The proclamation of the governor had referred to the uninterrupted order and tranquillity of the state. True; this was a mercy with which, under the favor of Providence, the people of Massachusetts had been blessed. Yet, unhappily, serious differences in political and religious opinions had been permitted to exist. Men might call these differences a mere war of words; but words are often calculated to bring on a more serious conflict. Such party zeal and animosities as had been raging would now somewhat abate, let it be hoped, and thus the heat of battle would be found to be past. But undeniably the crisis had been grave.[704]

The “Constitutions of Civil Government” were still enjoyed; but they had been, and still were seriously threatened. The main sources from which such dangers issue deserved to be pointed out. The vices and demoralizing principles of the people generally, their selfish spirit as conspicuously expressed in their insatiable ardor to become rich, the spread of infidel and atheistical principles in all parts of the country, the increase of luxury, extravagance, and dissipation, the spirit of insubordination to civil authority,—these constituted the perils against which the most powerful precautions must be taken.[705] The people of the United States were not sufficiently aroused to a sense of the high importance of the experiment of free government which they were making before the eyes of the world. Unless prompt reformation took place, they must make their choice between a voluntary increase in the power of government on the one hand, and revolution, anarchy, and military despotism on the other.[706]

The real nub of the matter, however, was yet to be considered. “The blessings of good government have been most imminently and immediately endangered by _foreign intrigue_.”[707] Enlarging upon this proposition, Morse argued that for twenty years and more foreign intrigue had been the bane of the country’s independence, peace, and prosperity. By it, insidious efforts had been made to diminish the nation’s limits, its importance, and its resources. By it, national prejudices had been kept alive. By it, efforts had been made to render efficient government impossible.[708] This spirit, which in other nations had brought about their downfall and left them, like the republics of Europe, prostrate at the feet of France,[709] had thus far been thwarted here only by means of the administration of government, wise, firm, dignified, and “supported by the enlightened and ardent patriotism of the people, seasonably manifested, with great unanimity, from all quarters of the Union, in patriotic addresses, in a voluntary tender of military services, and liberal means of naval defence.”[710]

As to the country’s continued indulgence with the Christian religion,[711] it should be said that this blessing was regularly recognized in the governor’s proclamation, and always called for loudest praise. However, at that particular hour there were extraordinary reasons why the praise of citizens should be unusually fervent; for were not those times

... when secret and systematic means have been adopted and pursued,
with zeal and activity, by wicked and artful men, in foreign
countries, to undermine the foundations of this Religion, and to
overthrow its Altars, and thus to deprive the world of its benign
influence on society, and believers of their solid consolations
and animating hopes; when we know that these impious conspirators
and philanthropists have completely effected their purposes in a
large portion of Europe, and boast of their means of accomplishing
their plan in all parts of Christendom, glory in the certainty of
their success, and set opposition at defiance; when we can mark
the progress of these enemies of human happiness among ourselves,
in the corruption of the principles and morals of our youth; the
contempt thrown on Religion, its ordinances and ministers; in the
increase and boldness of infidelity, and even of Atheism?[712]

The foregoing abstract takes account of all the important points in the text of Morse’s anniversary thanksgiving sermon. The reader will not need instruction as to the commonplace character of Morse’s pulpit performance. The distinguishing character of the production, however, is not to be sought in the sermon proper, but in the astonishing array of supplementary material by which it was accompanied when it appeared in its printed form. This material consisted of numerous foot notes and a bulky appendix of some fifty pages. The foot notes frequently commented upon passages in the works of Robison and Barruel. Since they throw no light upon the fundamental questions at issue, we may pass them by. One, however, was unique; and because of its suggestiveness for the future trend of public discussion respecting the Illuminati, it must be cited in full.

The probable existence of Illuminism in this country was asserted
in my Fast Discourse of May last. The following fact, related by a
very respectable divine, while it confirms what is above asserted,
shews that my apprehensions were not without foundation. “In the
northern parts of this state [Massachusetts] as I am well informed,
there has lately appeared, and still exists under a licentious
leader, a company of beings who discard the principles of religion,
and the obligations of morality, trample on the bonds of matrimony,
the separate rights of property, and the laws of civil society,
spend the sabbath in labour and divertion, as fancy dictates; and
the nights in riotous excess and promiscuous concubinage, as lust
impels. Their number consists of about forty, some of whom are
persons of reputable abilities, and once, of decent characters.
That a society of this description, which would disgrace the
natives of Caffraria, should be formed in this land of civilization
and Gospel light, is an evidence that the devil is at this time
gone forth, having great influence, as well as great wrath.” _Cf._
a Sermon on “the Dangers of the times, especially from a lately
discovered Conspiracy against Religion and Government. By Rev.
Joseph Lathrop, D. D., of West Springfield.”[713]

This foot note speaks for itself. The Appendix, or supplement of Morse’s sermon, was made up of a curious mixture of heterogeneous documents, such as an original survey of the history of the United States from the time that the Federal government was established, extracts from the confidential correspondence which passed between French agents in this country and the French government,[714] and extracts from the correspondence of various public characters in the United States, all tending to enforce the point that from the beginning of the relations between our government and that of France, the controlling aim and spirit of the latter had been to work despicable and ruinous intrigue.[715]

All of this, it may be said, was fairly typical of the pabulum which Federalist leaders were regularly serving up to the people in 1798, and signified little or nothing concerning the existence of French conspirators wearing the Illuminati brand who may, or may not, have been at work in America at the time.

One section of the Appendix, however, supplied some evidence of a definite effort to leave generalities and deal intimately with the point at issue. In this section[716] Morse sought to connect the Illuminati with “the Jacobin Clubs instituted by Genet.”[717] Like their sister organizations in France they had been constituted after the manner and with the principles of the European Illuminati. The fact that the members of these American organizations have been the leading disseminators of the _principles_ of Illuminism in this country, as well as the circulators of all those publications, like Paine’s _Age of Reason_, whose object is to discredit and throw contempt upon the Christian religion, clearly fixes their status as “the apostles of Illuminism.”[718] Frowned upon by the Federal government, these American organizations have ceased to act openly; “but, like their parent society in Bavaria which, when suppressed under one form, was soon revived again under the name of the German Union,”[719] so their offspring in the United States now hypocritically mask themselves under the name of The American Society of United Irishmen.[720]

Taken by itself, it would be impossible to state how favorably this presentation of the case against Illuminism impressed the public mind.[721] But as a matter of fact, on the occasion of the Massachusetts anniversary thanksgiving referred to, Morse was by no means compelled to bear his testimony alone. By the time that occasion came round, the subject of Illuminism had solicited the attention and concern of the Federalist clergy generally; on which account it happened that a considerable amount of clerical artillery was unlimbered and trained upon the new foe.

At Haverhill, the Reverend Abiel Abbott, in language emphatic, if somewhat high-flown, voiced his alarm:

Upon the authority of a respectable writer in Europe and of
corroboratory testimonies, it is now generally believed that the
present day is unfolding a design the most extensive, flagitious,
and diabolical, that human art and malice have ever invented. Its
object is the total destruction of all religion and civil order.
If accomplished, the earth can be nothing better than a sink
of impurities, a theatre of violence and murder, and a hell of
miseries. Its origination was in Germany; its hot-bed now is Paris.
Its nursing fathers are the French Government; its apostles are
their generals and armies. Its fruits have been seen in France;
Christianity expelled; its priesthood seized and murdered, or
hunted down in neutral countries and demanded of their hospitable
protectors at the peril of war and ruin.—And now, were our first
magistrate an Illuminatus, a conspirator in league with the horde
in Europe, the grand master of the demoralizers in America,
how soon might the American republic have been degraded to the
deplorable state of the French?[722]

At Deerfield, the Reverend John Taylor dwelt upon “the good effect ... produced upon the public mind by the fortunate discovery of a secret conspiracy in Europe, against all the religions and governments on earth.”[723] One of the evidences of this salutary impression, he said, was to be found in the fact that even the confirmed infidels in America had been shocked.[724] At Andover, the Reverend Jonathan French did not consider his full duty discharged when he had uttered a general warning against men of treachery, slander, and falsehood in the nation, men who have spared no pains in fomenting difficulties and divisions.[725] He believed it to be incumbent upon him to strike out at that “envenomed serpent in the grass,” France, whose tools, said he, were here, according to two writers of eminence and credit, Professor Robison and the Abbé Barruel.[726] The works of these two authors, French’s hearers were informed, “ought to rouse the attention, awaken the vigilance, and excite the endeavors of every friend to religion, to develop the dark designs, and to guard against the baneful influence of all such dangerous secret machinations.”[727] Through the pulpit ministrations of the Reverend Joseph Eckley, auditors at the Old South Church in Boston had their attention drawn to the same topic, although the language employed by this clergyman was somewhat less specific than that which has just been noted.[728]

Other pastors, while refraining from definite reference to the Illuminati, took occasion to exploit the subject of French intrigue, with a view to awakening in their hearers a keen sense of instant alarm. Of such, the efforts of the Reverend Nathan Strong, pastor of the North Presbyterian Church in Hartford,[729] and the Reverend Henry Cumings, pastor of the church in Billerica, deserve mention. Strong contended that foreign influence, if not promptly checked, would work here the same havoc it had wrought in France, _i. e._, the demoralizing principles of infidelity and political engagements and alliances would chain the people of the United States to “a burning pile”;[730] and Cumings developed the idea that the war impending between this country and France possibly amounted to an act of intervention on the part of God to rescue the United States as a brand from the burning.[731] By the breaking out of war a providential check would be put

... to that alarming inundation of impiety and infidelity, which,
having overwhelmed a great part of Europe, has lately rolled
its swelling waves across the Atlantic ... threatening our
happy country with an universal devastation of every religious
sentiment, moral principle, and rational enjoyment, together with
the consequent introduction of that wretched unhallowed philosophy
which degrades a man to a level with the beasts that perish,”[732]
_etc._

On the whole, the idea of secret and systematic plottings against the liberties and institutions of the people of the United States was extensively promoted by clerical agency during the autumn and winter of 1798–99. For it is not to be lost sight of that such pulpit utterances as have just been noticed were considerably more than _mere_ pulpit pronouncements. Issued from the presses of New England, these sermons were scattered widely through the country[733] and, no doubt, were widely read. Some representatives of the clergy, as we have seen, spoke out with distinctness regarding the Illuminati, asserting that this organization would have to be reckoned with by their fellow citizens. Others committed themselves no farther than to emphasize foreign intrigue of the French stripe, and to characterize it as a vital thrust at the country’s peace and prosperity. The total effect was to invite a general airing of the issue which Jedediah Morse had raised in his fast day sermon of May 9, 1798, and to render imperative a sifting of evidence.

The part played by the newspapers is less easily interpreted, since it calls for the survey of a much less solid body of opinion. Some journals adopted an attitude of discreet silence, apparently waiting for the mists which enveloped the subject to clear. Others opened their columns impartially to champions and antagonists, willing to be used to let light in upon a dark and perplexing matter. The policy (the word seems strangely out of place in connection with the average New England newspaper of the period) of several of these journals can best be stated in terms of their own behavior.

The course pursued by the _Columbian Centinel_[734] left nothing to be desired as respects impartiality. As early as August 11, 1798, there appeared in this paper the following sarcastic “epistles”:

Epistle from Professor Robison, in Scotland, to Professor Morse, in America:

“_Dear Brother_,
Will you scratch my back?
Yours affectionately,
J. ROBISON.”

Another Epistle, from Professor Morse, in America, to Professor Robison, in Scotland:

“_Dear Brother_,
I’ll scratch your back, if you will scratch my elbow.
Yours affectionately,
JED. MORSE.”

A few weeks later there appeared in the same paper an article whose author professed that having read “The Cannibals’ Progress, the Freemason’s illuminati, and some other documents of the French nation,” he had been brought round to the conclusion that the depravity of the human race was astounding. He could no longer doubt that the conspiracy against religions and governments was not only deeply laid, but was likewise spreading far and wide. He was convinced that the proofs of its existence in America were to be observed generally throughout the country, “in every society where there is the least prospect of success, in misleading and dividing our citizens.”[735] To this another contributor was given opportunity to respond with an expression of sentiments intended to sweep the views of the former aside as inordinately nonsensical and silly.[736]

After the autumn crop of thanksgiving sermons had revived interest in the subject of the Illuminati, the _Centinel_ published one article which really shed a modicum of light upon the subject. This consisted of a letter which had originally been received in England from Germany, together with certain observations from the pen of the anonymous contributor who offered it in evidence.[737] The letter bore the signature of one Augustus Böttiger, who identified himself as “Counsellor of the Upper Consistory, and Provost of the College of Weimar.”[738] It concerned itself with the amused astonishment with which, according to its author, Professor Robison’s _Proofs of a Conspiracy_ had been received in Germany, in view of the fact that from 1790 on every interest in the Illuminati had ceased in that country. The Freemasons of Germany, Böttiger asserted, had had absolutely nothing to do with Illuminism from the date mentioned. In the observations which accompanied this letter the information was advanced that in England all public interest in Illuminism had likewise died out, owing to the contemptuous estimate which the people of that country had come to place upon the works of Robison and Barruel.[739]

In the heat which had arisen over the subject of Illuminism it was impossible that this bit of evidence should pass without being sharply challenged. A rough and scurrilous rejoinder to these productions appeared in the _Centinel_ of January 19, 1799. Questions were boldly raised concerning the identity of the addressee of the Böttiger letter; how the letter had chanced to find its way to America; where it had been translated; what were the religious and political sentiments of the author; who was the person that penned the remarks by which it had been accompanied in the _Centinel_; how the latter had come into possession of his pretentious stock of information respecting the state of public opinion in England, _et cetera, et cetera_. Neither the writer nor his friends were favorably impressed. “The naked declaration of an unknown paragraphist, probably enough an emigrant illuminatist, will not be sufficient with enlightened Americans to convict Professor Robison or Abbé Barruel of criminality or even of error in their publications.”[740]

Another newspaper that sought to hold to a noncommittal course was the _Massachusetts Mercury_, as might have been anticipated in view of circumstances already related. After the generous hearing which this journal, in the summer and fall of 1798, accorded to both sides in the controversy, a marked diminution of its interest for a season is noticeable. A search through its files for the winter of 1798–99 discloses nothing more than an occasional article bearing on the subject. One of these came to light in the issue of December 7.[741] “Anti-Illuminism” solicited the public ear that he might testify to the change that had taken place in his personal convictions. An examination of Robison’s volume and reflection upon the amount of abuse which that author had been compelled to suffer had persuaded him that there was positive truth in the charge of conspiracy that had been made. He was now certain that the Masons were not the harmless persons he had formerly believed them to be. The vociferous attempt which had been made to vindicate American Freemasonry impressed him as decidedly premature. It was clear to him that _all_ secret societies were dangerous.

It might have been expected that a Democratic sheet as violent and aggressive as the _Independent Chronicle_ would range itself squarely against the alarmists, and seek, if not by argument at least by unlicensed vituperation, to distract the public interest. But as a matter of fact, the _Chronicle_ elected to adopt a very different attitude.[742] Morse and his associates in the special cause which he and they were pleading should be treated with contemptuous indifference. The _bête noire_ of the editors of the _Chronicle_ was “political preaching.” This new agitation over Illuminism, for which the clergy were chiefly responsible, was but one other proof of their incorrigible impertinence in turning aside from their legitimate functions. In displaying “his over-heated zeal ... in silly tales about the ‘illuminati’,”[743] Morse was but holding true to type.[744]

At Hartford, next to Boston the main center of the Illuminati agitation in New England, two papers, the _American Mercury_ and the _Connecticut Courant_, assisted materially in giving publicity to the controversy. The former at first gave some evidence of a disposition to treat Morse’s presentation of the case with respect. Extracts from the latter’s fast day sermon of May 9, 1798, were given to this journal’s readers;[745] and the annual poem which at the beginning of the new year (1799) it furnished to its patrons, testified to the widespread interest that the general public in Connecticut had come to have in the subject of the Illuminati.[746] It was not long after this, however, that Elisha Babcock, editor of the _Mercury_, found reason to become rabidly hostile to Morse and his agitation.[747]

As for the _Connecticut Courant_, its behavior was precisely what one should expect from a journal breathing always a spirit of arrogant and unreasoning Federalism. Quick to take advantage of any new issue which gave promise of offering discomfiture to the Democrats, and all too often impatient to the point of exasperation over so slight a question as the essential soundness of the facts involved, from the first day that it was made aware of the agitation against the Illuminati, the _Courant_ gave every encouragement to the men who were trying to awaken the people of the country to a sense of the gravity of the peril that threatened. The books, pamphlets, sermons, orations, and leading newspaper contributions that appeared upon the subject, these the _Courant_ urged upon the attention of its readers, and gave such assistance as it was able in the exposition of their respective merits.[748]

The political possibilities in the situation supplied the chief, if not the only animus for this playing-up of the case by the _Courant_. On this point little room for doubt is left. One contributor who heard Theodore Dwight’s Fourth of July oration asserted that not till then had his eyes been opened to see in Mr. Jefferson “anything more than the foe of certain men, who were in possession of places to which he might think himself entitled;” but Dwight convinced him that Jefferson “is the _real Jacobin_, the very child of _modern illumination_, the foe of man, and the enemy of his country.”[749] Another argued that the zeal of the Democrats for office was to be treated as a part of the scheme of Illuminatism in America “to worm its votaries into all offices of trust, and importance, that the weapon of government, upon signal given, may be turned against itself.”[750] Still another contended that the one concern of the Democrats of Connecticut was to dispense “to the people of this state the _precious doctrines_ of the Illuminati.”[751]

The contributions to the agitation made by two newspapers that were published outside of New England but which were extensively circulated and much quoted in that region, are entitled to consideration at this point. These were _Porcupine’s Gazette_ and the _Aurora General Advertiser_, both Philadelphia publications and, it may be remarked in passing, both tremendously influential throughout the entire country.

William Cobbett, the editor of the former, participated in the publication of the first American edition of Robison’s _Proofs of a Conspiracy_. As soon as the book was ready for distribution he announced the fact in his paper, accompanying the advertisement with flattering testimonials gleaned from the _London Review_.[752] Later, he gave to his readers his personal estimate of the merits of Robison’s production.[753] In his judgment the _Proofs_ was of such great value that it deserved to be read by every living man. For one thing, “it unravels everything that appears mysterious in the progress of the French Revolution.”[754]

In the issue of _Porcupine’s Gazette_ for August 9, 1798, Cobbett expressed his deep interest in the reports which had come to him respecting Morse’s fast day sermon and the “Vindication” with which, he understood, Morse had followed his sermon. He would be grateful to any gentleman who would send him a copy of the “Vindication,” since there could be no doubt as to its great public utility. Very promptly his desire was gratified, and Morse’s articles in vindication of Robison, which in the summer of that year he contributed to the _Massachusetts Mercury_, began to be spread before the readers of _Porcupine’s Gazette_.[755]

Following their publication, other matters appear to have held the restless attention of Cobbett for a time and no further reference of an extended character to the affairs of the Illuminati appeared in this paper until February of the following year.

Upon the receipt of a copy of Morse’s thanksgiving sermon, Cobbett communicated to his readers the joy he experienced in being able to put them in possession of extracts from it.[756] Morse’s sermon, in his judgment, was an extraordinary performance. Of its Appendix he wrote:

“This Appendix is one of the most valuable political tracts that ever appeared in America, whether we view it as a collection of facts, or as an address to the reason and feelings of the people.”[757] Of the sermon as a whole he wrote:

It has gone through two editions, and a third is about to be
commenced. Doctor Morse has long been regarded as a benefactor
to his country; but notwithstanding his former labours have been
of great utility, this last work, I have no hesitation to say,
surpasses them all in this respect; and it must, if there be any
such thing as _national gratitude_ in America, render the author
the object of universal esteem. He has brought to light facts which
people in general never before dreamed of, and however deaf the
middle and southern states may be to his warning voice, New-England
will listen to it.[758]

This was very strong language, providing the personality of William Cobbett is left out of account! How soothingly it fell upon the ears of a certain clergyman in New England, which ears, it may be remarked, were growing accustomed to much less kindly comment, we may leave to conjecture.

As for Benjamin Franklin Bache, the editor of the _Aurora_[759] and as militant an advocate of Democratic principles as this country contained, all such views of the case were so much puerile _fol de rol_. Robison’s _Proofs_ was a blending of “a most absurd collection of stories respecting the mystical societies in Germany with some fragments of histories of French Free Masonry, ... [an] inconsistent Farrago.”[760] Weak indeed must be the cause of despotism “when its Satellites can imagine a dissemination of such contemptible mummery would calumniate the friends of Liberty or paralize their efforts to explore the _divinity of kings_, or the _dogma of priests_.”[761] The explanation of Morse’s faith in Robison’s book is to be sought in the fact that the minister of Charlestown received his doctor’s degree from the University of Glasgow; and therefore on the principle, “Tickle me and I’ll scratch you,” the Glasgow professor’s production was entitled to credit.[762]

FOOTNOTES:

[695] _Massachusetts Mercury_, Nov. 3, 1798: article by “A Customer.”

[696] _Massachusetts Mercury_, Nov. 13, 1798.

[697] _Ibid._

[698] _Ibid._, Nov. 16, 1798. Extracts from Barruel’s _Memoirs_, garnered from English reviews, were offered in evidence by this writer. The charge of _contradiction_ was hotly commanded by him to give place to the darker charge of _designed perversion_ on the part of Robison’s enemies.

[699] _Ibid._, Nov. 30, 1798.

[700] _Massachusetts Mercury_, Nov. 30, 1798.

[701] _Massachusetts Mercury_, Oct. 26, 1798.

[702] _Ibid._

[703] _A Sermon, Preached at Charlestown, November 29, 1798, on the Anniversary Thanksgiving in Massachusetts. With an Appendix, designed to illustrate some parts of the Discourse; exhibiting proofs of the early existence, progress, and deleterious effects of French intrigue and influence in the United States._ By Jedediah Morse, D. D., pastor of the church in Charlestown.... Boston, December, 1798. Two reprints of the sermon were issued early in the next year.

[704] Morse, _op. cit._, p. 9.

[705] _Ibid._, pp. 10–14.

[706] Morse, _op. cit._, p. 15.

[707] _Ibid._

[708] _Ibid._

[709] _Ibid._, p. 16.

[710] _Ibid._, p. 18.

[711] The sermon was preached in two parts, morning and afternoon, and concerning Morse’s discussion of the Christian religion this explanatory mote appears in the printed report: “The last article, respecting the _Christian Religion_, which constituted the whole of the forenoon sermon, being a _common_, though always _interesting_ subject, has been considerably abridged.” (_Ibid._, p. 4.) This is only one of many marks of the great care Morse took to get the printed report of the sermon before the public in the most impressive form possible. He was fully conscious of the fact that he had an allegation to defend as well as a demurrer to oppose.

[712] Morse, _op. cit._, pp. 20–22.

[713] Morse’s _Anniversary Thanksgiving Sermon_, pp. 22 _et seq._ The sermon of Lathrop referred to bears the following title: _A Sermon, on the Dangers of the Times, from Infidelity and Immorality; and especially from a lately discovered Conspiracy against Religion and Government, delivered at West-Springfield and afterward at Springfield_. By Joseph Lathrop, D. D., Springfield, September, 1798. The statement that Morse quotes appears on page 14 of Lathrop’s sermon. _Cf._ Cunningham, Abner, _Practical Infidelity Portrayed and the Judgments of God Made Manifest_, (3rd. edition), New York, 1836, pp. 42–46, where a somewhat similar situation in Orange County, New York, is referred to, and with suggestions of secret revolutionary designs not unlike those made by Lathrop. The situation referred to by Cunningham is also dealt with by F. M. Ruttenber, in his _History of the County of Orange, with a History of the Town and City of Newburgh ..._. Newburgh, N. Y., 1875, pp. 164 _et seq._ Woodbridge Riley’s article on _Early Free-Thinking Societies in America_ (Harvard Theological Review, July, 1918, pp. 247–284) came to the attention of the author of this study when the entire dissertation was in page proof.

[714] Some of these dated as far back as 1782, and none of them need have been disturbing to a calm mind.

[715] The following letter, written by Morse to Timothy Pickering, throws considerable light upon the sources from which the most of these documents were derived and the manner and spirit in which they were compiled.

“Charlestown, Jan. 22^d, 1799.
_Dear Sir_,

I take the liberty to enclose for your acceptance a copy of my Thanksgiving Discourse. The Appendix contains some documents not before published. I hope the publication of them, in the manner I have done, will not be deemed premature. I did it by the advice of some of the wisest & best informed men in this vicinity.

I think it my duty, confidentially to make known to you the sources from which I obtained my information, that you may better know how to appreciate its authenticity. It will rest with you, Sir, to make what use of it you may think expedient. I wish it may be communicated to the President.

Mr. J. Jackson, Supervisor, favored me with Mr. Marbois’ Letter, & the Letter p. 41 whh is from Mr. Adams.—I should not have published the latter, had it not before appeared in print in a political pamphlet printed in Phila lately. The member of Congress from whom I derived the documents contained between pages 43 & 52, is Mr. S. Higginson, who also wrote the Letters whh follow to page 56. Note E, p. 66 & G, p. 69 & H, p. 70 were furnished (at least the information they contain) by Mr. G. Cabot. The Letters under Note H, from a diplomatic character in Europe, are from Mr. K—g—. [Rufus King?] The Emigrant mentioned p. 69—was the Duke de Liancourt, whose name I see in Porcupine’s Gazette of January 11, as about to revisit this Country. The American was Mr. G. C. above mentioned. The note concerning Volney, p. 21 was furnished by Genl. K—x [General Henry Knox?] & Mr. G. C. The fact mentioned p. 68 relative to Paine’s Age of Reason, 15,000 copies of which are asserted to have been poured into this Country at one time from France, rests chiefly on the authority of a well written piece published last summer in Porcupine’s Gazette. I wish, Sir, if you are knowing to the fact, or can ascertain the truth, you would do me the favor to furnish me with the evidence. I know not that it will be controverted, but should it be it is well to have it in my power to substantiate it. I feel prepared to substantiate all other of my assertions.

I am persuaded, Sir, you will properly appreciate my motives in making the above communication, as also in publishing the Sermon & Appendix. I live among a people many of whom err in Sentiment & Conduct through their want of information. It was especially for their benefit that the Appendix was compiled. With great and very sincere respect,

I am, Sir, your most Obd. Servt,
JED^H MORSE.”
_Pickering Papers_, vol. xxiv, 29.

[716] Morse’s _Thanksgiving Sermon_, “Note F,” pp. 67 _et seq._

[717] Morse’s _Thanksgiving Sermon_, p. 67. The reference is, of course, to the Democratic Clubs.

[718] Morse’s _Thanksgiving Sermon_, pp. 68 _et seq._

[719] _Ibid._, p. 67.

[720] _Ibid._ This secret organization referred to by Morse was founded in Ireland about 1791. It was in part the outgrowth of republican sentiments which the French Revolution inspired in the Irish people, in part of similar sentiments earlier received. _Cf._ Madden, _The United Irishmen_, vol. i, pp. 3–44. The object of the organization was to obtain complete emancipation for both Catholics and Dissenters, and to reform the Irish parliament. The group manifested a bold revolutionary spirit. When the English government resorted to strong repressive measures, many of its members came to America. The Irish Rebellion of 1798 sent other Irish political exiles here; with the result that by many in this country the situation was adjudged to be alarming. William Cobbett (“Peter Porcupine”) was one of the most aggressive opponents of the movement in America. _The Proceedings of the Society of the United Irishmen of Dublin_ was published at Philadelphia in 1795. The same year Cobbett published _A Bone to Gnaw, for the Democrats; or Observations on a Pamphlet entitled “The Political Progress of Britain.”_ Part ii of Cobbett’s pamphlet was devoted to the _Proceedings_ just mentioned. Cobbett’s paper, _Porcupine’s Gazette_, to a considerable extent was devoted to the raising of an alarm against the United Irishmen. Cobbett urged that the United Irishmen represented a conspiracy on the part of France to ruin the United States. See _Porcupine’s Gazette_, May 8, 10, 1798. Since Cobbett was one of the men in America deeply interested in Robison’s _Proofs of a Conspiracy_ (_cf._ particularly _Porcupine’s Gazette_ for May 18, July 14, and Aug. 13, 1798), and since Cobbett printed in his paper much that Morse published on the subject of the Illuminati (see, for example, _Porcupine’s Gazette_ for Aug. 9 and 13, 1798; Feb. 25, 26, and June 3, 1799), it is at least believable that Morse took from Cobbett the suggestion about the identification of the Illuminati with the United Irishmen. _The Commercial Advertiser_ of New York was another newspaper that gave attention to the subject of the United Irishmen. The issue of that paper for Nov. 1, 1798, carried an extended article copied from the _Gazette of the United States_, calling upon the citizens of this country to be on their guard against the United Irishmen. The author of this article identified the United Irishmen and the French party in the United States as one. _Cf._ also the _Commercial Advertiser_ for Nov. 5, 1798. Thus Morse had abundant warrant in precedent if not in fact for the suggestion he made at this point in the Appendix to his thanksgiving sermon.

[721] One may be sure that the following caustic comment of the editor of the _Independent Chronicle_ is to be set down to instinctive repugnance and hostility, and is thus representative only of rabid partisanship: “Actions speak louder than words. If the parish observe the Minister busy about many things; if they find him more anxious about the _geographical_ description of the City of Washington or the Georgia Lands, than the _New-Jerusalem_ or the _Land of Canaan_; if they find him neglect his parish on a Sunday and employ himself during the week, to collect ridiculous fables to swell an appendix to a political publication. If he will do these things, he must expect that his Flock will not increase, and that at the year’s end, while he is exploring the territory of the United States, and hunting up Robinson’s [_sic_] straggling Illuminati, he must not be surprised if some of his _own sheep_ have strayed across the river, and become the care of a more attentive shepherd.” (_Ibid._, Jan. 7, 1799.)

[722] _A Memorial of Divine Benefits. In a Sermon, delivered at Exeter, on the 15th, and at Haverhill, on the 29th of November, 1798, days of Public Thanksgiving, in New-Hampshire and Massachusetts._ By Abiel Abbot, pastor of the First Church in Haverhill. Haverhill, Massachusetts, 1798, pp. 18 _et seq._

[723] _A Sermon, delivered on the day of Public Thanksgiving, at Deerfield; Nov. 29, ’98._ By John Taylor. A. M., pastor of the church at Deerfield. Greenfield (n. d.), p. 13.

[724] Taylor’s _Thanksgiving Sermon_, p. 13.

[725] _A Sermon, delivered on the Anniversary Thanksgiving, November 29, 1798, with some additions in the historical part._ By Jonathan French, A. M., pastor of the South Church in Andover. Andover, 1799. p. 23.

[726] _Ibid._, pp. 23 _et seq._

[727] _Ibid._

[728] _A Discourse, delivered on the Public Thanksgiving Day, November 29, 1798._ By Joseph Eckley, D. D., minister of the Old South Church, Boston. Boston, 1798, pp. 9, 15, 18.

[729] Connecticut kept a state thanksgiving at the same time as Massachusetts.

[730] _Political Instruction from the Prophecies of God’s Word,—a Sermon, preached on the State Thanksgiving, Nov. 29, 1798._ By Nathan Strong, pastor of the North Presbyterian Church in Hartford, Connecticut. Hartford, 1798. This sermon is characterized by an ingenious effort to remove the stigma “mother of harlots” from the Catholic hierarchy and attach it to the Revolutionary leaders in France. “It is the Talleyrands and their associates,” said Strong, “whom I conceive to be the most properly designated by the mother of harlots, in the present period of the great apostacy.” (_Ibid._, p. 17.)

[731] _A Sermon preached at Billerica, November 29, 1798, being the day of the Anniversary Thanksgiving throughout the Commonwealth of Massachusetts._ By Henry Cumings, A. M., pastor of the church in said town. Boston. 1798, p. 22.

[732] _Ibid._